thesis statement of european imperialism

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AP World DBQ Contextualization and Thesis Practice

11 min read • january 2, 2021

Eric Beckman

Evan Liddle

Melissa Longnecker

Practicing DBQ prompts is a great way to prep for the AP exam! Review practice writing samples of the opening paragraph of a DBQ and corresponding feedback from Fiveable teachers Melissa Longnecker, Eric Beckman, and Evan Liddle.

The DBQ Practice Prompt

This is the type of paragraph that can open a DBQ. But, I recommend outlining how you will use the documents as evidence  before  writing your thesis.

As you read the document-based question, I recommend taking brief notes on the prompt and each document. Record what the prompt is asking, how each document relates to the prompt, and how the sourcing affects the document and/or a response to the prompt. Don’t write too much, but you will find these notes useful when while composing your answer.

Evaluate the extent to which rulers of early modern empires, c. 1450 - c. 1750, used traditional methods to consolidate their power.

Use the documents and your understanding of World History to write ONE (no more!) paragraph with

• Broader historical context for the prompt
• A thesis in response to the prompt

Illustration of the First Battle of Panipat (1526), near Delhi, in the Baburnama, the autobiography of Babur. Manuscript prepared for his grandson, Emperor Akbar after Baur’s death, c. 1590

DBQ Writing Samples & Feedback

Dbq student practice sample 1.

From 1200 to 1450, the rulers of empires came up with several methods conssolidating power. An example of this is the Mongol’s implementation of trade and tolerance of the spread of religion. This paved the way for future rulers to hold power while ensuring that their empire would thrive. Rulers of empires between 1450 and 1700 relied heavily traditional methods such as an trade and an established currency system to consolidate their power.

Teacher feedback:

This is an excellent first step, I can tell from your answer you do have the basic idea of what context is supposed to be.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 2

The Ottoman, Mughal, and Safavid Empires, formerly known as the “Gunpowder Empires”, were spreading rapidly. The Qing Dynasty was also spreading Europe is trying to expand and build maritime empires, and trade routes are connecting the Americas to Europe. Rulers of early modern empires circa 1450-1750 very effectively used traditional methods to consolidate power, for example, Suleiman I, a former ruler of the Ottoman Empire conquers Tripoli in North Africa and starts a period of reform called the Devishrime; in the Safavid Empire, Shah Abbas comes to power in 1588 and tries to modernize the empire through encouraging trade and building bureaucracy, and in the Mughal Empire, Akbar establishes Divine Faith in attempts to normalize religious tolerance.

Context can be focused on the time period under discussion but context usually branches out into time before and possibly even after the prompt’s time period. You do have an excellent, if narrow, thesis.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 3

Before the time period of 1450-1700,the Mongols contributed to the downfall of the Abbasid caliphate as they invaded it and weakened its political influence.This caused the development of network exchanges like the silk road and Indian ocean trade routes. As a result,religions like Christianity and Islam spread and diffused but it is not always tolerated.Rulers of early modern empires used traditional methods to consolidate power like in the ottoman empire, the sultan Suleiman ,was obeyed by janissaries so this is how he got a bigger military and smarter government,in the safavid empire the ruler attempts to build a bureaucracy and modernize

Something to keep in mind is that while connecting to other events keep in mind connections and causation. For example how is the fall of the Abbasid Caliphate connected to the Silk Road. The common denominator is the Mongols, but it does not read as such. You end your context by discussing tolerance which might be a nice transition to discussing the tolerance of the Gunpowder Empires, keep that in mind.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 4

Although the potency of empires and dynasties apart of the early modern era was composed through more-novelty methods such as sabotage and social hierarchy change, because consolidation was implemented through pervasive conversions such as how the Ottomans used the Hagia Sophia and the use of trade such as the Portuguese assimilating dominance across the trading route of the Indian Ocean methodization for imperialism between 1450 and 1700 tends to take on more traditional forms, therefore religious legitimization and commerce were attractive for gaining power to empire rulers. The differentiation of methods was promoted during the postclassical era (1200-1450). This is shown in how the Song Dynasty brought out power through advancement in multiple fields; through the allowance of varying methods power was well achieved, almost acting as a model for future imperial powerholders.

Your context is well done. While using advanced language is fine, just be sure you are clear on the meaning of these words. Your thesis, which is excellent, seems to come in the middle of the paragraph. This works, though it is a bit hard to follow.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 5

In the years leading up to 1450, The Mongols gained power all over Afro-Eurasia through their harsh warfare lead by Genghis Khan. The Mongols controlled many of the trade routes such as the Silk Roads. When they eventually fell they split up into 4 Khanates spread out over Afro-Eurasia. With these new empires forming, emperors needed to have complete power over these territories. Although few rulers created new ways to control their conquered people such as new economic advantages in Western Europe, during the period 1450-1750, rulers used traditional methods to consolidate their power by warfare, adapting/keeping previous cultures in the Middle East and Asia, and controlling international trade.

Your Context while detailed and provides a timeline to follow it does not transition smoothly into your thesis. Consider mentioning the Mongols, but in a way that dovetails into what your thesis will be about such as Mongol ruling policy or warfare. Also your thesis can be made stronger with a specific reference to a previous culture or an example of controlling international trade.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 6

Prior to 1450, vast trade networks such as the Silk Roads and the Indian Ocean networks arose, increasing interregional connection across Afro-Eurasia. This increase in connection between cultures and peoples and the use of newer technologies such as gunpowder facilitated the growth of large empires throughout the entirety of Afro-Eurasia. After the rulers of these empires had conquered enough territory, they had to find ways to solidify, or consolidate, their power over these large, culturally diverse areas of land. Although some empires used traditional religious ideals to consolidate their power, most empires turned to radical changes in the way in which trade was conducted and the unprecedented strengthening of military assets in order to accomplish this goal.

Your context is excellent, and it dovetails nicely into your thesis. Your thesis could be a bit more specific. What military assests? What trade? One good specific example really helps.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 7

Previously, in 1200-1450, empires like the Abbasid Empire and Mongol empire expanded and consolidated power through developments in technology like caravans and saddles, and also through military conquests like the implementation of the Mongolian Khanates. These approaches characterized how empires consolidated power during the postclassical era. Starting in 1450-1750 rulers of early modern empires shifted to a more traditional approach to consolidating their power through the use of religious tolerance and military conquest . Specifically, the gunpowder empires used both religious worship and militaristic conquering to expand consolidate and legitimize. Also, empires in a East Asia like the powerful Ming Dynasty expanded vastly through the conquering of lands in Mongolia and Central Asia. Lastly empires in Europe consolidated power through the development on new monarchies that centralized power through controlling taxes, army and religion. Through conquest, religious tolerance and centralized government, rules in the modern era were able to successfully consolidate power.

Your context is well done, balancing specific evidence with general trends. Your thesis is a bit long though. May I suggest combining the last three sentences into one using commas to list ideas. For example the Ming conquest of Mongolia, New Monarchs in Europe. et all

DBQ Student Practice Sample 8

In the late 14th century the Ottoman Empire developed a system called devshirme that staffed their military and government. This system expanded in the 15th and 16th centuries and continued to build up the Ottoman military. Christian boys were recruited by force to serve in the Ottoman government. The most well known group were Janissaries, which formed elite forces in the Ottoman army. The other Christian boys that were forcibly removed from their families had to be completely loyal to the sultan and some of them served as bodyguards. Janissaries were able to gain more power in the Ottoman Empire and some families wanted their sons to become a part of the service. The Ottomans could control the conquered Christians through the use of Janissaries in their armies. In 1450-1750, rulers of early modern empires used traditional methods such as improved military forces to consolidate their power.

This is an excellent description of how the system helped strengthen the Ottoman Empire, but in terms of either Contextualizing Units 3/4 or serving as a Thesis this would not work, it is too narrow, only one idea. A good thesis would have 2-3 ideas.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 9

There were three important ways that the leaders of states and empires consolidated their rule before 1450: the conquering of new lands, the proliferation of certain religions or religious tolerance, and by proliferating trade along the Indian Ocean, the Silk Road, and the Trans-Saharan trade network. Religions such as Islam and syncretic sects spread across the Trans-Saharan, Indian Ocean, and Silk Road trade networks. Empires from 1200-1450 often instritued currencies and encouraged trade to spread their empire’s religion. The Mongols controlled much of the Silk Road during the 13th and early 14th centuries. However, theMongols’ rule fell in the 14th century due to the fragmentation of the empire; the Ming, Ottoman, and Russian empires subsequently sprang up. The Ottoman, Mughal and Russian empires conquered other lands from 1450-1750 and either proliferated a certain religion or they instituted a religious tolerance policy within their empires. European empires arose in 1450-1750 by conquering trade ports and lands from around the world. Explorers also tried to proselytize others. European conquerers administered these lands by controlling the production and exportation of valuable agricultural goods to Europe, and by using forced labor systems to produce goods such as sugar and tobacco. Although rulers of early modern empires in 1450-1750 conquered foreign lands and proliferated a religious policy by emphasizing religious tolerance or by encouraging the conversion of others to one religion, European empires used maritime technologies to aid them in conquering other lands worldwide. Empires in Africa and Asia in 1450-1750 still conquered empires on land, and religious tolerance was an idea that was much more common there than in European conquests of foreign lands.

Your context is quite excellent and blends nicely into the thesis. For your thesis, it could be shorter and be strengthened by adding a specific technology such as one maritime technology or a religious that was spread by an empire. That last sentence is not nessessary unless thats part of your consolidation argument.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 10

Before the 15th century, many different empires have shown highly traditional values that have been used to cosolidate power. Among these states are the Mongols who showed major tolerance to other cultures and helped to expand trade. The Byzantine empire was also a nation that resisted up to the 15th century and, despite the constant Islamic attempts of invasion, they had religious tolerance and were open to negotiate with various merchants and leaders including Muslims. Although the empires that remained and emerged during 1450-1750 used new innovations to maintain their power and keep as well as protect their people, being tolerant to new cultures and encouraging the expansion of trade was also important to consolidate their power.

Your paragraph shows understanding of the time period before and during this DBQ. Specifically:

1. Describes a broader historical context relevant to the prompt :  maybe , the Mongols and the Byzantine empire were context for early modern empires, but this would be stronger with a clear link to the developments you will discuss in your essay. Did later Empires adopt these techniques from the Mongols and Byzantines?

2 . Responds to the prompt with a historically defensible thesis/claim:  yess you have an evaluation, although this could be more clear, and you lay out a line of reasoning.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 11

Prior to 1450 many empires consolidated powers through multiple ways. For example, China used Confucianism to create a bureaucracy through the civil service on Confucian ideals. On the the other hand, the Mongols consolidated power through heavy secure control of the silk roads through large khanates and the policy of Pax Mongolica (Mongol Peace). In addition, they used religious tolerance since they really didn’t have a culture of their own and also to avoid any attempted cultural revolts. Although belief systems were a traditional way to consolidate power, such as China’s use of Confucianism, many nations used military expansion through gunpowder weaponry and also through expansion of trade

Be careful with claiming that societies lacked culture, that is essentially impossible, even if in societies which adapt elements of other cultures.

1. Describes a broader historical context relevant to the prompt:   attempted  , Confucianism and the Mongols are elements of context, but this needs a clear connection to the prompt. How did these developments create the context for the growth of early modern empires?

2. Responds to the prompt with a historically defensible thesis/claim:  attempted -you outline a couple of reasonable claims&mdash:which is good—this lacks an evaluation. How much do did early modern empires rely on traditional, as opposed to innovative, means? This requires a qualifier, such as strongly or secondarily.

DBQ Student Practice Sample 12

In the 13th century, the Mongols marched across Eurasia and soon became the largest continuous land empire in history. Throughout their rule, they revitalized international trade and built a system of roads which they maintained and guarded. The Mongols ruled successfully due to their understanding of centralized power which was soon spread and copied by other empires. After their fall in the mid 14th century, other empires like the Ottomans and the Safavids, rose to power as a result of their own military might along with the weakness and corruption of the regimes that they replaced. Although wealth and religious ideals were essential to early modern empires, traditional methods like increased trade and advancements in the military were used to consolidate power in the period of 1450 to 1750.

1. Describes a broader historical context relevant to the prompt :  yes , the Mongol Empire is relevant context, and, more importantly, you connect this to Empire building in the time period of the prompt. This would be even stronger with connection to at least one more empire, besides the Ottomans, from the documents. Safavids would be excellent as outside evidence.

2. Responds to the prompt with a historically defensible thesis/claim :  maybe , this addresses the prompt, but may not be historically defensible because wealth and religious ideals were also traditional methods of imperial rule.

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European Colonialism and Imperialism, 1450–1950

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Vasco da Gama / Wikimedia Commons

By Dr. Benedikt Stuchtey / 01.24.2011 Professor of History Philipps-Universität Marburg

The colonial encirclement of the world is an integral component of European history from the Early Modern Period to the phase of decolonisation. Individual national and expansion histories referred to each other in varying degrees at different times but often also reinforced each other. Transfer processes within Europe and in the colonies show that not only genuine colonial powers such as Spain and England, but also “latecomers” such as Germany participated in the historical process of colonial expansion with which Europe decisively shaped world history. In turn, this process also clearly shaped Europe itself.

Introduction

In world history, no continent has possessed so many different forms of colonies and none has so incomparably defined access to the world by means of a civilising mission as a secular programme as did modern  Europe . When  Spain  and  Portugal  partitioned the world by signing the  Treaty of Tordesillas  on 7 June 1494,  they declared a genuine European claim to hegemony. A similar claim was never staked out in this form by a world empire of Antiquity or a non-European colonial power in the modern period, such as  Japan  or the  USA . The extraordinary continuity of Chinese colonialism or that of the Aztecs in  Central America  before the Spaniards arrived is indeed structurally comparable to modern European expansion. But similar to the Phoenician and the Roman empires, the phenomenon of expansion usually ended with colonisation and not in colonial development. The imperial expansion since about 1870 was not a European invention but its chronological and spatial dimension was as unique as the variety of  colonial methods of rule . It is characteristic that the impetus for colonialism was often derived as an answer to European history itself. This includes capitalist striving for profit, the colonies as valves for overpopulation, the spirit of exploration, scientific interest, and religious and ideological impulses up to Social-Darwinistic and racist motives. Colonialist urges of this type do not explain the expansionistic economic, military and other forces in the periphery that compelled the governments of the mother countries into a defensive pressing forward.

What is now understood as  globalisation  has a critical background in the world historical involvement of the non-European sphere from the Early Modern Period up and into the period of  decolonisation . No European country remained exempt – all directly or indirectly participated in the colonial division of the world. The Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) put global power thinking into words that perceived of colonial possessions as a political, economic and cultural right, last not least even as an obligation to a civilizing mission that was only definitively shaken with the independence of  India  in 1947. 1  These two dates mark the start and decline of a key problem in the history of Europe, perhaps even its most momentous, that the always precarious colonial rule caused complex competitions among Europeans just as much as among the indigenous population in the colonies, that it was able to simultaneously create cooperation and close webs of relationships between conquerors and the conquered, and that it was never at any time free of  violence and war , despotism, arbitrariness and lawlessness. This turns the simultaneity and multitude of European colonialisms and imperialisms into a border-bridging experience. Few transnational specifics of European history illustrate the diversity of a European consciousness this clearly.

The picture from the late 19th century shows the discovery and occupation of the island of San Salvador (Watling Island) named after Christopher Columbus (c. 1451–1506). Columbus is depicted on his knees in the centre of the picture. The heroical depiction of the explorer triumphant reflects the prevalent Western self-conception of the 19th and early 20th centuries: the pioneer of all progress, Western man stands superior to all other civilization. Indeed, the “white man’s burden” obliged him to make his superior knowledge available to the rest of the world and in so doing, extend his world rule. Conceived for use in schools, this picture illustrates a further aspect of “rule”, namely that over the interpretation of history. / Library of Congress

In this illustration from the early 20th century, the Portuguese mariner and explorer Vasco da Gama (c. 1469–1524) delivers a letter from King Emanuel I. of Portugal (1469–1521) to the  Saamoothirippād , the ruler of Calicut in South-West India. In a manner similar to the portrayal of  Christopher Columbus , the explorer, striking a heroic pose in the centre of the picture, reflects the Western understanding of history and its self-conception as standing at the vanguard of world civilization. / Library of Congress

But what was colonialism? If one looks back at the essential elements in the thought of the Spanish world empire since the 16th century, it was similar to that of the English and Portuguese up to the most recent time because of the often claimed idea that the European nations created their empires themselves without the participation of others. Conquest followed discovery:  Christopher Columbus (c. 1451–1506)  landed in 1492 on a  West Indian  island that he called  San Salvador  to emphasize the religious character of taking possession.  Spain’s power was only definitively broken with the Treaty of  Paris  in 1763 2 , which ended the Seven Years’ War and solidified British colonial supremacy. It also revealed the entanglement between Europe and the  American  continent because the seed had been sown for the independence struggle of the United States as well as the revolutions in Central and  South America  between 1780 and 1820. After human and citizens rights had been fought for during the French Revolution, the first Black republic in world history arose in 1804 from a slave revolt in  Haiti . Its leader  François-Dominique Toussaint L’Ouverture (c. 1743–1803)  had himself been a slave to his 45th year, was a student of French Jesuits and an admirer of the writings of  Guillaume-Thomas Raynal (1711–1796) . Colonialism was by no means a one-dimensional affair with a simply European orientation and European discoverers such as Columbus and  Vasco da Gama (1468–1524) , who succeeded in making the first  East India  voyage in less than a decade after 1492.  Instead, colonialism should be understood as a dynamic interaction in the context of which the colonial empires and the individual colonies massively influenced the historical development of their European mother countries. This even extended to the programmes of rulers’ titles. Subsequent to da Gama successfully establishing trade relations with the Southwest Indian spice port of  Calicut , king  Manuel I (1469–1521)  not only styled himself king of Portugal, but also lord of  Arabia ,  Persia  and India. Like the Portuguese world empire, the Spanish arrived in all of Europe because European and non-European immigrants participated as much as did the natives in the colonies. The Spanish empire can hardly be imagined without Belgians, Italians and Chinese, while commerce and administration in the Portuguese empire was shaped to a significant degree by Germans, Flemings, Moslems and Jews. 3

Colonialism and Imperialism

According to Wolfgang Reinhard, colonialism in terms of a history of ideas constitutes a “developmental differential” due to the “control of one people by an alien one”. 4  Unlike the more dynamic, but also politically more judgmental and emotionally charged form of imperialism, colonialism as the result of a will to expand and rule can initially be understood as a state that establishes an alien, colonial rule. It has existed in almost all periods of world history in different degrees of expression. Even after the official dissolution of its formal state in the age of decolonisation, it was possible to maintain it as a myth, as in Portugal after the Carnation Revolution in 1974, when the dictatorship of  António de Oliveira Salazar (1889–1970)  was debated but hardly ever the colonial past in  Angola ,  Mozambique ,  Goa ,  Macao  and  East Timor . Already in 1933, the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre stated the thesis that the Portuguese as the oldest European colonial nation had a special gift for expansion in his controversial book  Casa-grande e Senzala  ( The Masters and the Slaves ). It consisted of peacefully intermingling the cultures without  racism  and colonial massacres. Using the example of  Brazil , he rationalized colonial paternalism with the allegedly successful relationship between masters and slaves.

Following his studies, the author, philosopher and theologian Johann Gottfried (since 1802) von Herder initially worked as a clergyman. He travelled extensively in France, Holland and Italy. His writings concentrated mainly on linguistic theory ( Abhandlung über den Ursprung der Sprache , 1772), the philosophy of history ( Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit ,   1784–1791) and the history of literature and culture ( Über die neuere Deutsche Litteratur , 1767;  Von deutscher Art und Kunst , 1773), many of which presented ground-breaking theories. He also contributed to the “Sturm und Drang” movement and influenced 19th century philosophy (Hegel, Schelling) as well as the poetry of the Romantic Movement. / Library of Congress

But other colonial powers also claimed this for themselves. Even the harshest critics of expansion policies – starting with  Bartolomé de las Casas (1474–1566)  to the Marxist-Leninist criticism of the 20th century – did not doubt the civilising mission that justified colonial hegemony. 5  Similar to the  abolitionists , they criticised the colonial excesses that could mean mismanagement, corruption and, in the extreme case, genocide. However, that the colonies became an integral part of the mother country, that therefore the colonial nation is indivisible, at home on several continents and, thus, incapable of doing any fundamental evil, can be shown to be part of the European colonial ideology since its earliest beginnings. Intellectual transfer processes had already taken place at this time, in the Age of  Enlightenment  most noticeably in the mutual influence of  Adam Smith (1723–1790) ,  Denis Diderot (1713–1784) ,  Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803)    and their contemporaries. 6  They agreed on a moderate critique of colonial expansion and a simultaneous enthusiastic, cosmopolitan exuberance for appropriating the world outside of Europe. Though slavery and cosmopolitanism could theoretically not be brought to a common denominator, in practice the conquest explained its legitimacy since the 16th century with its own success. The Dutch, English, Portuguese, Spanish, French and Russian colonial enterprises, which each surveyed the world in its own manner with soldiers, scientists, merchants and missionaries, shared the common perception of the “Other” on the basis of the presumed cultural superiority of the “Self”. As different as the spread of Christianity proceeded with the nonconformist, dissenting elements of Protestantism in  North America  and the Catholic forces in South America so, too, was the result different in the end. Spain, for example, was not able to use  Latin America  for a profitable export economy, but by contrast the British succeeded in monopolising the slave trade as a most lucrative long-distance business.

When, during the course of the 19th century, the Italians, Belgians and Germans raised a claim to their share of the world in addition to the old colonial powers, the term “Imperialism” became an ideologically loaded and overall imprecise, but probably irreplaceable historiographical concept. 7  During the phase of High Imperialism between 1870 and World War I, every larger European nation state as well as the USA and Japan participated in acquiring territories outside Europe. That is what makes this period so unique in European history, though measured against other criteria, such as time and space, it was not more spectacular than previous ones. Thus, the European conquest of North and South America in the 16th and 17th centuries or of India in the 18th and early 19th   centuries was no less incisive in its spatial dimension or the number of people brought under European rule as was the “Scramble for Africa” that became synonymous with the unsystematic and overly hasty intervention of Europeans in the entire African continent. But unlike in earlier periods, a broad European public for the first time participated politically, economically and culturally directly in the process of that expansion. It had deep-reaching effects on the historical development of the European societies themselves, which is reflected, for example, in the professional careers of politicians, diplomats and high-ranking military men. After all, it was caused by massive economic and diplomatic rivalries between the European colonial powers and a widespread chauvinism.

Likewise, this process was to a significant extent triggered by internal crises in  Africa  itself. As in the 16th century, the rivalry between Christian and Islamic  missions  again erupted in the North of Africa. In a classic of the historiography of imperialism, Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher explain that Europe is not the only place for understanding the motives of European expansion. According to Robinson and Gallagher, this motivation was primarily founded in Africa, at least, as far as late Victorian society was concerned. 8  If non-Western societies were no longer just the victims of Europe and quite a few of their elites participated in colonial and imperial rule, a layer of European settlers, Christian missionaries, colonial officers etc., who bridged the “periphery” and the “centre”, became a third force known in research as the “men on the spot”. Their lobbying influence on the expansion of the colonial empires was no less than that of political and economic interest groups in the metropole, even though their motivations depended more situationally on the events in the colonies than could be or would be the case in the European centres of power. This can be shown equally for the Asian, the African and the  Pacific regions . Colonial sites of remembrance and their culture of monuments recall to this day conflicts and ambivalences of European colonial rule in public memory. 9

The drawing of  Punch  cartoonist John Tenniel depicts Lady Justice larger than life slaying terror-stricken Indians with the executioner’s sword. She is supported by soldiers in the background. The blindfold as one of her typical attributes is missing; the scales of truth and fairness are represented on a shield. / Wikimedia Commons

This circumstance made High Imperialism a European and global project at both the centre and the periphery. Furthermore, it illustrates the critical significance of political and military force in the imperial process. “Gunboat diplomacy”, one of the historical buzzwords for Europe’s intercourse with Africa in the final third of the 19th century, also occurred in  Turkey  and  China . Informal imperialism, often equated with the dominance of  free trade  over other methods of colonial influence, lost ground to the extent that coercion could only be exercised by violence. This is well illustrated by the war with China over the opium trade (1840–1842). The brutal suppression of the Indian “mutiny” in 1857/1858 by the British  constitutes the opposite of the Manchester School of Economics’ view that, based on free trade rather than unilateral exploitation, the world would find a balance of peaceful and cooperative exchange between Europe and the non-European sphere. The protection of national economic interests or the defence of prestige later led several German observers to the conclusion that the English were conducting a commercial imperialism, whereas the French wanted to enhance the respect for their nation in the world.

Nevertheless, the “informal empire” was the prevailing model. In the British context, this led to the exaggerated thesis that the nation was not interested in expansion and that in this regard it was characterized by “absentmindedness”. 10  Those who currently perceive global capitalism as the successor of formerly direct territorial rule because it exercises no less pressure on the political and social systems to impose its economic interests, see the origins of informal imperialism reaching deep into the 19th century. Until the recent past, this thesis could be countered by noting that it not only underestimates the scale of the creation of global empires but also their dissolution. 11  The consequences of the problematic withdrawal of the French from  Algeria , the Italians from  Eritrea  or the British from India and  Ireland  still remain present. In this respect, colonisation and decolonisation were two historical processes referring to each other, comparable to the systole and diastole of the metropolitan heart beat. Only the interaction of these two as well as numerous other factors resulted in the world historical consequences of European expansion.

Regions and periods

The oil painting by the American historical painter John Trumbull (1756–1843) shows the presentation of the draft of the American Declaration of Independence by the five-man committee (centre of the painting) to Congress. /  United States Architect of the Capitol

An outline of Batavia (Jakarta), today Indonesia, the central trading post of the  Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie  in 1629. The title (upper centre): “Afbeldinge van ‘t Casteel en de Stadt Batavia, gelegen op ‘t groot Eylandt Java-Maior, int Coninckrijck van Jaccatra” (View of the fort in the town of Batavia, on the large island Java Maior in the Kingdom of Jakarta). To the right is a lion wielding a sword and the coat of arms of Batavia. The lower right picture half contains the legend, below which is a view of Batavia from the sea. /  Atlas Van Stolk collection Rotterdam

Colonial regions and their limits as well as periods and their caesuras offer two possibilities of approaching European colonialism. For example,  the independence of the North American colonies in 1776  marks one of the most important turning points – from the Atlantic to the Asian aspect of the British empire – and, also, the first experience of decolonization of global significance in the history of European imperialism. The second only began in the 1950s, here especially on the African continent and, offset in time from the freedom movements of Central and South America as well as  Asia . In the 18th century, the foremost European colonial powers, led by  England , solidified their global hegemonic position. If they did not create overseas empires, they conquered territories in the form of a continental colonialism as the Russian monarchy did in  Siberia  and the Habsburgs in  South-eastern Europe . This continental variant was equivalent in nature to the later westward shift of the American  Frontier  and the north migration of the South African boundary as well as the subimperialism, e.g. of  Egypt  and the  Sudan . While the direct penetration of North and South America was almost entirely completed, that of the Asian and African sphere only began on a larger scale after 1800 – in Africa, for example, after 1830 with the French conquest of Algeria, from which  Morocco  and  Tunis  were also to be brought under French influence. The Russian conquest of Siberia, which followed the course of the rivers similar to the American expansion, aimed to acquire the lucrative fur trade. Concurrent with the mining of gold and precious stones in Brazil, silver mines were also found in the Siberian highland and the financial as well as the informational value of a caravan route between Russia and China was recognized. The coastal fort colonies that the Dutch operated in  Indonesia   and the English on the coasts of India initially were reserved for commercial interests in spices, tea, coffee and cotton. As long as they did not expand inland and develop larger areas, they lacked military value.

A contemporary printed graphic shows an interior view of Westminster Hall during the trial of Warren Hastings (1732–1818) in the British House of Commons. As the first Governor General of India (1773–1785), Hastings not only markedly increased the profits that the East India Company made for the crown but also expanded its sphere of power and reorganised the administration. He clashed with the British government because it wanted to limit the company to a purely mercantile function. In 1785, he was accused of abuse of office and blackmail by the Whig politicians Sir Philip Francis (1740–1818) and Edmund Burke (1729–1797) and was only acquitted in 1795. / Library of Congress

In 1772, when governor  Warren Hastings (1732–1818)  strove not only for economic but also for the political and administrative development of the hinterland in  Bengal  and his administration was overshadowed by numerous scandals, his famous critic  Edmund Burke (1729–1797)  vented his anger on the methods of colonial rule. In this way, he also directed attention to the newly formed field of tension of the competing powers of the administrative centre in  London  and the “men on the spot”, those increasingly more powerful servants of European colonialism who at the same time also pursued their own interests in the periphery. In the 19th century, this would become a fixed  topos  of mutual accusations when businesses based on shares and founded on the model of the  East India Company  (chartered in 1559, monopoly to 1858), and comparable to the Dutch Vereenigden Oost-Indischen Compagnie (1602–1798), were raised by  Sweden ,  Denmark ,  Scotland ,  Austria ,  Brandenburg-Prussia  and  Poland  and were partly equipped with sovereign rights. Financially, they were based on the exchanges, which were becoming ever more central to European economic life, and a modern banking system that coordinated the international trade in luxury goods, such as silk, with that in foods novel to Europe, such as potatoes, maize and rice. Only the English company flourished in the long run. Within limits, the Dutch company, which focused on the spice trade and participated in expanding the colonial empire in Southeast Asia, also succeeded. The British created a cotton monopoly. With the trade in goods, for example, coffee from  Java  and tea from China, Europeans continuously developed new areas, especially Asia, that could be “opened” almost without violence (China since 1685). The formal use of colonial violence was symbolized in its most illustrative form in the  slave trade  with the establishment of slave ports on the coasts of  West  and  East Africa  as the starting points of slave shipments to the plantations of Middle and South America.

This contemporary chromolithography shows the battle of Belmont on 23 November 1899 in the Second Boer War, in which British troops took a Boer position, driving their opponents into flight. The composition emphasizes the superiority of the British, by placing three British soldiers in heroic pose and the Union Jack at the centre of the image. / Library of Congress

South Africa, since the 17th century developed by the Dutch as a  settlement colony  and since 1815 of importance to the British because of its gold and diamond mines, is exempted from this. Similar to Egypt, it played a special role, including with regard to its perception by Europeans. The shipping routes around the  Cape  and through the  Suez Canal  were of elementary significance from the perspective of military and commercial politics. Furthermore, a presence in Egypt held great symbolic significance, as manifested in attempts at its conquest from  Napoleon Bonaparte (1769–1821)  to Adolf Hitler (1889–1945). Remarkable in this parallel is the belief that focussed power in Europe and on the  Nile  – as the access to Asia – was a condition of concentrated power in the world. A British colonial administrator such as  Evelyn Baring, Lord Cromer (1841–1917) , who was stationed in  Calcutta  and  Cairo , knew like none other that the survival of the empire depended as much on India, the Jewel in the Crown, as on the Suez Canal. His book  Ancient and Modern Imperialism  (1910) is a testimonial of intimate knowledge of the manner in which colonial rule functioned, as they were handed down at various administrative posts. What the British were willing to spend on the defence of their interests some 6,000 miles from London is evident from the, on the whole devastating, South African War (also Second Boer War, 1899–1902).  Volunteers from numerous European countries fought on the side of the Boers against the British, who in turn recruited large military contingents in  Australia  and  Canada . The legend of imperial rule irretrievably lost its legitimacy when in 1956 the British and the French armies had to leave the Suez Canal Zone under pressure from the USA and the  Soviet Union . Therefore, the Canal as well as the Cape were areas of first rank in the encounters of Europeans and non-Europeans as well as areas of encounter in the sequence of various European colonialisms.

Precisely defined dividing lines between periods are impossible in this panorama as a matter of course. For this, the enterprises in which all European colonial powers were more or less involved ( voyages of discovery , scientific projects such as cartography, construction of mercantilist colonial economies etc.) were too different in their time spans and too fluid, while the interactions between Europe and the rest of the world, which were subjected to continuous change, were too divergent. However, there were phases in the overall development of European colonialism that can be separated in analogy to the development of the great power system of the European states:

1. In the beginning, Portugal and Spain (in personal union 1580–1640) were primarily interested in overseas trade to Brazil and the  Philippines  and inspired by Christian missionary zeal. With few exceptions, they managed to avoid colonial overlap.

2. By contrast, competition heated up in the 17th century, when the English, French and Dutch pressed forward, initially not in the territories of the Spaniards and the Portuguese, but in neighbouring regions. This is demonstrated in exemplary manner by the North American  Atlantic coast  between the French possessions in modern Canada and the Spanish claims in the South.

3. When it became impossible to avert the crisis of the  Ancien Régime  in Europe any longer, the colonial empires also lost their cohesion. The British won against their French rival in North America and India, against the Dutch in Southeast Asia and against the Spanish in South America. The independence of the United States was substituted with supremacy in India, in  South Africa and especially on the seas with the almost peerless  Royal Navy  and modern free trade.

4. The colonial incorporation of Africa on a large scale began with  France ‘s conquest of Algeria in 1830, which at the same time more than before released Europe’s internal economic and industrial tensions as colonialist forces and peaked in High Imperialism between 1870 and World War I. 12

5. Since the origins of a pluralistic colonial system during the course of the 19th century, not only the Europeans were involved in dividing the world but also Japan and  Russia . The USA is the prototype for a successful linkage of continental internal colonisation in the form of the westward shift of the Frontier and maritime colonial policy in the Asian sphere, while paradoxically being the most successful model of anti-colonialism. At the latest around 1900, the European system of great powers stood before the challenge of global competition. In the controversial interpretation of Niall Ferguson, it was logical that the USA would assume Britain’s role as the “global hegemon” in the 20th century and marginalize the formal and informal colonialism of Europe but also continue globalization as “anglobalisation”. 13

In 1884, the German colonial politician Carl Peters founded the “Society for German Colonisation” and acquired through questionable “protection treaties” with the natives in Zanzibar the core area of later German East Africa. In 1891, the German empire took over the administration of the “protectorate” and Peters was installed as the Imperial commissioner of the Kilimanjaro district to 1893. Serious accusations of arbitrary cruelty against the natives resulted in his dismissal from state service in 1897. / Wikimedia Commons

Since the 16th century, genuine European colonial powers such as Spain, Portugal, France and  Britain  were distinguished by developing a concept of their world rule and basing it on the legacy of  Rome . 14  This does not mean that stragglers like  Italy ,  Belgium  and  Germany  did not produce their own forms of imperial thought and had specific colonial systems with which they caught up to the great historical empires. German colonial officials, pragmatists such as  Heinrich Schnee (1871–1949)  and  Carl Peters (1856–1918) ,  saw German colonialism in the light of and in delimitation against British and French colonialism as well as in the context of world politics. They also participated in the virtually Europe-wide debate about the possible model function that the  Roman Empire  had for Europe. However, unlike the empires of the late 19th century, Spanish world rule was characterized by being pre-modern, and British colonial rule no later than 1750 held a geographical sway without example, which makes a thorough concept of empire and expansionism a precondition. Their shared reference frame was the Atlantic world, which as a historical concept for determining colonial practices had gained acceptance. 15  In this case, “imperiality” and “globality” were one and carried by a Christian universalist, almost messianic claim to leadership. However, the price that Spain came to pay for its position as world-empire was high and due to the European constellation of powers. Its global superiority was offset by rejecting the claim to the imperial title of the Holy Roman Empire as a consequence of the division of the Habsburg inheritance.

Albert Sarraut was a delegate of the Radical Party in the French Parliament from 1902–1924. As governor general in Indochina (1911–1914, 1916–1919), he promoted participation of the population in the administration and reformed, for example, the education system. He was Minister of Colonies in 1920–1924 and 1932–1933, and Interior Minister from 1934–1935 and 1938–1940. In 1933 and 1936 respectively, he served for a few months as prime minister. In 1944–1945 he was incarcerated in a German concentration camp. After 1945, he dedicated himself increasingly to overseas policies. / Library of Congress

The empires of the modern nation state were not exposed to a loss of unity associated with the global dimension. Their expansion drive was primarily conditioned by worldly factors such as profit and prestige, in any case not a concept of universal monarchy indebted to Christian salvation, peace and justice. The world empire thought of  Charles V (1500–1558)  survived to the extent that the civilising mission of the modern European imperialisms became a transnational, but not primarily religious motor. Their driving forces were very different, not necessarily ideological but, in the French case, they constituted a part of the cost/benefit calculation. In 1923,  Albert Sarraut (1872–1962) , the governor general of  Indochina , defined the  leitmotiv  of “mise en valeur” (development) and based it on the concept that the colonies are merely an exterritorial component of a “Greater France” or a “France Africaine”. 16  There already were similar considerations in Victorian England with regard to the white settlement colonies, such as Canada and Australia. For the historian  John Robert Seeley (1843–1895)  and before him  Charles Dilke (1843–1911) , the empire signified the “expansion of England” into a colonial world, in which cricket would be played just as in  Oxford . 17  Nation and expansion were conditional upon each other without relinquishing diversity.  James Anthony Froude (1818–1894)  warned that whoever overemphasized the value of India and the African colonies also underestimated that of the “white settlements”. His book  Oceana, or England and her colonies  (1886) was an attempt at staging the British empire as the legitimate heir of the Roman republic: The former followed the principle of politically wise forms of government when it subordinated colonialism and republicanism to reason and with it attributed more weight to the code of the virtue of good government than to the authority of military or economic monopolies of violence in the African and Asian colonies. 18   Winston Churchill (1874–1965)  invented for this the exclusive term “English-speaking peoples”.

That this rule could apply to the overseas empires but would be different for continental ones like that of the Habsburgs was discussed by contemporary observers in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy’s sphere of influence and especially in delimitation against the pulsating German empire. Austrian imperial history was formulated in imperial terminology – after all, the occupation of  Bosnia-Herzegovina  was officially accepted at the Congress of  Berlin  in 1878. However, the Habsburg Empire was not centralistic but multinational in concept and tolerated local independence up to the confirmation of regional and religious diversity. Habsburg’s deficit of not being able to provide a national identity was partially compensated by strengthening the popular dynasty, although it, in the person of  Emperor Franz Joseph (1830–1916) , was not equal to the extreme High Imperialism of the turn of the century. The empire was governed in a nostalgic rather than modern manner. Where similar backward tendencies appeared in other European monarchies, a balance was sought using political and cultural measures. One of the best known examples is the crowning of  Victoria (1819–1901)  as the empress of India in 1876, which was in a manner an imitation of the Bonapartist succession practice of the Spanish monarchy in South America.  Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881)    pushed Victoria’s imperial title forward because he saw a crisis coming toward Britain and the empire with the monarch’s Germanism and obliviousness to duty after the death of her prince consort  Albert (1819–1861) . Subsequently, British imperialism became even more unrivalled and the centrality of Europe in the world of the 19th century became even more clearly an economic, military and maritime centrality of Great Britain. Based on the Royal Navy and world trade, the  Pax Britannica symbolized this programme of a pacifist colonialism. In the concept of a peace-making world empire, there could be several global players but only one global hegemon. This idealisation of maritime rule was reflected in  Alfred Mahan’s (1840–1914)  classic  The Influence of Sea Power upon History  (1890), a manifesto of the triumphal “anglobalisation”, that is the earth-girding and people-uniting expansion of the  Occident .

This photograph of Herero prisoners of war in German Southwest Africa from the early 20th century was distributed as a postcard. / Wikimedia Commons

The photograph shows youths who were abused and maimed by the Belgian colonial power in the Congo under king Leopold II of Belgium (1835–1909). / Wikimedia Commons

The overseas as well as the continental colonial empires of Europe were together characterised by constructing their imperial rule over a developmental differential against the “Other” and, thus, significantly contributed to a changed self-perception of Europe in the world. Essentially, it was more about self-image than the image of others. Rule was alien rule over peoples perceived as being “subject”. It had to be achieved with violent conquest and secured with colonial methods to guarantee economic, military and cultural exploitation. Therefore, the European claim to superiority legitimised the logic of the unequal interrelationship between colonial societies and a novel capitalism in Europe, especially the British “gentlemanly capitalists”, 19  whose global reach came to bear in a particularly pronounced form as the slave economy. Nowhere was the ambivalence between ruthless hegemonic ambition on one hand and concepts such as world citizenship, cosmopolitanism and human rights, which were derived from the Enlightenment, more clear than in slavery on the other hand. 20  Slavery, which made use of the idea of the different natures of people, culminated in the race theories of High Imperialism. Probably no European colonial power remained aloof from this discussion, which with the help of medicine, anthropology, ethnology etc. was founded on pseudoscience, guided by practical benefit and brought the contradictions and perversions of imperialism to a climax. French debates from  Arthur de Gobineau’s (1816–1882)   Essai sur l’inégalité des races humaines,  1853)    to  Georges Vacher de Lapouge’s (1854–1936)     Race et milieu social:  essais d’anthroposociologie   ( 1909) profited in the same way as the British controversies involving, for example,  Joseph Chamberlain (1836–1914)  from the stereotypical ideas that colonial officials brought back to the centres of power from their every day experiences. The genocide of the Germans against the Herero and Nama in  German Southwest Africa  (1903–1907)  is one of many testimonials, the reign of terror of the Belgian king  Leopold II (1835–1909)  in the  Congo  another.

Therefore, the concept of a “Europeanisation of the world” signifies the dilemma. On one hand, there are positive achievements, such as modern statehood, urbanisation, rationalism and Christianity, European thought systems such as Liberalism, Socialism and Positivism, which was received with great enthusiasm in France and England as well as in Brazil and Japan. On the other hand, there are negative legacies, such as Caesarism, racism and colonial violence. It can also raise the question whether European history between about 1450 and 1950 cannot be predominantly read as a history of expansion, especially if one treats the history of the empires beyond Eurocentrism as world history but without underlaying it with a universal theory and without constructing it as a historical unity. With the treaty to divide the world of 1494, a more intensive interaction of nation, expansion and “Europeanisation of the world” began that was not a unilateral creation of dependencies but a process of give and take with reciprocal influences beyond fixed imperial boundary drawing. According to this multipolar dynamic, Europe was not decentralised or provincialised, 21  but Europe is equally unsuitable as the only perspective in the interpretation of the global modern period. 22

Aldrich, Robert: Vestiges of the Colonial Empire in France: Monuments, Museums and Colonial Memories , Basingstoke 2005.

Barth, Boris / Osterhammel, Jürgen (eds.): Zivilisierungsmissionen: Imperiale Weltverbesserung seit dem 18. Jahrhundert, Constance 2005.

Chakrabarty, Dipesh: Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference , New Jersey 2000.

Cain, Peter J. / Hopkins, Antony G.: British Imperialism: Innovation and expansion 1688–1914 , 2. ed., London 2001.

Cain, Peter J. / Hopkins, Antony G.: British Imperialism: Crisis and deconstruction 1914–1990 , 2. ed., London 2001.

Dilke, Charles Wentworth: Problems of Greater Britain , London 1890, vol. 1–2.

Drescher, Seymour: Abolition: A history of slavery and antislavery , Cambridge et al. 2009.

Elliott, John H.: Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 , New Haven et al. 2006.

Ferguson, Niall: Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World , London 2003.

Froude, James Anthony: Oceana, or England and her colonies , London 1886.

Headley, John M.: The Europeanization of the World: On the Origins of Human Rights and Democracy , Princeton et al. 2008.

Kiernan, Victor: The Lords of Human Kind: European Attitudes to Other Cultures in the Imperial Age , London 1995.

Koebner, Richard / Schmidt, H. D.: Imperialism: The story and significance of a political word , Cambridge 1965.

Korman, Sharon: The Right of Conquest: The acquisition of territory by force in international law and practice , Oxford 1996.

Mommsen, Wolfgang J.: Der europäische Imperialismus: Aufsätze und Abhandlungen, Göttingen 1979.

Oliveira Marques, Antonio Henrique de: Geschichte Portugals und des portugiesischen Weltreichs, Stuttgart 2001.

Osterhammel, Jürgen: Kolonialismus: Geschichte, Formen, Folgen, 5. ed., Munich 2006.

Pagden, Anthony: Lords of all the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France c. 1500 – c. 1800 , New Haven 1995.

Porter, Andrew: European Imperialism, 1860–1914 , Houndmills 1994 (Studies in European History).

Porter, Bernard: The Absent-Minded Imperialists: Empire, Society, and Culture in Britain , Oxford et al. 2004.

Reinhard, Wolfgang: Kleine Geschichte des Kolonialismus, Stuttgart 2008.

Robinson, Ronald / Gallagher, John: Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism, London 1961.

Sarraut, Albert: La mise en valeur des colonies Françaises, Paris 1923.

Seeley, John Robert: The Expansion of England , London 1883.

Stuchtey, Benedikt: Die europäische Expansion und ihre Feinde: Kolonialismuskritik vom 18. bis in das 20. Jahrhundert, Munich 2010.

Wesseling, Hendrik L.: The European Colonial Empires 1815–1919 , Harlow 2004.

• Korman, Right of Conquest 1996.
• Digitized version of the peace treaty, Ministère des Affaires étrangères, online:  http://www.doc.diplomatie.gouv.fr/BASIS/choiseul/desktop/choiseul/DDW?M=134&K=17630001&W=PAYS+%3D+%27Multilat%E9raux%27+ORDER+BY+SOUSSERIE/Ascend [20.09.2010].
• Oliveira Marques, Geschichte Portugals 2001, p. 177.
• Reinhard, Kolonialismus 2008, p. 1.
• Barth / Osterhammel, Zivilisierungsmissionen 2005.
• Stuchtey, Europäische Expansion 2010, p. 39–122.
• Koebner / Schmidt, Imperialism 1965, passim.
• Robinson / Gallagher, Africa 1961, pp. 462–472.
• Cf. Aldrich, Vestiges 2005, pp. 328–334.
• Seeley, Expansion 1883.
• Porter, Absent-Minded Imperialists 2004.
• Wesseling, European Colonial Empires 2004.
• Ferguson, Empire 2003.
• Pagden, Lords 1995, pp. 11–28.
• Elliott, Empires 2006, passim.
• Sarraut, Valeur 1923.
• Seeley, John Robert: The Expansion of England, London 1883; Dilke, Charles Wentworth: Problems of Greater Britain, London 1890, vol. 1–2.
• Froude, Oceana 1886, pp. 1–17.
• Cain / Hopkins, Imperialism 2001.
• Drescher, Abolition 2009.
• Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe 2000.
• Headley, Europeanization 2008.

Originally published by EGO: Journal of European History Online under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported license.

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Imperialism and nationalism

The nature of Russian aggression in Ukraine

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• Published: 30 September 2022
• Volume 74 , pages 447–461, ( 2022 )

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• Paweł Rojek   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2584-0108 1  

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Is Russia a neoimperial or postimperial state? In this paper, I compare two interpretations proposed by political commentators Marcel Van Herpen and Dmitri Trenin. Van Herpen holds that the Russian empire is literally being rebuilt, whereas Trenin believes that Russia is just ceasing to be an empire. I argue that, contrary to popular belief, the current war against Ukraine cannot be interpreted as an attempt to restore the Russian empire. This is because being an empire requires a universalistic ideology that can be accepted by other nations. Meanwhile, the ideological foundation of the current war is an obviously nationalistic conception of the “Russian world.” Polish historians Andrzej Nowak and Włodzimierz Marciniak brilliantly argued that it was Russian nationalism that had previously led to the collapse of both Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union. Under this interpretation the current war in Ukraine can be seen not as the rebirth but rather as the dramatic end of Russian imperialism.

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Russia is undoubtedly a former empire. The most important question today is whether it remains a postimperium or is becoming a neoimperium. Postimperial states, such as Turkey, France, or Great Britain, gradually give up their imperial aspirations, although they retain the memory of their past for a long time and occasionally turn to old rhetoric. Neoimperial states, on the other hand, return to imperial ideology and renew their imperial power structures, threatening not only their former territories but also further neighbors. The process of imperial decay can be very long and painful. Turkey committed the Armenian genocide in a postimperial spasm, France had a terrorist organization defending its imperial status, and Britain was still waging war in the 1980s to defend the remnants of its overseas possessions. All of these countries ultimately gave up their imperial legacy, although they still play a significant role in world politics. Former empires can also return to their previous form after a period of weakness and disintegration. The best example of this is Imperial Russia, which reemerged as a Soviet Union after several years of decline. However, what is happening to contemporary Russia? Are we witnessing its transition to a postimperial phase, or perhaps the beginning of another dangerous imperial rebirth?

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 seems to finally resolve this question. Russia has attacked a neighboring country for no specific reason, triggering a war of unprecedented scale, with terrible civilian casualties and apparently numerous war crimes. The war is accompanied by the strengthening of authoritarianism in Russia, massive propaganda, and the isolation of society from the free media. So far, control over Russian society seems to be successful. The war still enjoys the support of the majority of Russians and the few anti-war protests were brutally suppressed. Bloody military aggression, cynical lies of propaganda, and the helplessness of the opposition are reminiscent of the worst days of the Soviet Union. No surprise then that it is widely believed that Putin is trying to rebuild a lost empire.

However, something seems to be missing in this obvious analogy. The former Soviet Union was a supranational empire based on a universalist ideology. The contemporary Russian Federation, while still uniting many nations, increasingly appeals to a particularist Russian nationalism. The officially declared goal of the “special military operation” in Ukraine is to protect ethnic Russians from alleged Ukrainian Nazis. It primarily concerns the Russian population living in Ukraine, but indirectly also the inhabitants of Russia. While it is clear that the idea of the defense of Russians was just a pretext for war, I think it should be taken seriously. This is because such an official ideology creates a conceptual framework that limits the possible actions of power. Every previous form of Russian imperialism appealed to some supranational ideas, such as Orthodoxy, Enlightenment, or Communism. Contemporary Russia, for the first time in its history, has begun a major war against another country officially appealing not to universalistic ideas, but to Russian nationalism. However, the point is that nationalism is fundamentally antithetical to imperialism. It is impossible to build a stable multinational empire on the bare domination of a single nation. The domination must be mediated by universalistic ideologies justifying the cooperation of conquered nations with the empire. Such ideologies could be based for instance on religion, a civilizational mission, or a philosophical vision. As it seems, there is no such universalistic ideology behind the current Russian aggression. So perhaps, ironically, the war in Ukraine is evidence of the final end of Russian imperialism and the beginning of a new national Russia. Unfortunately, the face of this new Russia appears to be no less repulsive than that of the former empire.

The question of the postimperial or neoimperial character of contemporary Russia has been the focus of an important debate between two prominent specialists in Russian affairs associated with important pro-Atlantic and pro-European think tanks, Dmitri Trenin and Marcel Van Herpen. I think this discussion can be very helpful in understanding what is happening in Russia today.

In 2011, Trenin, director of the Moscow branch of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, widely recognized as one of the most pro-Western Russian commentators, published a book with the telling title Post-Imperium . He wrote emphatically:

The Russian empire is over, never to return. The enterprise that had lasted for hundreds of years simply lost the drive. The élan is gone. In the two decades since the collapse, imperial restoration was never considered seriously by the leaders, nor demanded by the wider public. Rather, Russia has gone in reverse—expansion has yielded to introspection [...]. This is a Russia the world has not known before the start of the twenty-first century. (Trenin 2011 , p. 231)

It should be noted that Trenin wrote these words several years after a clear shift in Russian policy toward strengthening its international position, after Putin’s infamous claim that the collapse of the Soviet Union was “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century” in 2005, after Putin’s harsh speech against the United States in Munich in 2007, and after the Russian intervention in Georgia in 2008. Despite all this, Trenin argued that, contrary to the fears of many Western experts and the hopes of some Russian ideologists, none of these events actually reflected a revival of Russian imperialism. According to him, Russia simply wanted to remain one of the major players in the international game, a great power with a privileged zone of influence, but this had nothing to do with building a universalist empire as in the Tsarist or Soviet times.

In 2014, just before the annexation of Crimea, the Dutch commentator Marcel H. Van Herpen, director of the Cicero Foundation in Maastricht, published a book with the no less telling title Putin’s Wars: The Rise of Russia’s New Imperialism . As he wrote,

The thesis of this book is that—unlike in Western Europe, where the process of decolonization was definitive—the same is not necessarily true for Russia. For the Russian state colonizing neighboring territories and subduing neighboring peoples has been a continuous process. It is, one could almost say, part of Russia’s genetic makeup. (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 2)

Van Herpen analyzed in detail the tendencies of Russian internal and external policy. He noted the rise of authoritarian trends on the one hand and the growth of imperialist tendencies on the other. For him, Russian despotism is the most important cause of Russian expansion. This is so because imperialist aggression helps to neutralize social tensions produced by authoritarianism. Van Herpen severely criticized Trenin’s interpretation. He insisted that “the problem with Trenin’s analysis is not only that it is too simple, but also that it contradicts the facts” (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 3). Putin’s Wars are in fact a polemic against Post-Imperium .

Trenin is reassuring us: Putin’s Russia has no plans to reconquer its lost empire. Russia is a post-empire and intends to remain so. The thesis of this book [namely, Van Herpen’s one] is that the Russian Federation is both a postimperial state and a pre-imperial state. (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 5)

Van Herpen sees the time of Putin’s rule as a period of transition from postimperialism to neoimperialism. After a short time of crisis, we are witnessing the rebirth of the Russian empire. This dynamic, according to Van Herpen, is evidenced by the fact that just after the publication of Trenin’s book in December 2011, Moscow launched the Eurasian Union project, which he considered the final effort to restore the lost empire. Recent events in Russia seem to strongly support his thesis. Shortly after Van Herpen’s book was published, we witnessed the annexation of Crimea, followed by Russian intervention in Donbas and Luhansk, and finally the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

In this paper, I would like to present the main arguments in the debate between neoimperial and postimperial interpretations of contemporary Russian politics. As it turns out, Marcel Van Herpen was right in his prediction of increasingly aggressive Russian internal and external politics. However, it seems to me that, contrary to him, the official justification for current Russian aggression in fact rules out the possibility of the realization of any imperial project in a strict sense. It is widely agreed that nationalism, chauvinism, and xenophobia have become increasingly influential in Russia in recent years. Moreover, the current aggression in Ukraine is being carried out in the name of defending the “Russian world” ( russkii mir ), that is, the community of Russians living in Russia and neighboring countries. It is not clear whether this supposed community is based on ethnic Russians, Russian-speakers, or people identifying with Russian culture broadly. Nevertheless, it seems that no true empire can be built on such foundations. This is because the idea of the Russian world has a distinctively nationalistic character. After all, it was the rise of nationalism, and not just that of the subjected nations, but above all of the Russians themselves, that led to the collapse of the USSR. Furthermore, it seems that current Russian nationalistic rhetoric also threatens the integrity of the Russian Federation itself, which is after all a multinational and multiethnic state. Thus, it appears that Russia has fallen into a trap of nationalism that not only prevents the restoration of the former empire but also threatens the very integrity of what remains of it.

Three forms of Russian empire

Russia has always been an imperial country. I would like to briefly look at the history of the formation of the Russian empire. Roughly, there are three main phases of this process, differing not only in territorial extent, but also in the dominant imperial ideology. I will call them the Traditional Empire, the Classical Empire, and the Soviet Empire. The history of these three imperial forms provides the context for a discussion of the current stage of Russian history.

At the beginning, the Grand Duchy of Moscow was an ethnically homogeneous Ruthenian state, perhaps the only foreign element being the descendants of the Varangians who ruled it. However, shortly after Grand Duke Ivan the Terrible assumed the title of Tsar in 1547, a process of rapid expansion began. The country became a true empire, incorporating predominantly Muslim lands formerly belonging to the Golden Horde. In 1552 the Kazan Khanate was incorporated, in 1556 the Astrakhan Khanate, then, in 1598, the Siberian Khanate. Russia began the colonization of Siberia. In 1649, the Russians reached the coast of the Bering Sea. Then, in the middle of the seventeenth century, eastern Ukraine was incorporated, and the Cossacks conquered lands up to the Caucasus. The Traditional Russian Empire was thus established, forming the core of any subsequent imperial creation.

Next, the conquests of Peter the Great, who assumed the title of emperor in 1721, led to a new formation that could be called the Classical Russian Empire. The victorious war with Sweden opened access to the Baltic. Then, during the reign of Catherine II, Lithuania, the rest of Ukraine, and a great part of Poland were conquered. Afterward, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, Russia captured Finland. In the south, Crimea, the Black Sea coast, and Bessarabia were annexed; in the east, Central Asia, and the Far East. For a long time, there were fights over the North Caucasus. Russian colonists took over Alaska and even reached California, where they established the settlement of Fort Ross in 1812, slightly north of present-day San Francisco. Whereas the Traditional Russian Empire was built through colonization rather than conquest, the new lands forming the Classical Empire in most cases belonged to states that actively opposed Russian expansion. For the most part, the new territories broke away from Russia at the first opportunity, in 1917, some forever, others only for the period of the civil war.

The third form of Russian empire was the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Revolutionary Russia, having withdrawn briefly to its seventeenth-century borders, began a new expansion, annexing the Baltic states, parts of Poland, Bessarabia, Karelia, Tuva, and after World War II, parts of East Prussia, southern Sakhalin, and the Kuriles. The Soviet Empire created a powerful domain of influence that covered almost the entire world. Soviet troops were stationed in East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Mongolia. Yugoslavia and Albania also belonged for some time to this strict zone of influence. Looser Soviet influence included North Korea, Vietnam, Cuba, Nicaragua, Laos, Egypt, Syria, South Yemen, Ghana, Mali, Congo, Ethiopia, and Angola. It is worth recalling that the flag of Mozambique still features a Kalashnikov gun.

Being an empire, however, is not merely about having vast and diverse territories, but also, and perhaps most importantly, about establishing the ideas that justify such power. For no empire is based solely on force; each presents some legitimizing formula, which, at least officially, provides the justification for rule over it. The role of imperial ideas should not be underestimated; for whether or not they are sincerely accepted by the rulers and the ruled, they form an official worldview that defines the framework of their possible operations (Rojek 2009 ). During the 500 years of the Russian empire, there have been several different ways of its legitimization.

The Traditional Russian Empire was explicitly religious in nature. The mission of the Tsar was to protect and spread Orthodoxy. Such a mission resulted especially from the adoption of the idea of Moscow as the Third Rome, which implied that the Russian state was the heir of ancient Rome and Constantinople and the only defender of true Christianity in the world (Rojek 2014 , pp. 35–54). Religious legitimacy was also present later. It was the religious mission that drove Russian leaders to fight for the territories inhabited by Orthodox Christians and sometimes led to dramatic choices. A conflict with the Ottoman Empire and France over Russia’s role as protector of Orthodox believers in the Balkans and the holy sites in Jerusalem led to the Crimean War in 1853, which ended with a stunning Russian defeat and an earthquake in internal politics.

The Classical Russian Empire under Peter and Catherine initially changed its emphasis from a religious mission to a civilizing one. Russia’s new rulers officially proclaimed that their rule brought peace, culture, and enlightenment to their various peoples. Russian imperial rhetoric of this type was close to the concept of the “white man’s burden” later developed in the West (Thompson 2000 ). The conquests were presented as a beneficial emancipatory action of the peoples who could thus enjoy the achievements of European civilization. However, for a long time, the civilizing mission was combined with a religious one. For instance, the partitions of Poland were carried out in the name of protecting the rights of religious minorities, Orthodox and Protestants, allegedly threatened by intolerant Polish Catholicism.

Subsequently, the universal civilizing mission was slowly replaced by a more particular nationalistic idea. As early as 1833, Count Sergei Uvarov formulated the famous triple principle of Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality, which constituted the ideological basis of the empire. Such a formula obviously excluded non-Orthodox and non-Russian inhabitants. The pan-Slavic concept of the unity of the Slavic peoples, which justified Russian claims to rule in Poland and the Balkans, was somewhat broader. An elaborate theory substantiating the Slavic alliance was put forward by Nikolai Danilevsky, who many years before Feliks Koneczny and Samuel Huntington wrote about the “plurality of civilizations.” Russia was to be the political organization of the “Slavic cultural type.” Ultimately, however, Alexander III, after his father’s assassination in 1881, adopted a decidedly more nationalist course supported by his minister Nikolai Pobedonoscev, which resulted in massive Russification and Jewish pogroms. Nevertheless, pan-Slavic ideas were still alive, and Russian support for the Slavs in the Balkans finally led to the outbreak of World War I.

The third form of the Russian empire, the Soviet Union, was based on admirably universal communist ideology. The USSR was founded not on the national, but rather class basis. It was to be the “homeland of the proletariat” and since the proletariat is everywhere, it was supposed to ultimately encompass the whole world. The first anthem of the Soviet Union announced quite literally that “with the International, the human race will rise.” Such a legitimizing formula had for a long time ensured the great successes of the empire, even after the new wartime anthem of the USSR referred to the “Great Russia” that had united the “free republics.” The conquered peoples always had an alibi for their situation, since they were not formally subject to the authority of a single nation, but to that of a state realizing the interests of the world proletariat.

Russian history might be seen as a great laboratory of imperialism. Most importantly, we can investigate in this case the fundamental role of ideologies, not only in the rise of empires but also in their fall. First, it seems that the general shift from universal civilizational principles to a particularistic national formula eventually led to the collapse of the Russian Classical Empire. This process has been admirably described by a prominent contemporary Polish historian, Andrzej Nowak ( 2014 ). The initial inclusive civilizational formula naturally privileged the most culturally developed peoples of the empire. As it happened, these were predominantly Poles. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, more subjects of Alexander I read Polish than Russian. The Polish nobility made up more than half of the entire nobility of the Russian empire. This provoked opposition from the Russian elite, who called for the empire to be based on a more national basis that would privilege their position. That was the main underlying idea of the famous “Opinion of a Russian Citizen,” sent by Nikolai Karamzin to Tsar Alexander I. However, the adoption of the national formula blocked the elites from the peripheries. They were not able to realize their aspirations in the new system, which pushed them to undermine it. National repressions thus led not only to the intended Russification, but also to the unintentional radicalization of oppressed minorities. Revolutionary activity was treated as the next, perhaps more effective, stage of the struggle for national liberation. This explains the phenomenon of thousands of Russified Poles engaged in revolutionary movements in Russia. As a result, the Russian Empire was overthrown by the Russian-speaking Pole Felix Dzerzhinsky, the Jew Lev Bronstein, and the Georgian Yosif Dzhugashvili. This case clearly shows that it is impossible to build a lasting empire on a too narrow national base. The Classical Russian Empire collapsed because it became too nationalistic.

Secondly, the universalist communist ideology, although for a long time legitimized Soviet domination over enormous ethnically diverse territories, prompted Russian patriots to dismantle the system from within. This process, in turn, has been brilliantly described by Polish political scientist and historian, former ambassador to Moscow, Włodzimierz Marciniak ( 2004 ). As he argued, it was the national awakening of the Russians, who were the only nation in the USSR without their own Communist Party, that eventually led to the collapse of the Soviet Empire. In this way, Russian nationalism crushed Soviet imperialism. Russia was one of the first republics to detach itself from the USSR. Thus, a mechanism similar to that which led to the collapse of the Classical Empire worked here. Again, the national principle undermined the imperial one. However, the Soviet Empire fell not because it was too national, but because it was not national enough.

The neoimperial view

The Soviet Union collapsed in 1991. The Russian Federation, although a quarter smaller than the former USSR, is still the largest country in the world. Present Russia, as many commentators note, with either satisfaction or concern, is surprisingly similar to the first Traditional Russian Empire, before the incorporation of Ukraine in the mid-seventeenth century. Apparently, the peoples of this imperial core have bonded strongly over 500 years of shared history. The new Russian state is clearly more national in character, although it is still a mixture of many national and ethnic groups. At the end of the Soviet Union, roughly half of its citizens described themselves as ethnic Russians ( russkie ); today they form about 75% of the Russian Federation’s population. The process of the collapse of the Soviet Empire was remarkably peaceful. Massive decolonization led to only a few local border conflicts, some of which have not been resolved to this day. Compared to other collapsing empires, which left a state of war of all against all, the Soviet Union disintegrated in a very decent way and certainly better than the French, British, or Portuguese empires.

Commentators agree that the early 1990s was a turning point in which the continuity of Russian imperial history was called into question. “The Russian Federation,” Trenin says, “having emerged from an empire, had a good chance to build a nation-state” (Trenin 2011 , p. 60) “In retrospect,” Van Herpen says, “1991 offered the first real chance in modern Russian history to break the infernal cycle of imperialist expansion and colonial subjugation of neighboring peoples” (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 47). The Russians rejected the restraining curse of empire and the ideology that legitimized it. This process was accompanied by a profound shift in attitudes toward pragmatism and individualism. Russians became tired of maintaining costly colonial possessions and generally lost interest in common goals, focusing instead on their individual lives. In addition, the violent economic crisis made it urgent to find a way to survive. Then, the path to spectacular individual success opened up for some people. Russia therefore faced a unique historical opportunity to transform its own consciousness and redefine the nature of its state. The difference between Trenin and Van Herpen was that, in the former’s view, Russia has generally seized its opportunity, while in the latter’s view it has not. “Unfortunately,” Van Herpen urged, “in the Russian situation, after a short period of shock, the loss of empire did not result in a gradual acceptance, but in a swelling tidal wave of chauvinism and nationalism” (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 50).

The foundation of Van Herpen’s reasoning is the belief that despotism is the source of imperialism. Brief democratization in the new Russia led to temporary decolonization, but shortly thereafter a process of restoration of strong central power began, resulting in a new cycle of imperialization. The underlying mechanism is that undemocratic governments generate citizen discontent that can be neutralized by the government’s use of neoimperialistic rhetoric and occasionally aggressive activity in the international sphere. Citizens thus give up their political freedom in exchange for national pride. The expansion legitimizes government and unites the nation around common causes. Unfortunately, the government, in order to maintain support, must permanently mobilize citizens and engage in aggressive external politics.

Russian imperial reconquest obviously needs a new state ideology. This ideology, according to Van Herpen, is increasingly nationalistic, or even “ultranationalistic.” As he indicated, this could be seen not only in the program of the governing party but also in the slogans of the opposition and in the demands of extremist groups that enjoy the silent support of the government. Van Herpen carefully analyzed Vladimir Putin’s famous speech, “Russia at the Turn of the Millennium,” delivered on December 29, 1999, just before he became president (Putin 1999 ). For him, this was “one of the most elaborated pieces of the Putin ideology” (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 110). Putin begins with the somewhat surprising assertion in this context that he has no intention of proposing a new state ideology:

I think the term “state ideology” advocated by some politicians, publicists, and scholars is not quite appropriate. It creates certain associations with our recent past. [...] I am against the restoration of an official state ideology in Russia in any form. (Putin 1999 )

At the same time, however, as Van Herpen notes, Putin clearly suggests such an ideology in his speech. It was based on four principles: patriotism ( patriotizm ), great power ( derzhavnost ’), statism ( gosudarstvennichestvo ), and social solidarity ( sotsial ’ naia solidarnost ’). Putin defined the principle of great power as follows:

Russia was and will remain a great power ( velikoi stranoi ). It is preconditioned by the inseparable characteristics of its geopolitical, economic, and cultural existence. They determined the mentality of Russians and the policy of the government throughout the history of Russia, and they cannot but do so at present. (Putin 1999 )

Van Herpen finds in Putin’s speech a typically Russian apotheosis of a strong state, ultranationalism, and a virtual negation of the principles of democracy and the free market, which acquire a worrisome local, Russian, rather than universal, sense. In his view, Putin’s ideology, which proclaims the need for national rebirth, is close to Italian fascism. The analogy between Putinism and fascism has been extensively developed by Van Herpen in his previous book (Van Herpen 2013 ).

The internal politics of the government and the rise of nationalist attitudes of the people were followed by concrete statements and actions of Russia in the international sphere. In 2005 Putin called the collapse of the USSR “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century,” and in 2007 in Munich, he threatened a new Cold War. Next, in 2008 Medvedev included into the principles of Russian foreign policy “protecting the lives and dignity of Russian citizens wherever they live,” and a law passed in 2009 allowed the use of Russian troops abroad for this purpose. That same year, 2009, Russia conducted huge military maneuvers in which a tactical nuclear attack on Poland was exercised. Finally, Russia initiated various integration projects apparently aimed at rebuilding an empire in the former Soviet space. Already in 1996, the Union of Belarus and Russia was initiated, in 2002 the Collective Security Treaty Organization was created, and in 2011 the Eurasian Union was launched, which according to Van Harpen was “the ultimate integration effort, crowning and superseding all earlier integration efforts,” and the “pet project of Vladimir Putin” (Van Herpen 2014 , pp. 82, 83). To sum up, “under the guise of the Eurasian Customs Union, Eurasian Economic Union, and—most recently—Eurasian Union, new efforts of empire-building have begun” (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 3). Subsequent well-known events seem to fit this pattern perfectly. In 2014, Putin annexed Crimea and created a crisis in eastern Ukraine, and in 2022 he carried out an open attack on Ukraine.

The postimperial view

Dmitri Trenin offered a completely different diagnosis of contemporary Russia. In his opinion, it is a postimperial country, not a neoimperial one. This means that “the country is no longer an empire and it is not going to be one again. However, the many features that were established in the imperial period are still felt to this day” (Trenin 2011 , pp. 13–14). However, these features, which may continue for decades to come, should not obscure a fundamental, substantive change in the very nature of the Russian state.

The most important feature of the imperial legacy in modern Russia is its internal political system. In its general description, Trenin would probably agree with Van Herpen to a great extent. Russia is an authoritarian country, although it is a rather soft, moderate and not, in fact, very repressive authoritarianism. Democratic mechanisms function merely superficially, political parties do not truly represent the population, the courts do not preserve proper neutrality, the media is not independent, and there are no sufficient guarantees of individual freedoms. For Trenin, authoritarianism, however, contrary to Van Herpen’s suggestion, is not the same as imperialism. On the one hand, a state can be nondemocratic and show no expansionist tendencies, while on the other hand, there can be democratic states that adopt imperialist policies.

The second feature of the imperial legacy is the expansionist rhetoric frequently used by various Russian ideologists, historians, publicists, and sometimes politicians. Trenin, however, insisted that we should not attach undue importance to words. They are irritated but, in fact, ineffective expressions of the postimperial syndrome. “Words substituted for action. […] Troubled souls could vent their feelings and relieve themselves, but—apart from a few ruffled feathers—everything remained in place” (Trenin 2011 , p. 208). This is particularly evident in the comments of the late Vladimir Zhirinovsky, who in reality discredited, rather than promoted, imperial ideas. Moreover, in Trenin’s view, the widespread nostalgia for the Soviet Union observed by sociologists among Russians is not due at all to its imperial character, but rather to the social security it provided. The Russians, according to Trenin, yearn for the lost stability, equality, protective government, and ultimately their youth spent in the Land of Soviets rather than its status as a global empire.

Trenin argued that Russia has fundamentally changed its priorities in international politics. It has renounced imperialism but still wants to maintain its status as a great world power. Putin directly wrote about this in the article quoted and linked above. Trenin explains this shift in the following way: “While no longer a pretender to world hegemony and staying within its new, shrunken borders, Russia has been trying hard to establish itself in the top league of the world’s major players and as the dominant power in its neighborhood” (Trenin 2011 , p. 13). The transformation of an empire into a great power may seem like a nuance, but it is of great importance. Great powers realize their own interests, not imperial missions. The problem is that they can adopt aggressive politics that, to outside observers, may not differ from the former imperial politics.

What does it mean that Russia wants to be a great power? Trenin pointed to three components of the Russian idea of great power. First, Russia wants to be internally sovereign, secondly, it wants to be externally sovereign, and thirdly, it wants to maintain its own zone of influence.

Internal sovereignty means that no country should influence Russia’s internal affairs. This idea was developed in the doctrine of sovereign democracy, elaborated primarily by Vladislav Surkov (Surkov 2007a , 2007b ; Rojek 2014 , pp. 77–101). The doctrine was clearly intended to protect Russia from another “color revolution” supported by Western powers, but it also stemmed from a deep belief in the uniqueness of Russian culture, incommensurable with Western experience and categories. The pursuit of political, economic, and cultural autarky, however, is not characteristic of an empire. From an empire, we would expect bold expansion rather than desperate defense.

External sovereignty means independence in foreign-policy decisions. Russia has finally given up its previous attempts at integration with the West. To recall, in the 1990s it seriously discussed joining NATO and the newly formed European Union. Then, in the first years of the twentieth century, Russia hoped to integrate not as a part of the West but rather with the West. Putin, after the September 11 attacks, proposed a strategic partnership with the United States. According to Trenin, however, the West could not find a formula that would satisfy Russia, and Russia ultimately decided to go its own way. Most importantly, however, the concept of external sovereignty has a negative character. “The basic meaning of great power in Russian minds, then, was its own independence, rather than others’ dependence on it” (Trenin 2011 , p. 208). Again, this is not a mark of empire.

Certainly, the most controversial element of the idea of great power is the concept of a sphere of privileged influences, which has been quite often voiced by representatives of the Russian government. Trenin sees it as a clear relic of imperial thinking. “As an international actor, Russia is at a point where it recognizes all former borderland republics as separate countries , even if it does not yet see all of them as foreign states ” (Trenin 2011 , p. 14). The post-Soviet states, however, are not all treated in the same way. The Baltic countries, for instance, seen as completely foreign, are one thing, whereas Belarus or Kazakhstan, still treated as close neighbors, are another. For Trenin, the idea of the influence sphere initially had a defensive nature. It was evidenced, for instance, by the long stagnation in the process of Russia’s integration with Belarus. Undoubtedly, however, the idea of a sphere of influence, which presupposes the Russian expectation of at least neutrality, leads to unavoidable conflicts. Georgia’s and Ukraine’s attempts to leave the sphere of neutrality by integrating with the EU and NATO gave Russia reasons to go to war.

Trenin insisted that even famously aggressive statements by Russian leaders should be interpreted in the light of the idea of great power rather than empire. For example, Putin’s notorious speech at the Munich conference was, according to Trenin, in fact, a legitimate defense of Russia’s rights to retain its own status. “Accept us as we are; treat us as equals; and let’s do business where our interests meet” (Trenin 2011 , p. 27). Trenin also recalled that Putin’s worrying statements about the collapse of the Soviet Union were actually quotations from Ukrainian politicians. Allegedly, it was Oleksandr Moroz, a Speaker of Rada, who first said that “one who does not regret the passing of the Soviet Union has no heart; one who wants to bring it back has no brains.”

The shift from the idea of empire to the idea of great power was grounded in a fundamental and permanent change in the dominant system of values. Russians have become less committed to grand collective projects and more focused on personal concerns. They also became much less willing to share their wealth, while the possession of an empire requires sacrifices.

Empires, for all the coercion they necessarily entail, do produce some public goods, in the name of a special mission. Great powers can be at least equally brutish and oppressive, but they are essentially selfish creatures. (Trenin 2011 , p. 212)

It is the natural selfishness, both at the level of individuals and the country as a whole, that is the deepest reason for the resignation from imperial ambitions. Indeed, the possession of colonies was extremely expensive, and people remember this very well. In 1991, the seven Soviet republics received large subsidies from the union budget; in the case of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, the subsidy from the center was almost the same as their own budgets. Today, simply no one would be willing to make such sacrifices.

There is no ideology, no clear set of values, but a very strong sense of pragmatism. The motto is simple: to survive, and to succeed, using whatever means available. This pragmatism allows no room for empire-building. Russian leaders have agreed among themselves: no more expensive ideological nonsense; no more material self-sacrifice; and no more subsidies for others. (Trenin 2011 , p. 234)

For Russia’s ruling elite is painfully selfish. They are not hot idealists, but cold pragmatists. One can expect from them a firm defense of the interests of great power, but not the realization of demanding imperialistic ideals.

This diagnosis generally agrees with the famous theory of the System of the Russian Federation formulated by Gleb Pavlovsky. This former Kremlin close advisor, a major figure in the presidential campaigns, suggested that Russia is in the hands of a relatively small group of people, led by the Team ( komanda ), as he calls it, whose sole concern is to maintain their control over the circulation of Russian resources. Russia, in his view, is therefore not a state in the usual sense of the word. Political institutions are merely facades, and politics is dominated by informal personal relationships. Putin’s maintenance of personal power despite its formal takeover by Medvedev in 2008–2012 was clear evidence of this. Pavlovsky claims that the power in Russia is held first by Putin’s Team, which consists of several dozen people, and second by the Bonus Class ( premial ’ nyi klass ), which is about a thousand, which profit from control of key sectors in Russia’s economy.

These people are getting rich by being monopolists in the field of resource extraction and building gas pipelines. Under Putin’s supervision, they operate the global financial network of the Russian Federation. [...] There is a protected class of people who govern the conversion of resources into power. This class has grown from Moscow to the whole country and includes more than a thousand people. Together with Putin, they constitute an unelected elite circle of the Russian Federation, similar to the establishment of the European Union. Real decisions are made at a level that is beyond the reach of voters. [...] This model has been working for decades and will continue to work. (Pavlovskii 2014 , pp. 46–47)

The purpose of the System of the Russian Federation is not, as in the case of other countries, to ensure the common good of its citizens, but rather to enable the elite to make profits by controlling the exploitation of resources. Also, obviously, the purpose of the System is not to realize any civilizational or imperial projects. It is only about money and power for a small group of people.

It seems, therefore, that the modern Russian state is a perfect realization of the principles of austere political realism. It is guided by hard economic interests, brutally defends them, and looks with contempt and incredulity at Western countries that sometimes still refer to values. All this, of course, perhaps shows Russia in a bad light, but at the same time, it proves that it does not seek to build an empire at all. For empire is based not so much on force as on ideas. Russia is therefore not an ordinary country, but its uniqueness lies not in the fact that it is a neoimperial state, but in the fact that it is a predatory state. Russia is not, in other words, an ideocracy, but rather a kleptocracy.

Nationalism and imperialism

A crucial point in the debate between the postimperial and neoimperial interpretations of contemporary Russia is the question of Russian nationalism. As I pointed out, following Polish historians Andrzej Nowak and Włodzimierz Marciniak, it was exactly the problem of nationalism that led to the collapse of the two previous forms of the Russian empire. The Tsarist empire became too national, whereas the Soviet one was not national enough. As a result, the former was broken up by revolting minorities, whereas the latter was dismantled by a dissatisfied majority. Russian nationalism was thus paradoxically a main antiimperial force throughout history.

It seems to be the same today. Russian nationalism, even if it takes extremely aggressive forms, actually undermines Russian imperialism, which has been far more dangerous at times. This is so because nationalism limits the possible scope of the supposed empire. This was clearly recognized by Trenin, who wrote:

What the rise in xenophobia, the upsurge of chauvinism, and the spread of anti-foreign violence also tell is that there is no appetite whatsoever for a new edition of the empire, only residual nostalgia for the old days. (Trenin 2011 , p. 62)

The radicalization of nationalism in Russia thus indicates a reduction in imperial sentiments. Paradoxically, the more nationalism, the less imperialism. Therefore, the recent rise of Russian nationalism gives at least hope for the final decline of the Russian empire. While we may be endangered by aggressive Russian chauvinists, we will not be threatened by the far more ambitious Russian imperialists.

Obviously, this is a controversial interpretation. For many commentators, Russian chauvinism, xenophobia, and nationalism rather indicate the rise, not the fall, of Russian imperialism. That was Van Herpen’s view.

Trenin’s argument that the widespread xenophobia in Russia will prevent Russia from becoming imperialist is [...] not valid. In fact, the contrary is true: ultranationalism and imperial chauvinism are often most developed in xenophobic and racist countries. (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 3)

Van Herpen was right in his insistence that Russia escalates aggression. Trenin obviously turned out to be too optimistic. However, it seems to me that ultimately Trenin is right in his analysis of the relationship between nationalism and imperialism. No empire can be founded on a too narrow national basis. The Russian empire always had to include many different nations, religions, and cultures, so the current rise of Russian ethnic nationalism virtually excludes any wider imperial aspirations. Even the present-day Russian state is officially based on the idea of a political sense of Russian nationality ( rossiiskii ), rather than a cultural or ethnic one ( russkii ). Paradoxically, therefore, the more Putin’s regime becomes nationalistic, the less imperialistic it must be. Alas, this does not mean that it becomes less aggressive.

Now, what is the nature of the current Russian war against Ukraine? It seems that it is a nationalist reaction rather than an imperialist expansion. This is evidenced by the ideological justifications of the war in Ukraine shown in the statements of Russian politicians. The defense of ethnic Russians beyond the borders has long been among Russia’s foreign policy priorities. A convenient instrument of this policy was the “passportization” of Russians living outside the Russian Federation, providing a formal pretext for their defense. The foundation of Russia’s current claim to domination in the post-Soviet area is the doctrine of the Russian world ( russkii mir ). It follows from the statements of Putin and his officials that the Russian world is supposed to be a specific cultural community of people who speak Russian, somehow identify with Orthodoxy, and refer to some common values (Menkiszak 2014 ). The center of the Russian world is, of course, Russia, but it also comprises Belarus, at least the eastern part of Ukraine, and perhaps other territories bordering Russia, but definitely not the whole post-Soviet space, not to mention the rest of the world. Russia merely presents itself as a defender of the rights of the Russian-speaking population in its neighboring countries. Van Herpen aptly calls this concept an “annexationist Pan-Russianism” (Van Herpen 2014 , p. 56). However, there is no doubt that such an idea has a strong nationalist, not imperialist, sense. This is so even if Russian nationalists sometimes speak about the reintegration of the former Soviet Empire. If they attempt to do this on the grounds of national ideas, they could not succeed. The logic of empire building, which needs a more universalistic principle, is inexorable.

What’s more, it seems that playing the nationalist card not only prevents the building of an empire but also threatens the disintegration of the Russian state itself. The concept of russkii mir is potentially dangerous for the Russian Federation. In the short run, it may serve as a basis for local expansion, but in the long run, it may lead to an irreversible destabilization of the Russian state itself. This is because the Russian Federation is still not a regular nation-state, but a semi-imperial remnant of a multiethnic and multicultural empire. Hence, if it became a one-nation country, it would inevitably trigger separatist tendencies. As Trenin notes:

There is a sense that an ethnic Russian nation might spell the end of the present Russian state. Even though more than 50 percent of Russian residents find the slogan “Russia for the Russians” attractive, an ethnic Russian nation in a country with so many ethnic homelands organized as republics with their constitutions, national languages, and aspirations is a sure way to a new disaster. (Trenin 2011 , p. 62)

It is worth recalling that, for instance, Dagestan, one of the eighty-five subjects of the Russian ( Rossiiskaia ) Federation, is inhabited by about thirty different nationalities that can by no means be considered as parts of the ethnic Russian ( russkii ) world. The government’s insistence on a national premise may thus open an ethnic Pandora’s Box. If the Russian authority today stands up for the rights of ethnic Russians abroad, then Russian residents of other nationalities become second-class citizens. It is only a matter of time before this thought will appear in the minds of the Chechens, Ingush, Buryats, or Yakuts fighting in Ukraine. The Russians may thus unwittingly hang themselves with the rope they wanted to impose around the necks of their neighbors. Instead of moving beyond the current borders of Tsar Alexei I Mikhailovich, they may return to the borders of Grand Prince of Moscow, Ivan III.

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Acknowledgements

This paper is based on the first chapter of my book Przekleństwo imperium. Źródła rosyjskiego zachowania [The Curse of Empire. Sources of Russian Conduct], Krakow: Wydawnictwo M, 2014, pp. 13–33. An abridged version of this text was posted online on March 15, 2022 as “Will Russian Nationalism Ultimately Strangle Russian Imperialism?” by Church Life Journal run by the McGrath Institute for Church Life at the University of Notre Dame https://churchlifejournal.nd.edu/articles/will-russian-nationalism-ultimately-strangle-russian-imperialism/ . I am grateful to Artur Sebastian Rosman, the editor-in-chief of Church Life Journal , for the permission to reuse this material.

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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Rojek, P. Imperialism and nationalism. Stud East Eur Thought 74 , 447–461 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11212-022-09501-1

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Home — Essay Samples — History — Medieval Europe — Imperialism

Essays on Imperialism

Hook examples for imperialism essays, anecdotal hook.

Imagine standing on the shores of a distant land, witnessing the arrival of foreign ships, and realizing that your world is about to change forever. Such was the impact of imperialism on countless nations, and it's a story that must be explored.

Quotation Hook

""The sun never sets on the British Empire."" These words, often attributed to Joseph Chamberlain, encapsulate the vast reach and influence of imperialism. But behind this grandeur lies a complex tale of power, domination, and resistance.

Colonial Consequences Hook

Imperialism left a lasting mark on colonized nations. Delve into the consequences of colonialism, from cultural clashes and exploitation to the enduring legacy of imperialism on global politics.

Imperialist Motivations Hook

Why did powerful nations seek to expand their empires? Explore the motivations behind imperialism, whether it was driven by economic interests, territorial ambitions, or a quest for dominance on the world stage.

Resistance and Independence Hook

Imperialism didn't go unchallenged. Investigate the stories of resistance and the struggle for independence, where individuals and movements defied imperial rule in pursuit of self-determination.

Imperialism in Modern Context Hook

Imperialism isn't confined to history; its echoes are still felt in the modern world. Analyze how imperialism's legacy continues to shape international relations and the dynamics of global power today.

The Human Cost Hook

Behind the geopolitical maneuvering, imperialism had a profound human cost. Explore the stories of individuals and communities who bore the brunt of imperial ambitions.

Causes of Imperialism in Africa

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Imperialism in The Industrial Revolution

Positive and negative sides of the imperialism, the causes of imperialism in africa, the factors and sources of american imperialism, let us write you an essay from scratch.

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The History of Imperialism in Africa

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Imperialism in "Shooting an Elephant" and "The White Man’s Burden"

America's imperialism in latin america: a historical study, the primary terms and motivating factors of american imperialism, around the world in eighty days and the depiction of imperialism, negative effects of american imperialism in the countries involved, economic and political profits of american imperialism, imperialism, the world war and social democracy, parallels of imperialism in the film avatar, imperialism in europe and effects of the policy on european nations, the spanish-american war and american imperialism, the portrayals of imperialism in "things fall apart" and "heart of darkness", colonialism and imperialism in great britain, a policy of imperialism in america, du bois’ analysis of imperialism focusing on race, effects of colonialism in africa: nigeria and the congo, compassionate colonialism in typee: a peep at polynesian life, a theme of imperialism in the heart of darkness, reasons for american shift to imperialism: an explanation, political cartoons on imperialism, main causes of world war 1: discussion.

Imperialism is the state policy, practice, or advocacy of extending power and dominion, especially by direct territorial acquisition or by gaining political and economic control of other territories and peoples.

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• Great Depression
• Westward Expansion
• Frederick Douglass
• Manifest Destiny
• American Revolution
• Industrial Revolution

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Imperialism - Essay Examples And Topic Ideas For Free

Imperialism, characterized by the extension of a nation’s power through territorial acquisition or by the establishment of economic and political hegemony over other nations, played a critical role in shaping global history. Essays could delve into the different forms of imperialism, its key proponents, and its intersection with colonialism. They might also explore the motivations behind imperialistic endeavors, such as economic exploitation, political domination, and cultural assimilation. Discussions might extend to the impact of imperialism on colonized regions, including socio-economic exploitation, cultural erasure, and the resistance movements it spurred. The discourse may also touch on the legacy of imperialism, analyzing its long-term consequences on global power dynamics, post-colonial states, and contemporary international relations. A substantial compilation of free essay instances related to Imperialism you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

Imperialism in China

The Age of New Imperialism, from around 1870 to 1914, was a time when European powers sought to take control and claim territories throughout Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. In order to do this, industrialization was required to produce the equipment and factories necessary to make these products. An example of new imperialism was British imperialism in China, where Britain, and other countries, fought to gain power in China's economy through trade. British imperialism in China additionally led to […]

Driving Forces of European Imperialism in Africa

Africa, a nation is rich in natural beauty, natural resources, and oil. It's home to 1.2 billion people in 2017. But the effects of European imperialism in the late 1870s can be seen today, in the present day. But what were some of the driving forces of Europe imperialism in Africa? The driving force of European Imperialism in Africa Attributes to the resources, power, and national Darwinism/nationality. As the article, "Effect of Colonialism on Africa's Past and Present" It brings […]

Political Problem

The rapid development of the modern world in regards to political growth and independence has resulted in political problems and particular political terrorism and state-sponsored violence. Nations together with their governments are faced with security problems caused by the nuclear proliferation leading to misuse of this materials through wars and violence and terrorism. State-sponsored terrorism occurs when government regime forces or oppresses the minority group. Terrorism is the use of intentionally indiscriminate violence as a means to create terror to […]

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Nationalism and Imperialism

The process of nationalism had a greater impact on the world than the process of imperialism. The ideas and processes of nationalism and imperialism were both rooted in the notion of superiority. Although the processes for both became more intertwined during the 19th century, it is important to distinguish the two to understand how and why one process had a greater impact than the other. A great impact was felt through Europe and the world when imperialism views were strengthened […]

Modern American Imperialism

By the end of the 18th century, the British Empire was one of the biggest colonial powers in the world. It had colonies in many countries across the world such as India and Australia. There were other colonial powers such as Spain, France, and the Netherlands. One of the latest countries which entered the imperialistic way was the U.S. It saw that other countries, especially Great Britain, were gaining resources, territories and most importantly dominance over the world. The U.S. […]

Soccer is a Highly Contested Cut-throat Game

Many people hold a notion that soccer is a highly contested, cut-throat game. However, soccer has a great role in hosting competitions and being a mediator betweens nations at an international level (Kunczik, 2016). Football touches lives both on a regional and global scale. At times it inspires revolutions, but it also has the capability to create an everlasting peace and lift the participating nations. However, a blend of politics and soccer has significant and far-reaching implications on the international […]

European Imperialism in Africa

During the 1800s, the colonization of Africa was taken over by Europe. The countries gained money, resources, and the power while imperializing the countries of Africa. The Europeans were fascinated by the geography and the resources that Africa had to offer. Although, the imperialism did have an impact on the future of Africa. The European Imperialism in Africa influenced the future of the citizens in Africa and Africa as a whole in three ways, the forced labor or slavery from […]

What is Imperialism?

Imperialism is a policy of extending a country's power and influence through diplomacy or military force. In 1776, America got its independence from Great Britain and America wanted to take over more land. America had reasons for getting involved in Imperialism. President McKinley knew that in order to be a world power, we needed to have land beyond our borders that we could control. All of the other countries had colonies beyond their borders and if we wanted to be […]

The Longest War Fought in America’s History

The Vietnam War was iniated in November 1st 1955 and was finished on April 30 1975 because communism was starting to grow in Vietnam and the U.S wanted to keep it contained. At the time President Nixon was really worried that if Vietnam was to become communist other nations would soon follow and switch to communism. Ultimately at the end of the war there were a million plus casualties on both sides. The war officially ended in 1975 with the […]

New Imperialism

Do you know how New Imperialism was caused and how it affected the native peoples? Therefore during the 19th century many Western powers scramble for new territories. Some territories resisted colonial rule , but most early resistance movements failed. New imperialism and the effects of Western colonization had major causes on native people. New Imperialism was caused because of slave labor that America and European nations wanted. "Racists beliefs led to the use of military force against other nations. Some […]

American Imperialism: this is when it all Began

Historically, race has had a significant impact on American foreign policy. Racism has played a huge part in diplomacy. The concept of Imperialism was used to justify the unreal brutality of the expansion of the United States. Race and Imperialism are directly correlated. The imperialist views on America were fueled by the American Government themselves. Historians analyzed the perspective of race and imperialism through the American Government involvement in the Philippines. Paul A. Kramer, a well-known historian from Vanderbilt University, […]

What is Vietnam War Known For?

Vietnam, a nation that had been under French colonial rule since the 19th century. During World War II, Japanese forces invaded Vietnam. To fight off both Japanese occupiers and the French colonial administration, political leader Ho Chi Minh. In 1945 the defeat in World War II, Japan withdrew its forces from Vietnam, leaving the French-educated Emperor Bao Dai in control. This was seen as an opportunity to gain control; Ho's Viet Minh forces immediately rose up to take over the […]

Imperialism in Sudan

Introduction In the 1800s, many European countries raced to claim parts of Africa in what is now known as the "Scramble for Africa". Countries strategically took parts of Africa for their abundance of resources. Also, they wanted to have control over parts of rivers for trading purposes. Some tribal chiefs even signed treaties with these countries, which gave them the right to trade along major rivers (crf-usa 1). One of these countries is Sudan. Sudan, like all the other countries, […]

The Truth Behind Imperialism

The United State's goal of colonization has been succeeded as America has conquered many foreign lands. Even though the effects of colonization have resulted in oppression and the marginalization of many people, the United States continues to control and imperialize other lands for the purpose of economic gain and military control. In order to hide the true intent behind the imperialism that has taken people's land and freedom, the United States has passed bills and published bias news in the […]

The Imperialism of Heart of Darkness

Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad was interesting to me because I like stories like these because it was an exploration gone wrong. The whole story centers round Marlow who was a sailor and was trying to sail up the Congo River in central Africa to meet Kurtz. Kurtz went to the jungle to originally find ivory and to help the “savages” but, failed since he ends up transforming into one of them. The story showed how the spread of […]

The American Imperialism

American imperialism took place in the 1850s, having many causes and effects, although not all were bad. The three leading causes of American Imperialism were linked to economics, politics, and culture[1]. The economic factors were supposed to find new markets for trade. Most political motives were based on the nation's desire to gain as much power as possible to enable the US to compete with other countries, expand territory, increase military force, and boost national security and pride. The Alaska […]

How Industrialization Impacted the Global Order

Industrialization is when a country or region enters into a period of great industrial growth which implies several economic and social changes. Economically speaking, a country with a large population would be a prime spot for industrialization due to the large population needing jobs and money. This in turn would cause people to urbanize around areas where factories were located which makes a bigger population. In terms of social changes, the "lowest class" was created, which consisted of the working […]

British Imperialism in India

British imperialism was an event that greatly impacted both India's past and present. British imperialism in India was able to occur because of the country's trading system, and the weakening of the Moghuls, and British wanted to control India because, India was seen as a good source of both labor and raw materials and this was necessary for British industrialization. As stated previously British imperialism had a large, lasting effect on India. It opened India to western ideals, opened them […]

Imperialism or Internationalism

Throughout history, the failure of states has contributed to the rise of great powers as a solution to this collective problem. A variety of states have emerged throughout time each seeking to exert their sphere of influence over the given state(s). Specifically, these great powers embodied the practice of imperialism to which they sought to influence others through military force and/or diplomacy. Many states have historically used imperialism as a counterattack to the increased threat of the disorder and chaos […]

The History of American Imperialism

"American imperialism" refers to the economic, military and cultural impact of the United States on other countries. The beginning of Industrialization made American businessmen want to seek for new international markets where they could sell and receive goods. Following the Spanish American war in 1898 some argue that this was the beginning of American imperialism, but I believe that America has always been around in America, but it is know taking different forms. Westward expansion is a good example of […]

Imperialism in Asia

To a great extent, imperialism negatively affected the lives of colonized people because Britain caused the start of wars in India through constant racism, France forced the increase of rice production in Vietnam which led to famines, and the British smuggling opium in China resulted in the loss of land. The people of India were hurt by the constant racism expressed towards them by the British which led to the Sepoy Mutiny. This was uprising in northern India, where the […]

The Erosion of American Support for the Vietnam War

To begin, a massive amount of Americans are considered to be nationalistic and resonate with patriot appeals. A well known U.S rhetoric quote claims that America is "the greatest nation in the world". This can be used to U.S military advantage because it encourages or motivates United States citizens to support their country politically and to remain patriotic. As a result, in the 1950s, Americans had almost unconditionally support for their countries military actions and were fully on board with […]

Imperialism in the Eastern Countries

From its origin as a small enterprise, the East India Company emerged in 1600 as a powerful commercial and political organization established by the English businessmen. Its early presence shaped India and its surroundings and officially brought western people into Asia's early modern landscape. During the period of 1700 to 1900, the world was expanding rapidly, and many western countries took on their journey of imperialism to obtain more control over world trade and expand their territories. Certain factors such […]

Industrialisation and Imperialism

The U.S. Become a world power through industrialization, big business, railroads? Urbanization imperialism. Population growth may benefit the manufacturing sector in the adoption of increasing returns to scale technologies. They didn't have transportation like the railroad to travel and transport goods from their businesses. Now various states in the U.S. counties have transportation to travel and transport goods so their business can grow. People were live in small houses with multiple people and the condition they were living is horrible. […]

China and Imperialism

Since the seventeenth century, China had confined itself from whatever is left of the world and declined to receive Western ways. The Chinese allowed exchange yet just at the Port of Canton, where the privileges of European traders were at the impulse of the ruler. Colonialism in China started with the First Opium War (1839-1842), when the Chinese government attempted to stop the British from bringing in opium. This brought about a war in which Britain's unrivaled military and mechanical […]

America’s Imperialism

In the 19th century, the United states of America followed a strict policy of expanding and extending it's economic and political influence around the world. Imperialism is the rule in where stronger nations grow their economic, political, or military control over weaker territories and countries. The United States was like a collection of small countries and colonies on the eastern side and some of the west side. Over the past 200 years, America expanded and explodes across north America, to […]

Eugenics Vs Colonial Racism

The 1870s gave rise to continental powers such as America And Germany. They gained strength through the idea of imperialism which strongly revolved around acquisition of colonial powers. The supposed purpose was to bring culture to the uncivilized people across the globe. It is now commonly know that there were colonies that were heavily abused under this false pretense. George Washington William, a civil war soldier and writer on African American history, exposed the behavior of King Leopold in his […]

Imperialism Masked by the Gift of Faith

During the 15th and 16th centuries C.E. various maritime expeditions were on the rise. These included but were not limited to voyages conducted by some of the leading powers at the time: the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal and the Ming Empire. Despite Spain and Portugal being on the Western part of Europe and the Ming Empire being located in the Eastern part of Asia, they all shared the same ultimate motive, imperialism. Due to the shared motive behind these […]

America’s Experiment in Imperialism

America's experiment in imperialism was territorial expansion by military, the desire that america's economy and trade options grow beyond north america, and the want to influence everyone by power and to be americans. CONTEXTUALIZATION The age of imperialism was a time where the u.s. And other strong world power expanded fairly quickly. During the time of imperialism, industrialization caused American businessmen to find new international markets in which to sell their goods,also the increasing influence of social Darwinism made the […]

The Acts of Imperialism and Racism in “The Heart of Darkness”

In the novel The Heart of Darkness, the reader is introduced to the acts of imperialism and racism. The story tells of Europeans who have established a colony in Africa that is being used for trade purposes. However, the background of the story is that the Europeans are trying to colonize the Africans and introduce them to the European way of living. The white traders are not only trying to change the Africans way of life, the whites also view […]

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Essay About Imperialism In this week’s assignment, discuss US imperialism and the manifest destiny and how it has impacted the workplace today also, how it has changed the demographics of the workplace, and then give an example of how one group has been impacted by US immigration and the expansion. American Imperialism is a policy that was made for control over main politics, the economy, and its culture. The manifest destiny was used in order to take over North America and that they believed that everything that they were doing was justified and by the religion was all of Christianity. First, imperialism and manifest destiny affect many Americans in their workplaces today because of the large-scale companies because they use the manifest destiny to get what they want as far as becoming a larger company. In the past few years, you can see that the fuel industry is how manifest destiny when they go and find land for the companies in order to make room for increase. It is the same as when the US was looking for more unmarked land to take over and to be unbothered by the outsiders. Imperialism is a policy that shows us the extensions of power and influence through diplomacy or even military forces. The manifest destiny was of the 19th century and the beliefs were said to be the expansion and that it was justified as it was bound to happen. No doubt that they go hand-hand. American imperialism brought positive and negative impacts on the research. Some of the motives are that they were pushed toward the westward expansion and one main motive was to find marketers so that they can sell their product or goods. They also were motivated by culture, the Americans wanted to spread the culture, religion, and governing to those who didn’t have much. On a more positive note, American imperialism brought more advanced technologies, and that they were introduced to the US robotics, exploration of space, listens to live broadcasts and news stories around the globe. Also, developed the defensive support of the military bases in many countries. One disadvantage is that no person would want to be controlled by another who creates political feuds. (American Imperialism and Manifest Destiny, 2019). Demographic has the numbers and statistics about the population, I feel that American imperialism has hurt and helped the demographic in my field of work. The companies have spread and allowed different diversities and that the countries be able to boost the economy as which has opened more doors to Americans to make more money. American imperialism has hurt demographics in countries like the US by exploiting the workers who have poor countries and by greatly increasing the concentration for wealth in fewer hands. But the increase of power has an including political power of those corporations for individuals of our own country and the effects of society includes our electoral and increasing labor relations. In recent years, the US election has steadily increased and became matches for candidates for those who line up for the most corporate of billionaire’s donors. One of the most documented demographics in the US is its aging population. Baby boomers have followed the War World ll and the population then was a large proportion that reaching old age at that time. The aging process creates many challenges and the most notable in the area of healthcare. The numbers of reasons of healthcare in the US are increasing drastically. There is a number of reasons for having nothing with the change of demographic, but the aging population is a certain factor. The aging population is posing challenges in the US and will need to be faced, some solutions that might include is increasing the retirement age as to what people can receive social security and reducing benefits for wealthier seniors, or increase social security taxes on higher income. (How Demographics Are Changing in America, 2015). In today’s economy immigration has become home to a larger number of immigrants in the world. Immigrants have assimilated faster in the US compare to developed European nations around the globe, while the immigration policy has become a highly contentious issue among Americans. Economic theory predicts that academic research confirms the wages of unaffected immigration over a long period of the economic effects of immigration are mostly positive for the natives and for the overall economy. In conclusion, the US and many of the surrounding countries have endured the changes from American Imperialism and Manifest Destiny. It is on the citizens to vote for changes and to be aware of what is going on in their community and all around the world and to keep them from having more conflict and war from the choices that were made by Americans Imperialism and Manifest Destiny.

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We Live in a World of Growing Imperialist Rivalries

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Both US and Chinese leaders play down the prospects of a new Cold War — but they never sound convincing. Vast shifts in the world economy are driving a new imperialist rivalry, for which a series of regional wars are creating dangerous flash points.

US president Joe Biden greets Chinese president Xi Jinping before a meeting during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Leaders’ week in Woodside, California, on November 15, 2023. (Photo by Brendan Smialowski / AFP via Getty Images)

The international political and economic order is rapidly changing. The United States and Europe increasingly resort to protectionism, industrial policy, and the so-called friend-shoring of supply chains to source from allies only. The US establishment is all but openly admitting its need to put a check on China’s economic and geopolitical rise. Meanwhile, Russia has joined the club of isolated and sanctioned pariah states. However, the size of its economy, and its role as one of the world’s largest energy exporters, changes the nature of the anti-Western coalition, also affecting the US-China rivalry. And the arbitrary nature of “the rules-based order” is being amply exposed in Gaza.

Faced with these global imperialist shifts, the Left needs an analysis that can guide both a progressive foreign policy and a vision of radical change at home. Here, my aim is to define the contours of the current imperialist realignment and call on the Left to study these international processes, particularly in the semiperiphery, from a critical perspective.

US-China Rivalry

For the last several years, the US-China relationship has progressively deteriorated, with hostile rhetoric and moves like House of Representatives speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan in 2022. However, in recent months, US and Chinese leaders have both resorted to conciliatory language, emphasizing that neither of them wants conflict or a new Cold War. Both Joe Biden and Xi Jinping try to defuse the situation rhetorically, yet neither of them sounds convincing.

Part of the problem is the rhetoric itself. In April 2023, US treasury secretary Janet Yellen reiterated that confrontation between the two countries is not inevitable and that the United States does not seek to prevent China’s economic rise. However, she went on to clarify: “China’s economic growth need not be incompatible with U.S. economic leadership.” This statement echoes the apparent consensus in US ruling circles that having both economic and geopolitical parity between the United States and China is unacceptable. In a recent essay for Foreign Affairs aptly named “What America Wants From China,” Ryan Hass, a former member of the National Security Council, expresses a similar logic. He claims that the United States should try to include China in the international system, convincing Beijing that “the best path to the realization of its national ambitions would be to operate within existing rules and norms.” However, like Yellen, Hass stresses the need to preserve US economic leadership by sustaining “an overall edge over China in technological innovation, particularly in fields with national security implications.”

Both Yellen and Hass try to square the circle of simultaneously convincing China that that the US-centric system is its best bet in terms of economic development and calling on the United States to maintain an economic lead over China — by actively preventing Beijing from developing cutting-edge technologies if necessary. As Adam Tooze points out , “It is hard to see how [Yellen’s] vision, in which the United States arrogates to itself the right to define which trajectory of Chinese economic growth is and is not acceptable, can possibly be a basis for peace.” Indeed, the United States seems to claim that right in practice, most notably, by introducing broad sanctions against the Chinese semiconductor industry. When Huawei unveiled a new 5G phone complete with a seven-nanometer processor produced domestically despite US sanctions, US commerce secretary Gina Raimondo admitted that she was “upset” and that the “only good news” was that there was no evidence China could produce such chips at scale. She added that the United States needed “different tools” to enforce sanctions. These remarks make perfect sense in the context of the ongoing US policy to limit the development of the Chinese semiconductor industry. They make no sense, however, in view of Yellen’s declaration that “these national security actions are not designed for us to gain a competitive economic advantage, or stifle China’s economic and technological modernization.” Given the centrality of the chip industry to the overall economic development, what else are these actions designed for?

Both sides, especially with Biden at the helm in the United States, make an effort to avoid the aggressive “othering” that has been so prevalent in US-Russian relations. A recent report by RAND Corporation, the main think tank of the US national security establishment, urges moves to avoid misunderstanding Chinese intentions and motives through open dialogue and careful diplomacy. Both the US and China leaderships are mindful of the importance of their relationship to the fate of the world, and neither is actively looking for a fight. Yet the spiral of deterioration of the bilateral ties seems unstoppable, with trade wars, rising export and investment controls, mutual securitization of the various parts of the relationship (such as scientific cooperation), and geopolitical flash points including Taiwan and the South China Sea. Could the United States and China avoid spiraling confrontation by adopting a less offensive posture and changing their strategic orientations, e.g., if the United States abandons the goal of strategic and economic primacy at all costs?

Marxist theories of imperialism — both the classic ones advanced by Rosa Luxemburg and Vladimir Lenin and the modern ones, such as David Harvey ’s theory of the “ new imperialism ” — link aggressive foreign policy to the contradictions of capital accumulation. In this view, interimperialist rivalries have a structural cause that is irreducible to messianic imperialist ideologies or the search for security that creates insecurities for other states, as in the realist accounts of the “security dilemma.” According to the Marxist interpretation, domestic industrial overcapacity and the overaccumulation of capital compel the national bourgeoisie to seek external expansion. In this endeavor, capital enlists the help of the state to protect its overseas investments, markets, and trade routes. The clash between nation-based capitals over markets and profitable outlets for investment leads to interimperialist rivalries. Some argue that such conflicts are obsolete due to the emergence of the transnational capitalist class (TCC), with the nascent “transnational state” to serve its interests. However, the TCC thesis looks increasingly problematic from an empirical standpoint. Research shows that global capitalist networks remain highly regionalized and uneven, with limited interlocking between the Global North and other countries, including China. The concept of the “transnational state” seems even more far-fetched, with rising militarization, protectionism, trade wars, and conflicting geopolitical visions such as the US “Pivot to Asia” versus the Chinese “Belt and Road Initiative.”

One might respond that the US-China rivalry could be driven by national security elites and their competing visions of the “national interest,” rather than by capitalist elites who would have otherwise preferred the globalized accumulation regime without the national divisions. In other words, due to the relative autonomy of the state from capitalist interests, interimperialist rivalries may have noneconomic causes. While this argument cannot be dismissed in principle (and, as we shall see, it plays a central role in explaining the US-Russian confrontation), it is hardly applicable to the US-China rivalry. Based on the historical record and Chinese strategic thinking, we might well deduce that China in particular is a reluctant imperialist nation, with a certain tradition of avoiding confrontation. Nevertheless, its relentless search for markets and investment opportunities abroad, driven by domestic overcapacity and capital overaccumulation, almost mechanically leads it to expand its global military presence as well, creating both the economic and the security tensions with the United States. Facing the threat of expanding Chinese capital (which is tightly interwoven with the state), factions of the US capitalist class have embraced a more confrontational stance toward China despite the economic interdependence between the two countries and the importance of the vast Chinese market for American businesses. The stage is set for the inter-imperialist rivalry that will define the twenty-first century.

In its core economic dynamic, the US-China rivalry harkens back to the classic Marxist theories of imperialism, such as those of Lenin and Luxemburg, defying the modern variations that have been developed to explain the period of the US-led globalization, such as the theory of the transnational capitalist class. This is not to say that the century-old Marxist theories of imperialism should simply be reapplied to the new context. Imperialism (the proactive use of economic, military, and other forms of coercion by one state against other states under conditions of strong asymmetry of power) and interimperialist rivalries (clashes between imperialist states over regional and global dominance) may have complex causes that cannot not be reduced to the contradictions of capital accumulation. Nevertheless, in some cases, as in the case of the modern US-China rivalry, the economic factors take center stage.

These factors reveal a potentially combustible situation. Michel Pettis provides an analysis that makes further confrontation seem practically inevitable. Today, China accounts for 18 percent of global gross domestic product (GDP). However, it comprises only 13 percent of global consumption while accounting for 32 percent of global investment and 31 percent of global manufacturing. If China manages to maintain the growth rates of 4 to 5 percent for the next decade while keeping its current investment-heavy model, its share of the global GDP would rise to 21 percent. Consumption, however, would still be less than 15 percent of the global total, while investment would climb to 38 percent and manufacturing to 36 percent. That would require the rest of the world to cede even more of its manufacturing capacity to China.

Leading capitalist powers are clearly no longer willing to accommodate China’s industrial growth as they enact protectionist measures and invest heavily in the domestic industry (e.g., the Biden administration has ushered in a new “manufacturing investment supercycle” in the United States). That leaves China with few options. One is to rebalance the economy toward domestic consumption, requiring an unprecedented shift in the country’s political economy that would encounter fierce resistance from the beneficiaries of the status quo (i.e., the existing investment-heavy export-oriented model). Another is to intensify the search for new markets, leading to increased global assertiveness. With its current growth model, China simply has no alternative besides “going out” and competing over the same markets with corporations headquartered in the Global North. According to Ho-fung Hung , “Intercapitalist competition between US and Chinese corporations is not confined to China’s domestic market — the competition has gone global.” While the intensifying US-China rivalry should not be reduced to the economic factors, its underlying economic mechanism is quite apparent and will remain at work for years to come.

Russia: Unleashing Chaos

The Kremlin’s confrontation with the United States is of a different nature from that of the US-China rivalry. Post-Soviet Russia’s economic clout has always been far too limited to threaten the centers of capital accumulation in the Global North. Instead, Russian capital benefitted from global integration, particularly in the financial sphere, becoming one of the nodes in the global capitalist network anchored in the West. Russia’s claim to its “sphere of influence” in the post-Soviet space certainly has an underlying economic logic, as Russian corporations have sought regional expansion, both because of the need to reinvest surplus capital and the opportunity to reconstruct the Soviet-era supply chains under the control of Russian firms. However, the violent, annexationist turn of Russian imperialism since 2014 and its culmination in the 2022 invasion of Ukraine were not predicated on capitalist contradictions. In fact, they have dramatically undermined the international position of Russian capital. Some argue that the roots of Russian aggression against Ukraine lie in the “security dilemma”: eastward expansion of NATO, while providing security to the Eastern European states, also diminished Russia’s security, leading the Kremlin to finally “lash out” when Ukrainian NATO membership became a real, if distant, possibility in 2014.

This interpretation, however, overstates the actual security risks of NATO expansion to Russia (the owner of the world’s largest nuclear arsenal) and downplays the counterproductive nature of the Kremlin’s tendency to create conflicts supposedly to avoid them in the future. In fact, the Kremlin’s decisions in 2014 and 2022 were the product of a specific ideological vision that overemphasizes Russia’s vulnerabilities and calls for preventive military action under the slogan of “offense is the best defense.” The misperception of the actual threats and possible consequences of imperialist aggression was rooted in the deep fear and misunderstanding of grassroots popular movements such as the 2014 Maidan revolution in Ukraine and the 2011–12 opposition movement in Russia that the Kremlin could only conceive as foreign ploys. The fear for regime survival, sublimated as the fear of a Western conspiracy against Russia (or “Western encirclement” — even though there were no permanent NATO bases in the countries bordering Russia before 2014), created the toxic ideological narrative that ultimately made possible the annexation of Crimea, the intervention in Donbas, and finally, the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Russia’s conflict with the West, unlike the US-China rivalry, is rooted less in structural, particularly economic, causes and more in ideological (mis)perceptions. However, as contingent and ideologically motivated as Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine was, it had far-reaching global consequences.

One of such consequences is the newfound unity of the Western bloc, solidified by the response to the Russian aggression (although this unity remains precarious, as Donald Trump’s election in the United States and the subsequent foreign policy shift remain a possibility). The war in Ukraine has also had a profound influence on the US-China rivalry. In November 2023, trade between Russia and China surpassed the $200 billion mark. Russia is now China’s fifth-largest trading partner; not only a crucial supplier of energy and agricultural goods, but also a major recipient of industrial exports, particularly important in the context of enduring overcapacity. The economic relationship between Russia and China is highly asymmetrical, giving China an upper hand in the negotiations over the Power of Siberia 2 natural gas pipeline: the Chinese side understands that without the European market, Gazprom has practically nowhere to turn to in order to sell its gas. And yet, politically, the Kremlin is far from being China’s “vassal” as some analysts claim. For example, Putin managed to obtain Xi’s direct and public endorsement of his continued rule even at a time when he was the subject of an international war crimes investigation — thus making China invested in the survival of Putin’s government.

Both politically and economically, China and Russia are becoming increasingly interdependent. This does not yet make the two countries into an anti-Western “pole” in a nascent bipolar world, but it certainly puts additional strain on China’s relationship with the West. Putin was mindful of China’s increasing contradictions with the United States and other countries of the global North when he launched the invasion; he managed to intensify these contradictions. Not only structural economic factors, but also the Kremlin’s epoch-making war is pushing China away from the West. Chinese leaders are far from recklessly plunging into confrontation, as the Kremlin did in 2014, and yet the “push” factor is quite powerful.

Semiperiphery

In terms of their response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, semiperipheral countries can be divided into several groups. The first consists of highly isolated states locked into a full-on confrontation with the West, including North Korea, Iran, and Russia’s client state Syria. These countries provided Russia with military supplies, most notably, drones (Iran) and artillery shells (North Korea). This is unsurprising, given that they have nothing to lose from further aggravating the West and much to gain from a closer partnership with Russia. At $2.76 billion annually, Russia is now the biggest foreign investor in Iran. Russia’s addition to the community of pariah states gives more economic clout to this community, making it easier to survive Western sanctions together.

Among the major semiperipheral countries still remaining in the Western orbit and often identified as “ sub-imperialist ” in critical analyses, two types of response are notable. One is shamelessly exploiting the situation for material gain, such as Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Turkey or Narendra Modi’s India. While Turkey became one of Russia’s economic lifelines, with bilateral trade increasing by more than 50 percent since the invasion, India is now a key destination for Russian crude oil, which it refines and resells, often to the West. The responses of other subimperialist states, such as South Africa and Brazil, are less motivated by economic factors and include genuine, if largely misguided, attempts to resolve the conflict and achieve peace. Overall, a voting pattern of major semiperipheral states in the UN General Assembly (see Table 1) demonstrates a lack of desire to unequivocally condemn Russia’s war. However, even Turkey, diverging from this pattern, still expands its economic ties with Russia, including the supply of military-linked goods , revealing its international stance to be hypocritical and opportunistic. In fact, subimperialist states have generally used the war to claim their autonomy from the West, even as their populations largely condemn Russia’s aggression. Moreover, the two years since the beginning of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have seen the expansion of the international organizations alternative to the Western-dominated global order such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

Table 1: Semiperipheral countries’ votes on Ukraine-related resolutions in the UN General Assembly

The autonomy of subimperialist states still has clear limits, however. The biggest factor binding them to the US-centered international order is the dominance of the US dollar. Reflecting this currency’s unparalleled role, the New Development Bank, a BRICS institution, refused to fund projects in Russia in order to maintain its ability to raise money on global financial markets — even though Russia is one of the bank’s founders. While engaging in opportunistic attempts to skirt Western sanctions against Russia, countries such as Turkey are careful to avoid secondary sanctions made possible by the US dominance of the global financial system. A common BRICS currency, while increasingly discussed, remains a distant prospect, and the subimperialist states are in no hurry to join Russia with its limited ability to operate in US dollars. At the same time, the consequences of the increasing weaponization of the American currency and the gradual but unmistakable rise of Chinese yuan prompt the US establishment to take the threat to the dollar dominance seriously.

Regional Conflicts

Regional conflicts such as the Gaza war have their own causes and logic that are irreducible to global transformations. Nevertheless, they are impacted by global developments. The Middle East is no longer dominated by the United States and its designs alone; instead, it is the site of interimperialist rivalry, with Russia and China meddling in the situation in their own ways, mostly with destructive consequences (the most striking example is Russia’s support of the murderous Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad). Emboldened by their support, Iran is pursuing an increasingly ambitious regional agenda through its proxies and allied formations in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, and the Palestinian territories. Moreover, countries such as Syria have seen tensions and even direct military engagement between American and Russian forces. At the same time, Washington’s unrelenting support for Israel’s murderous campaign in Gaza despite the UN General Assembly’s multiple calls for a cease-fire further antagonizes the Global South and weakens the UN as an institution. Overall, the involvement of multiple imperialist powers in the region does not help to resolve its conflicts and alleviate tensions, instead creating more instability and violence.

A glaring example of this dysfunction is the UN Security Council’s track record on the Gaza war. Most of the cease-fire resolutions were, of course, vetoed by the United States, which bears the greatest responsibility for the deadlock. Several of them, however, were vetoed by Russia and China. Last October 18, the United States vetoed the Brazilian resolution, but Russia also abstained. When the Security Council was finally able to pass the cease-fire resolution this March 25, half a year into the war, the United States called it “ non-binding ” and proceeded to approve more military aid to Israel, which refused to comply with the resolution’s central demand. In effect, the Security Council proved completely irrelevant, with the United States doing most to ensure this,

but with Russia and China having their hand in it as well. While the United States is primarily responsible for enabling the atrocities of the Gaza war (unyieldingly supplying Israel with weapons even as it makes feeble attempts to parachute humanitarian aid), the war is unfolding in a broader regional context in which Russia plays a powerful destabilizing role.

A separate question is whether we can call Israel itself “sub-imperialist.” It is engaged in aggression that is colonialist in nature (similar to Azerbaijan, for example) and it is certainly dependent on the United States, but it is not a regional power economically (like Russia or Brazil). For countries such as Israel and Azerbaijan, perhaps a special theoretical category should be adopted.

Imperialist World

Marxist international relations analysis, as it is currently practiced, is both equipped and unequipped to deal with the changes in the global order sketched above. On the one hand, it provides unique insight into the capitalist contradictions behind the interimperialist rivalries, helping to reveal the driving forces of world politics that other strands of international relations theory tend to downplay. On the other hand, when the economic causes of a country’s external aggression are not readily apparent, Marxist and left-wing commentators tend to either keep searching for such causes, making for rather strained arguments, or even deny the existence of imperialism altogether when it is glaringly obvious (as in the Russian case). At the same time, left-wing politics is by definition internationalist, and left-wing movements are uniquely sensitive (and vehemently opposed) to the various expressions of imperialism.

Consequently, there’s a gap: not just in our understanding of the world, but also between theory and practice when it comes to the politics of international solidarity. This calls for the renewed scholarly effort to understand the global dynamics of imperialism. It should be particularly attentive to the shifting position of the semiperipheral states. One theoretical concept often used to analyze their common trajectory is the concept of subimperialism. It emphasizes an intermediate position of economic dependency on the Global North and regional economic expansion, as well as “antagonistic cooperation” with the dominant imperialist power, the United States. However, this concept needs to be rethought and updated in view of Russia’s radical divergence from the subimperialist role and China’s rise to the position of an alternative center in the world system. These developments, as well as the changing nature of imperialism in the Global North (which increasingly resorts to protectionism, abandoning the global hegemonic aspirations of northern capital) affect the position of the semiperiphery. It should be studied through revealing both the external pressures and the domestic economic, political, and ideological processes involved in the foreign policy formation. In this way, authoritarian and imperialist definitions of “multipolarity” (such as the one advanced by Russia) can be distinguished from a truly internationalist foreign policy perspective.

Such a perspective should guide the global left-wing movements struggling both for peace between countries and radical change within countries — twin objectives that ought not be separated either in theory or in practice. In this struggle, the concept of imperialism is still indispensable — both as an analytical category that integrates the economic and noneconomic factors of interstate aggression and rivalries, and as a political category that guides the Left’s programs of action.