modest proposal essays

A Modest Proposal

For preventing the children of poor people in ireland, from being a burden on their parents or country, and for making them beneficial to the publick., by dr. jonathan swift.

It is a melancholy object to those, who walk through this great town, or travel in the country, when they see the streets, the roads, and cabbin-doors crowded with beggars of the female sex, followed by three, four, or six children, all in rags, and importuning every passenger for an alms. These mothers, instead of being able to work for their honest livelihood, are forced to employ all their time in stroling to beg sustenance for their helpless infants who, as they grow up, either turn thieves for want of work, or leave their dear native country, to fight for the Pretender in Spain, or sell themselves to the Barbadoes.

I think it is agreed by all parties, that this prodigious number of children in the arms, or on the backs, or at the heels of their mothers, and frequently of their fathers, is in the present deplorable state of the kingdom, a very great additional grievance; and therefore whoever could find out a fair, cheap and easy method of making these children sound and useful members of the commonwealth, would deserve so well of the publick, as to have his statue set up for a preserver of the nation.

But my intention is very far from being confined to provide only for the children of professed beggars: it is of a much greater extent, and shall take in the whole number of infants at a certain age, who are born of parents in effect as little able to support them, as those who demand our charity in the streets.

As to my own part, having turned my thoughts for many years upon this important subject, and maturely weighed the several schemes of our projectors, I have always found them grossly mistaken in their computation. It is true, a child just dropt from its dam, may be supported by her milk, for a solar year, with little other nourishment: at most not above the value of two shillings, which the mother may certainly get, or the value in scraps, by her lawful occupation of begging; and it is exactly at one year old that I propose to provide for them in such a manner, as, instead of being a charge upon their parents, or the parish, or wanting food and raiment for the rest of their lives, they shall, on the contrary, contribute to the feeding, and partly to the clothing of many thousands.

There is likewise another great advantage in my scheme, that it will prevent those voluntary abortions, and that horrid practice of women murdering their bastard children, alas! too frequent among us, sacrificing the poor innocent babes, I doubt, more to avoid the expence than the shame, which would move tears and pity in the most savage and inhuman breast.

The number of souls in this kingdom being usually reckoned one million and a half, of these I calculate there may be about two hundred thousand couple, whose wives are breeders; from which number I subtract thirty thousand couple, who are able to maintain their own children, (although I apprehend there cannot be so many under the present distresses of the kingdom) but this being granted, there will remain a hundred and seventy thousand breeders. I again subtract fifty thousand, for those women who miscarry, or whose children die by accident or disease within the year. There only remain a hundred and twenty thousand children of poor parents annually born. The question therefore is, How this number shall be reared and provided for? which, as I have already said, under the present situation of affairs, is utterly impossible by all the methods hitherto proposed. For we can neither employ them in handicraft or agriculture; they neither build houses, (I mean in the country) nor cultivate land: they can very seldom pick up a livelihood by stealing till they arrive at six years old; except where they are of towardly parts, although I confess they learn the rudiments much earlier; during which time they can however be properly looked upon only as probationers; as I have been informed by a principal gentleman in the county of Cavan, who protested to me, that he never knew above one or two instances under the age of six, even in a part of the kingdom so renowned for the quickest proficiency in that art.

I am assured by our merchants, that a boy or a girl, before twelve years old, is no saleable commodity, and even when they come to this age, they will not yield above three pounds, or three pounds and half a crown at most, on the exchange; which cannot turn to account either to the parents or kingdom, the charge of nutriments and rags having been at least four times that value.

I shall now therefore humbly propose my own thoughts, which I hope will not be liable to the least objection.

I have been assured by a very knowing American of my acquaintance in London, that a young healthy child well nursed, is, at a year old, a most delicious nourishing and wholesome food, whether stewed, roasted, baked, or boiled; and I make no doubt that it will equally serve in a fricasee, or a ragoust.

I do therefore humbly offer it to publick consideration, that of the hundred and twenty thousand children, already computed, twenty thousand may be reserved for breed, whereof only one fourth part to be males; which is more than we allow to sheep, black cattle, or swine, and my reason is, that these children are seldom the fruits of marriage, a circumstance not much regarded by our savages, therefore, one male will be sufficient to serve four females. That the remaining hundred thousand may, at a year old, be offered in sale to the persons of quality and fortune, through the kingdom, always advising the mother to let them suck plentifully in the last month, so as to render them plump, and fat for a good table. A child will make two dishes at an entertainment for friends, and when the family dines alone, the fore or hind quarter will make a reasonable dish, and seasoned with a little pepper or salt, will be very good boiled on the fourth day, especially in winter.

I have reckoned upon a medium, that a child just born will weigh 12 pounds, and in a solar year, if tolerably nursed, encreaseth to 28 pounds.

I grant this food will be somewhat dear, and therefore very proper for landlords, who, as they have already devoured most of the parents, seem to have the best title to the children.

Infant’s flesh will be in season throughout the year, but more plentiful in March, and a little before and after; for we are told by a grave author, an eminent French physician, that fish being a prolifick dyet, there are more children born in Roman Catholick countries about nine months after Lent, than at any other season; therefore, reckoning a year after Lent, the markets will be more glutted than usual, because the number of Popish infants, is at least three to one in this kingdom, and therefore it will have one other collateral advantage, by lessening the number of Papists among us.

I have already computed the charge of nursing a beggar’s child (in which list I reckon all cottagers, labourers, and four-fifths of the farmers) to be about two shillings per annum, rags included; and I believe no gentleman would repine to give ten shillings for the carcass of a good fat child, which, as I have said, will make four dishes of excellent nutritive meat, when he hath only some particular friend, or his own family to dine with him. Thus the squire will learn to be a good landlord, and grow popular among his tenants, the mother will have eight shillings neat profit, and be fit for work till she produces another child.

Those who are more thrifty (as I must confess the times require) may flay the carcass; the skin of which, artificially dressed, will make admirable gloves for ladies, and summer boots for fine gentlemen.

As to our City of Dublin, shambles may be appointed for this purpose, in the most convenient parts of it, and butchers we may be assured will not be wanting; although I rather recommend buying the children alive, and dressing them hot from the knife, as we do roasting pigs.

A very worthy person, a true lover of his country, and whose virtues I highly esteem, was lately pleased in discoursing on this matter, to offer a refinement upon my scheme. He said, that many gentlemen of this kingdom, having of late destroyed their deer, he conceived that the want of venison might be well supplied by the bodies of young lads and maidens, not exceeding fourteen years of age, nor under twelve; so great a number of both sexes in every county being now ready to starve for want of work and service: and these to be disposed of by their parents if alive, or otherwise by their nearest relations. But with due deference to so excellent a friend, and so deserving a patriot, I cannot be altogether in his sentiments; for as to the males, my American acquaintance assured me from frequent experience, that their flesh was generally tough and lean, like that of our schoolboys, by continual exercise, and their taste disagreeable, and to fatten them would not answer the charge. Then as to the females, it would, I think, with humble submission, be a loss to the publick, because they soon would become breeders themselves: and besides, it is not improbable that some scrupulous people might be apt to censure such a practice, (although indeed very unjustly) as a little bordering upon cruelty, which, I confess, hath always been with me the strongest objection against any project, how well soever intended.

But in order to justify my friend, he confessed, that this expedient was put into his head by the famous Psalmanaazor, a native of the island Formosa, who came from thence to London, above twenty years ago, and in conversation told my friend, that in his country, when any young person happened to be put to death, the executioner sold the carcass to persons of quality, as a prime dainty; and that, in his time, the body of a plump girl of fifteen, who was crucified for an attempt to poison the Emperor, was sold to his imperial majesty’s prime minister of state, and other great mandarins of the court in joints from the gibbet, at four hundred crowns. Neither indeed can I deny, that if the same use were made of several plump young girls in this town, who without one single groat to their fortunes, cannot stir abroad without a chair, and appear at a playhouse and assemblies in foreign fineries which they never will pay for, the kingdom would not be the worse.

Some persons of a desponding spirit are in great concern about that vast number of poor people, who are aged, diseased, or maimed; and I have been desired to employ my thoughts what course may be taken, to ease the nation of so grievous an incumbrance. But I am not in the least pain upon that matter, because it is very well known, that they are every day dying, and rotting, by cold and famine, and filth, and vermin, as fast as can be reasonably expected. And as to the young labourers, they are now in almost as hopeful a condition. They cannot get work, and consequently pine away from want of nourishment, to a degree, that if at any time they are accidentally hired to common labour, they have not strength to perform it, and thus the country and themselves are happily delivered from the evils to come.

I have too long digressed, and therefore shall return to my subject. I think the advantages by the proposal which I have made are obvious and many, as well as of the highest importance.

For first, as I have already observed, it would greatly lessen the number of Papists, with whom we are yearly overrun, being the principal breeders of the nation, as well as our most dangerous enemies, and who stay at home on purpose with a design to deliver the kingdom to the Pretender, hoping to take their advantage by the absence of so many good Protestants, who have chosen rather to leave their country, than stay at home and pay tithes against their conscience to an episcopal curate.

Secondly, The poorer tenants will have something valuable of their own, which by law may be made liable to a distress, and help to pay their landlord’s rent, their corn and cattle being already seized, and money a thing unknown.

Thirdly, Whereas the maintainance of a hundred thousand children, from two years old, and upwards, cannot be computed at less than ten shillings a piece per annum, the nation’s stock will be thereby encreased fifty thousand pounds per annum, besides the profit of a new dish, introduced to the tables of all gentlemen of fortune in the kingdom, who have any refinement in taste. And the money will circulate among our selves, the goods being entirely of our own growth and manufacture.

Fourthly, The constant breeders, besides the gain of eight shillings sterling per annum by the sale of their children, will be rid of the charge of maintaining them after the first year.

Fifthly, This food would likewise bring great custom to taverns, where the vintners will certainly be so prudent as to procure the best receipts for dressing it to perfection; and consequently have their houses frequented by all the fine gentlemen, who justly value themselves upon their knowledge in good eating; and a skilful cook, who understands how to oblige his guests, will contrive to make it as expensive as they please.

Sixthly, This would be a great inducement to marriage, which all wise nations have either encouraged by rewards, or enforced by laws and penalties. It would encrease the care and tenderness of mothers towards their children, when they were sure of a settlement for life to the poor babes, provided in some sort by the publick, to their annual profit instead of expence. We should soon see an honest emulation among the married women, which of them could bring the fattest child to the market. Men would become as fond of their wives, during the time of their pregnancy, as they are now of their mares in foal, their cows in calf, or sows when they are ready to farrow; nor offer to beat or kick them (as is too frequent a practice) for fear of a miscarriage.

Many other advantages might be enumerated. For instance, the addition of some thousand carcasses in our exportation of barrel’d beef: the propagation of swine’s flesh, and improvement in the art of making good bacon, so much wanted among us by the great destruction of pigs, too frequent at our tables; which are no way comparable in taste or magnificence to a well grown, fat yearling child, which roasted whole will make a considerable figure at a Lord Mayor’s feast, or any other publick entertainment. But this, and many others, I omit, being studious of brevity.

Supposing that one thousand families in this city, would be constant customers for infants flesh, besides others who might have it at merry meetings, particularly at weddings and christenings, I compute that Dublin would take off annually about twenty thousand carcasses; and the rest of the kingdom (where probably they will be sold somewhat cheaper) the remaining eighty thousand.

I can think of no one objection, that will possibly be raised against this proposal, unless it should be urged, that the number of people will be thereby much lessened in the kingdom. This I freely own, and was indeed one principal design in offering it to the world. I desire the reader will observe, that I calculate my remedy for this one individual Kingdom of Ireland, and for no other that ever was, is, or, I think, ever can be upon Earth. Therefore let no man talk to me of other expedients: Of taxing our absentees at five shillings a pound: Of using neither clothes, nor houshold furniture, except what is of our own growth and manufacture: Of utterly rejecting the materials and instruments that promote foreign luxury: Of curing the expensiveness of pride, vanity, idleness, and gaming in our women: Of introducing a vein of parsimony, prudence and temperance: Of learning to love our country, wherein we differ even from Laplanders, and the inhabitants of Topinamboo: Of quitting our animosities and factions, nor acting any longer like the Jews, who were murdering one another at the very moment their city was taken: Of being a little cautious not to sell our country and consciences for nothing: Of teaching landlords to have at least one degree of mercy towards their tenants. Lastly, of putting a spirit of honesty, industry, and skill into our shopkeepers, who, if a resolution could now be taken to buy only our native goods, would immediately unite to cheat and exact upon us in the price, the measure, and the goodness, nor could ever yet be brought to make one fair proposal of just dealing, though often and earnestly invited to it.

Therefore I repeat, let no man talk to me of these and the like expedients, till he hath at least some glympse of hope, that there will ever be some hearty and sincere attempt to put them into practice.

But, as to myself, having been wearied out for many years with offering vain, idle, visionary thoughts, and at length utterly despairing of success, I fortunately fell upon this proposal, which, as it is wholly new, so it hath something solid and real, of no expence and little trouble, full in our own power, and whereby we can incur no danger in disobliging England. For this kind of commodity will not bear exportation, and flesh being of too tender a consistence, to admit a long continuance in salt, although perhaps I could name a country, which would be glad to eat up our whole nation without it.

After all, I am not so violently bent upon my own opinion, as to reject any offer, proposed by wise men, which shall be found equally innocent, cheap, easy, and effectual. But before something of that kind shall be advanced in contradiction to my scheme, and offering a better, I desire the author or authors will be pleased maturely to consider two points. First, As things now stand, how they will be able to find food and raiment for a hundred thousand useless mouths and backs. And secondly, There being a round million of creatures in humane figure throughout this kingdom, whose whole subsistence put into a common stock, would leave them in debt two million of pounds sterling, adding those who are beggars by profession, to the bulk of farmers, cottagers and labourers, with their wives and children, who are beggars in effect; I desire those politicians who dislike my overture, and may perhaps be so bold to attempt an answer, that they will first ask the parents of these mortals, whether they would not at this day think it a great happiness to have been sold for food at a year old, in the manner I prescribe, and thereby have avoided such a perpetual scene of misfortunes, as they have since gone through, by the oppression of landlords, the impossibility of paying rent without money or trade, the want of common sustenance, with neither house nor clothes to cover them from the inclemencies of the weather, and the most inevitable prospect of intailing the like, or greater miseries, upon their breed for ever.

I profess in the sincerity of my heart, that I have not the least personal interest in endeavouring to promote this necessary work, having no other motive than the publick good of my country, by advancing our trade, providing for infants, relieving the poor, and giving some pleasure to the rich. I have no children, by which I can propose to get a single penny; the youngest being nine years old, and my wife past child-bearing.

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A Modest Proposal

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Welcome to the LitCharts study guide on Jonathan Swift's A Modest Proposal . Created by the original team behind SparkNotes, LitCharts are the world's best literature guides.

Modest Proposal: Introduction

Modest proposal: plot summary, modest proposal: detailed summary & analysis, modest proposal: themes, modest proposal: quotes, modest proposal: characters, modest proposal: symbols, modest proposal: literary devices, modest proposal: theme wheel, brief biography of jonathan swift.

Historical Context of A Modest Proposal

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• Full Title: A Modest Proposal For Preventing the Children of Poor People From Being a Burthen to their Parents, Or the Country, and For Making Them Beneficial to the Publick
• When Written: 1729
• Where Written: Dublin, Ireland
• When Published: 1729
• Literary Period: Enlightenment / Augustan Literature
• Genre: Satirical essay / Polemic / Argumentative essay
• Setting: Dublin, Ireland
• Climax: The proposer, while trying to defend his call for cannibalism as the only possible solution to the crisis in Ireland, unknowingly gives a strong argument for the many sensible alternatives to his proposal.
• Antagonist: The Anglo-Irish ruling class / the Irish poor / humankind
• Point of View: First-person

Extra Credit for A Modest Proposal

You can’t hide behind a pseudonym. Despite the anonymity of the original pamphlet, many readers of “A Modest Proposal” knew immediately that Swift was behind it.

Famous Family. Jonathan Swift was a distant cousin to Jonathan Dryden, then one of the most famous poets in England.

A Modest Proposal

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Analysis: “A Modest Proposal”

In shaping what is widely considered to be one of the most important works of satire in the English language, Swift structures his essay with great care. Roughly the first third of the essay reads like a sincere effort to expose and address the horrifying conditions faced by the poor in Ireland during the early 18th century. In the first lines the narrator characterizes the sight of female beggars surrounded by their broods of starving children as “a melancholy object” (52), later citing this as evidence that Ireland is in a “present deplorable state” (52). These ostensibly genuine lamentations leave the reader unprepared when the narrator finally reveals his grotesque solution to Ireland’s social ills, lending even greater shock value to an already startling proposition. The “modest” in the essay’s title serves a similar purpose by leading the reader to believe that the forthcoming proposal will seem perfectly reasonable to the average Dubliner. As is often the case with comedy today and throughout history, the element of surprise Swift fosters is key to the joke.

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• A Modest Proposal

Background of the Essay

Historical background.

The essay “A Modest Proposal” was written by Jonathan Swift. It was published in 1729. The full name of the essay was “A Modest Proposal for Preventing the Children of Poor People From being a Burthen to their Parents or Country and for Making them Beneficial to the Publick.” At that time, England was ruling Ireland, and Swift was one of the ruling class members. The people of Ireland suffered a lot during this rule.

The group of English people ruling England was protestant, and the people of Ireland were mainly Catholics. As a result, there was a vast chasm between the two. The protestant elites did not like the catholic citizens and never took steps for their betterment. Instead, they imposed religious restrictions on them. Moreover, the common people of Ireland were left very poor by imposing many restrictions on trade for them. To add to this problem of poverty, the country was also overpopulated.

Jonathan Swift wanted this situation to change. He made many attempts to persuade the government of that time to take steps for the progress of the country and the prosperity of the people. He wrote many letters in this regard but never got any positive response. So, this proposal is another attempt at making the government realize the woes of the people. He uses his skill of satire to show how grave the problems of common people are. At the same time, he was angry with the passivity and apathy of the Irish people and wanted to awaken them.

Literary Background of A Modest Proposal

“A Modest Proposal” is a satirical essay by genre. The author of this essay, Jonathan Swift, is regarded as one of the best satirists in English Literature ever. This essay holds a special place among his satirical writings. Its effect is enhanced by the shocking change of mood in the middle of the essay.

Satirical essays are characterized by the use of irony and shifts of moods. In this essay, too, the author starts with the description of the miserable condition of the beggar women and children wandering and begging in the streets of Ireland. He seems sympathetic and describes the plights of these beggars. At this point, the shock arrives, and the author presents his strange proposal. He comes up with the idea that these poor children of Ireland should be butchered and eaten. His tone remains totally objective as he supports his claim through various statistics. In this manner, he satirizes the method of objective analysis of social matters, which was very common at that time.   

A Modest Proposal Summary

The essay opens with the narrator invoking the usual scene on the streets in Ireland i.e., the melancholy sight of female beggars begging along with their children. He says that these females are forced to beg for food because they are not able to work. The children grow up to become thieves or go to the Americas, searching for a better future.

After this empathy-inspiring description of female beggars and their children, the author goes on to claim that this is a matter of national concern. He says that these children, in particular, are a burden on the already crippled Kingdom. Therefore, he argues that if anyone can come up with a plan that can turn these beggar children into useful citizens, it will be a great service to the country and its people.

At this point, the author starts describing the authenticity and merits of his proposal. This proposal, he says, can solve the problem of beggar children. Moreover, it can also cater for all children of a specific age whose parents, even though they have not started begging, cannot support them in their current financial condition.

As the background of his proposal, the author provides the statistics of Ireland’s population. He argues that the proposals presented by others regarding this problem are insufficient to solve it. They have not considered the ground realities before proposing their schemes.

Having negated other proposals, the author proposes his own solution to the problem. He says that a child can easily be fed for the first year of his/her life. The total cost needed to bring up a child for the first year is no more than two shillings. The major part of the child’s diet in this period is covered through breast milk, which is free.

The problematic phase starts after the first year. The needs of children grow, and so does the cost of upbringing. So, the “modest” proposal provides a solution for one-year-old children. The author says that his proposal will result in making the setback an advantage. The children, who are now a burden on their families and the government, will become a source of food and clothing.

Moreover, the proposal will result in lessening the ill-practices of infanticide and abortion because the mothers will not have to worry about the expenses of upbringing the child. He says that many people commit these sins because they fear the expenses of feeding a child.

At this point, some more statistics are forwarded. The population of Ireland is around 1.5 million. Out of these 1.5 million people, around two hundred thousand women are adult enough to conceive a child. Out of these two hundred thousand women, only thirty thousand might be able to bring up their children without any financial worries. This leaves one hundred and seventy thousand breeders—as he calls them. Among these breeders, around fifty thousand children can be supposed to be miscarried or die during the first year of their lives.

So, it is clear that every year around one hundred and twenty thousand children are born in low-income families who are unable to feed them properly. Therefore, the problem needs to be solved. These kids cannot be given employment in the country that neither cultivates lands nor builds new houses. The children cannot be sold as slaves before they reach the age of twelve, and when they are sold after this age, they earn very little money. This money is not equal to the amount spent on their upbringing. All of them cannot become thieves as well before reaching the age of six years.

Having detailed the problem, the author forwards his solution to the problem. He says that an American person has told him that a child of one year is a very delicious and nutritious food. The child can be either boiled, or stewed, or bakes, or roasted.

Building upon this information, he says that a proper plan of action should be devised to dispose of the children born in low-income families. Out of the one hundred and twenty thousand children, twenty thousand should be allowed to live. They will serve the purpose of breeding and maintenance of the population.

However, a proper ratio of one male to four females should be maintained among them. One man will be adequate to serve four women in breeding. The remaining one hundred thousand children should be fed and fattened in order to be sold as a food delicacy. The author also suggests the different types of dishes that can be prepared with the meat of these children.

After giving the general idea of the proposal, the author goes on to explain specific details. The first point discussed is the cost of the meat of the children. An average baby at one year age weighs around twenty-eight pounds. This suggests that the meat will be more expensive than the other types of meat available in the market.

For this reason, the delicacy will be primarily available to the wealthy landlords of Ireland who have already eaten the majority of the parents of these children. Secondly, he points out that the meat will be available in the market all year round as the children are born every day of the year. Usually, there will be a surge in the supply during spring.  

The author moves on to explain the difference between the cost and sale price of the children. On average, a child can be nursed for one year for less than two shillings. On the other hand, the meat of the child will yield ten shillings.

This way, the parents will make an easy profit of eight shillings. At the same time, the buyer will also not be at a loss. He/she will have around four dishes of delicious meat and will have fame in his/her society. Moreover, the skin of the child can also be used as leather when needed. The author says that he is quite sure that there will be many people in Dublin that will be ready to butcher the children and conduct the business.  

The author says that he was advised to refine his scheme by a friend. The advice was that he should include teenagers in his proposal because there is a scarcity of deer meat on the tables of the wealthy landlords.

Furthermore, these teenagers are living a miserable life and are unable to find any employment. He, however, disagrees with this suggestion on two points.

Firstly, the meat of the teenagers is lean and hard, and its taste is also not very good.

Secondly, some people might—unjustly—censure this practice as cruelty. Therefore, it would not be wise to add this suggestion to the proposal.  

The author admits that there are a lot of other poor people that are unable to find work for themselves and are a burden on society. These include sick, aged, and disable people. However, he does not show any worry about them because these people are going to die very soon.

The author admits that he has digressed and comes back to his original proposal. He says that his proposal is beneficial in the sense that the Catholics will lessen in number in this way. The Catholics are disadvantageous to the country as they have very large families. He accuses them of their political activities and calls them the enemy of the state.

Another advantage the proposal will have is that the underprivileged tenants will be able to clear their debts by selling their children. In this way, the economy of the nation will improve. Consequently, a liability will turn into a product of the national level. Moreover, a new dish will also be added to the cuisine of the landlords.  

The benefit of selling their children will not stop at eight shillings only. The parents will not have to pay for the growing expenses of their children after the first year.

Moreover, the business of taverns will also shoot up as the poor people will have pennies in their hands. Morally speaking, the scheme will result in an increase in marriages and maternal love for children. Domestic violence will also go down for the period of the time of pregnancy. There will be a competition among mothers to bring the healthiest child to the sale. Other types of beef will then be exported more and will bring money to the country.

Inside the country, they will have to raise their standards in order to compete with the high-quality meat of the children. The author believes that the landlords in London will eat as much as the one-fifth of the total flesh procured in the whole country.

After explaining the minute details of the proposal, the author preempts any type of objections that can be raised. One such objection can be that the population of the country can be reduced very much in this manner. The author says that the reduction of the population is among the goals of the proposal as the population of Ireland is well above the limit. He says that this scheme was prepared for Ireland specifically and should not be applied in any other country.

The author rejects the already existing plans for the prosperity of the country and calls them unrealistic and naive. He says that he has become tired of such unrealistic schemes in the past and is now excited about his current discovery. This plan, according to him, is highly practical and realistic. This scheme also has the advantage that there is no chance that it will anger England. Rather, England will be happy to import this delicacy from Ireland. He says that there is a country that might be able to eat the Irish nation without preservatives.

The author claims that no substitute plan can equal his plan even if they are similarly easy, innocent, and cheap. The reason is that his proposal considers two main issues that cannot be addressed by any other plan. The first issue it addresses is that of clothing and feeding one hundred thousand useless children. The second issue is the extreme level of poverty. The author says that Irish people are so poor that they would be happy to be able to be sold for food.

The author says that this proposal is forwarded in the interest of the common people, and he seeks no benefit out of it. His own children have passed this age and can, therefore, not be sold. He just wants to advance the trade of the nation, relieve the unprivileged, provide for the kids, and give some pleasure to the landlords. 

A Modest Proposal Analysis

In the essay “A Modest Proposal,” Jonathan Swift satirizes the elite class of Ireland and their British colonizers. At the same time, he vents his disgust at the Irish people for not doing anything for themselves. It also mocks the cold and inhumane methods of problem-solving in the eighteenth century. At that time, people used to give solutions to the grievous problems of humanity on the basis of irrelevant statistics.

In order to catch the attention of the audience and to convey his point, Swift makes his proposal sound barbarous without a tinge of human empathy. He talks of human slaughter and cooking like he is talking about cattle or poultry. He takes the path of utilitarianism and talks about solving the problem of poverty and overpopulation in an indifferent economic manner. His proposal can benefit society at the cost of a few humans. Through this technique, he shows how irrelevant utilitarianism is to human problems.   

The Pattern of Rhetoric

In this essay, Jonathan Swift uses the traditional system of rhetoric to organize his argument. In this system, the argument is presented in five steps.

The first part of the argument introduces the subject and is called exordium.

The second part of the argument narrates the ground facts and realities. This part is called the narratio.

The third part of the argument confirms the claims of the argument through proofs and is called confirmatio.

The fourth part of the argument refutes any possible objections to the argument. This part is called confutatio.

The last part of the argument employs pathos and appeals to the audience. It also sums up the whole discussion and is called peroratio.  

In the exordium part of the essay, the author describes the usual scene of the streets of Ireland. He says that the sight of women beggars, along with their children, is very common on the streets of Ireland. These kids are shabbily dressed and are malnourished. This description introduces the problem of hunger, begging, and poverty.

To this problem, the author presents his cheap and effortless solution. The solution is of nursing the babies of these low-income families for one year and then butchering them to be sold as meat to the landlords.   

In the next part of the argument, the author presents the ground realities. He says that among the 1.5 million people living in Ireland, there will be around two hundred thousand breeders. Out of these two hundred thousand breeders, around one hundred and seventy thousand will be poor. If they give birth to children, they will not be able to bear the expenses.

Therefore, they become a burden on the country and their families. Subtracting another fifty thousand children who might die during the first year, a total of one hundred and twenty thousand poor babies are left. Among these children, the author proposes to leave twenty thousand for breeding and to butcher the remaining one hundred thousand for eating.

In this manner, they will bring income to their families and delicious meat to the tables of landlords. Moreover, it will help in controlling the population of the country.

In the confirmatio part of the argument, the author lists the benefits of his proposal. His proposal will help the poor people get rid of their poverty as they will get a profit of eight shillings and will not have to bear the expenses of children after the first year.

Moreover, they will be inclined to marry early and will leave behind the ill doings like abortion and infanticide. On the other hand, the elites will have a new delicious dish on their tables. The economy of the country will also move forward. At the same time, the number of Catholics will be reduced as they are not liked by the ruling class.

In the confutatio part of the argument, the author refutes any possible objection to his proposal. He says that some people might object that this proposal will result in lessening the population of the country. He replies by saying that it was one of his goals while he was forwarding his proposal as the country is overpopulated.

In the last part of the argument, the author employs pathos and says that his proposal is not based on any self-interest. Rather, his sole motive is the common good. He wants to relieve the burdens of ordinary people. As for his part, he says that he cannot benefit from this scheme as his youngest child is already nine years of age.

A Modest Proposal as a A Satirical Essay

The satire in this essay is of a very wide spectrum and ranges from the people of Ireland to the colonizers of England. Following is a brief account of the ways these different groups are satirized.

On the Irish Government

The government of Ireland is satirized for being apathetic and ignorant of the problems of the people of Ireland. They are also satirized for the religious restrictions they have put on the Catholics of Ireland.

On the Irish People

The people of Ireland are satirized for their inability to see and solve their own problems. They are shown to be so dull and lazy that they would even kill their own children but would not stand up for their rights.

On the English Rulers

The colonizers of England are satirized for their inhumane behavior towards the colonized people. The rulers of England are said to be ready to eat the whole nation. It is also said that England will have no objection to this trade of human flesh.

On Utilitarianism

The philosophy of utilitarianism is satirized for its inability to solve the problems of humans. The speaker of this essay employs a utilitarian approach in his proposal, and the ineptness of the approach becomes visible from the very start.

Tone of the Essay

The tone of the essay is thoroughly ironic and satirical. The author presents his proposal in a manner that the audiences are supposed to disagree with. He intends to mock the type of solution which his proposal has. In this way, the author does exactly what he wants to tackle. The inhumane speaker of the essay is the caricature of the followers of utilitarian philosophy.

More From Jonathan Swift

A modest proposal: It’s time for North Beach to secede from the city

Aaron Peskin’s downzoning of the Northern Waterfront was the last straw: We need a #Peskxit.

By Scott Alan Lucas

• Copy link to this article

I have a modest proposal: It’s time to split San Francisco in two.

It may seem like a radical solution, but without a conscious civic uncoupling, we’ll be stuck in the current dilemma for the rest of our lives (or at least until the AI kids bring on the End Times). 

I came to this conclusion this week after the Board of Supervisors overrode Mayor London Breed’s veto of a bill that would downzone parts of the city in and around North Beach.

On the one side are elected officials like Supervisor Aaron Peskin, likely a candidate for mayor in the fall, who believe that new buildings will wreck the historical character of their perfectly constructed neighborhoods . Conversely, we have a state mandate to build 80,000 new homes by 2031. It seems impossible to do both.

Which is why I say, why pick? 

We can preserve the panoramic bay views enjoyed by Peskin and his Telegraph Hill neighbors, while allowing new housing to be built.

We just can’t do it in one city. Which is why we need a #Peskxit.

With one stroke of a surveyor’s pen, we could simply saw off Peskin’s Northern Waterfront from the rest of San Francisco. The supervisor would get his low-density, high-property-value fiefdom atop Mordor Telegraph Hill. The rest of us could get on with building the city of the future, or at least attempt to adapt to the needs of the present. 

The borders of Peskin’s city could run from Fisherman’s Wharf around the Embarcadero to Washington Street, from there to Mason Street, where it would go north back to the wharf again. I’m prepared to negotiate the tract as far as Jones and Jefferson streets, but no further. We need to keep the In-N-Out in San Francisco proper. 

The rest of the city will maintain its current name, or go by Real San Francisco. The newly seceded city we will call Carmel-by-the-Bay. Official motto: “Screw You, I Got Mine.”

Peskin and his neighborhood allies clearly would prefer to live in Carmel—a treasured historic town full of charm and delight, where tourists from around the world throng cobblestone streets, where billionaires are forcing out the ordinary millionaires , and where the tallest building is legally required to be short enough that Clint Eastwood can throw a football over it. (And that’s “Cry Macho” Clint, not “Dirty Harry” Clint.) If they want a city in thrall to a long-ago Bohemian past—which, in a shocking coincidence, just happens to be filled with incredibly valuable real estate—we should give it to them. 

The new city of Carmel-by-the-Bay would have everything an aging nostalgic needs: Coit Tower, the Cable Car Museum, Madame Tussaud's, that one three-story office building , that one empty lot in the middle of a row of houses , and that sacrosanct civic treasure , the Bay Club. 

Just think of what this new city, unencumbered by its obligations to the rest of us, could accomplish! They could finally knock down their long-hated abomination, the Transamerica Pyramid. They could ban robo-taxis, ubers, scooters, e-bikes and cybertrucks, all at the same time! They could even use eminent domain to seize the Church of Scientology building on Montgomery Street and convert it to affordable housing. (Actually, that’s a pretty good idea.)

Tell you what. To sweeten the deal—and to assist Carmel-by-the-Bay in meeting its state-mandated new-housing requirements—we’ll even throw in Treasure Island. No extra charge.

There’s no reason that a secession would be controversial or difficult. Just look at the long list of urban regions that have split apart—Sarajevo! East Berlin! East Jerusalem! No harm ever came from such amicable partings.

The point being—if the people of the Northern Waterfront don’t want to pull their weight in creating new housing for all San Franciscans, who are we to force them? 

You don’t have to be born before the Carter administration to know that the true spirit of San Fran … er, Carmel-by-the-Bay lies in buying hilltop castles decades ago, writing laws to protect those castles in perpetuity, digging moats, erecting drawbridges, and never letting anyone build anything near your parrot-poop-encrusted fortress ever again. 

So we, the citizens of Real San Francisco should just give them what they want: A hermetically sealed Beat Museum in the shape of a city.

Scott Alan Lucas is a former editor at San Francisco magazine whose book, Last Night In San Francisco , about the death of technology executive Bob Lee, will be published next year by Steerforth Press.

We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our opinion articles. You can email us at [email protected] . Interested in submitting an opinion piece of your own? Review our submission guidelines .

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Guest Essay

Scientists Just Gave Humanity an Overdue Reality Check. The World Will Be Better for It.

By Stephen Lezak

Mr. Lezak is a researcher at the University of Cambridge and the University of Oxford who studies the politics of climate change.

The world’s leading institution on geology declined a proposal on Wednesday to confirm that the planet has entered a new geologic epoch , doubling down on its bombshell announcement earlier this month. The notion that we’re in the “Anthropocene” — the proposed name for a geologic period defined by extensive human disturbance — has become a common theme in environmental circles for the last 15 years. To many proponents, the term is an essential vindication, the planetary equivalent of a long-sought diagnosis of a mysterious illness. But geologists weren’t convinced.

The international geology commission’s decision this week to uphold its vote of 12 to 4 may seem confusing, since by some measures humans have already become the dominant geologic force on the earth’s surface. But setting the science aside for a moment, there’s a reason to celebrate, because the politics behind the Anthropocene label were rotten to begin with.

For starters, the word Anthropocene problematically implies that humans as a species are responsible for the sorry state of the earth’s environments. While technically true, only a fraction of humanity, driven by greed and rapacious capitalism, is responsible for burning through the planet’s resources at an unsustainable rate. Billions of humans still lead lives with relatively modest environmental footprints, yet the terminology of the Anthropocene wrongly lays blame at their feet. Responding to the vote, a group of outside scientists wisely noted in the journal Nature Ecology and Evolution that “our impacts have less to do with being human and more to do with ways of being human.”

What’s more, inaugurating a new geologic epoch is an unacceptable act of defeatism. Geologic epochs are not fleeting moments. The shortest one, the Holocene — the one we live in — is 11,700 years long and counting. The idea that we are entering a new epoch defined by human-caused environmental disaster implies that we won’t be getting out of this mess anytime soon. In that way, the Anthropocene forecloses on the possibility that the geologic future might be better than the present.

By placing Homo sapiens center stage, the Anthropocene also deepens a stark and inaccurate distinction between humanity and the planet that sustains us. The idea of “nature” as something separate from humankind is a figment of the Western imagination. We should be wary of language that further separates us from the broader constellation of life to which we belong.

Before the recent vote, the Anthropocene epoch had cleared several key hurdles on the path to scientific consensus. The International Commission on Stratigraphy, the global authority on demarcating the planet’s history, established a dedicated working group in 2009. Ten years later, the group formally recommended adopting the new epoch. But the proposal still had to be approved by a matryoshka doll of committees within the commission and its parent body, the International Union of Geological Sciences.

By all accounts, the process leading up to the vote was highly contentious. After the initial vote was held, scientists in the minority called for it to be annulled , citing procedural issues. This week, the committee’s parent authority stepped in to uphold the results.

Ultimately, what scuttled the proposal was disagreement about where to mark the end of the Holocene. The Anthropocene Working Group had settled on 1952, the year that airborne plutonium residue from testing hydrogen bombs fell across broad stretches of the planet. That ash, scientists reasoned, would leave a sedimentary signature akin to the boundaries that mark ancient geologic transitions. But scientists at the stratigraphy commission objected — what about the dawn of agriculture or the Industrial Revolution? After all, the human footprint on the planet long predates the atomic age.

“It’s very obvious to me that human activity started long before 1952,” Phil Gibbard, a founding member of the Anthropocene Working Group who is the secretary-general of the commission, said when we spoke on Thursday. “It just didn’t make sense to draw a rigid boundary within my lifetime.”

In recent years, philosophers have bandied about alternative names: the Capitalocene , the Plantationocene and even the Ravencene , a reference to the raven who figures widely in North Pacific Indigenous mythology as a trickster figure, reminding humans to be humble amid our destructive capacity. For my part, I’m partial to “post-Holocene,” an admission that the world is vastly different than it was 10,000 years ago, but that we can’t possibly predict — or name — what it might look like in another 10,000 years.

In the end, it might be too late to find a better term. The “Anthropocene” has already entered the popular lexicon, from the cover of The Economist to the title of a Grimes album. The scientists who coined the term do not have the power to extinguish it.

Whatever we choose to call these troubled times, what matters most is that we keep an open mind about what the future holds and maintain an appreciation for the complexity of the issues we face. The scars humanity leaves upon the earth are much too fraught to be represented with a single line drawn across time.

Looking ahead, we should follow the geologists’ lead and keep a healthy skepticism of the A-word. After all, nothing is more hubristic than reckless tyrants who names the world after themselves — think Stalingrad, Constantinople or Alexandria.

Geologists will continue to disagree over what to call the present era. The rest of us must continue the difficult politics of caring for a planet that can (still) support a panoply of life.

Stephen Lezak is a researcher at the University of Cambridge and the University of Oxford who studies the politics of climate change.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

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Home — Essay Samples — Literature — Satire — Thesis For A Modest Proposal

Thesis for a Modest Proposal

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Morning Rundown: Gaza hospital in ruins after IDF ends raid, Powerball nears $1 billion, and N.Y. prisons lock down for solar eclipse

House Republican budget calls for raising the retirement age for Social Security

WASHINGTON — A new budget by a large and influential group of House Republicans calls for raising the Social Security retirement age for future retirees and restructuring Medicare.

The proposals, which are unlikely to become law this year, reflect how many Republicans will seek to govern if they win the 2024 elections. And they play into a fight President Joe Biden is seeking to have with former President Donald Trump and the Republican Party as he runs for re-election.

The budget was released Wednesday by the Republican Study Committee , a group of more than 170 House GOP lawmakers, including many allies of Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump. Apart from fiscal policy, the budget endorses a series of bills “designed to advance the cause of life,” including the Life at Conception Act, which would aggressively restrict abortion and potentially threaten in vitro fertilization , or IVF, by establishing legal protections for human beings at “the moment of fertilization.” It has recently caused consternation within the GOP following backlash to an Alabama Supreme Court ruling that threatened IVF.

The RSC, which is chaired by Rep. Kevin Hern, R-Okla., counts among its members Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., and his top three deputies in leadership. Johnson chaired the RSC from 2019 to 2021; his office did not immediately respond when asked about the new budget.

For Social Security, the budget endorses "modest adjustments to the retirement age for future retirees to account for increases in life expectancy." It calls for lowering benefits for the highest-earning beneficiaries. And it emphasizes that those ideas are not designed to take effect immediately: "The RSC Budget does not cut or delay retirement benefits for any senior in or near retirement."

The new budget also calls for converting Medicare to a "premium support model," echoing a proposal that Republican former Speaker Paul Ryan had rallied support for. Under the new RSC plan, traditional Medicare would compete with private plans and beneficiaries would be given subsidies to shop for the policies of their choice. The size of the subsidies could be pegged to the "average premium" or "second lowest price" in a particular market, the budget says.

The plan became a flashpoint in the 2012 election, when Ryan was GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney's running mate, and President Barack Obama charged that it would "end Medicare as we know it." Ryan defended it as a way to put Medicare on better financial footing, and most of his party stood by him.

Medicare is projected to become insolvent in 2028, and Social Security will follow in 2033. After that, benefits will be forcibly cut unless more revenues are added.

Biden has blasted Republican proposals for the retirement programs, promising that he will not cut benefits and instead proposing in his recent White House budget to cover the future shortfall by raising taxes on upper earners.

The RSC budget also presents a conundrum for Trump, who has offered shifting rhetoric on Social Security and Medicare without proposing a clear vision for the future of the programs.

Notably, the RSC budget presents three possible options to address the projected insolvency of the retirement programs: raise taxes, transfer money from the general fund or reduce spending to cover the shortfall.

It rejects the first two options.

"Raising taxes on people will further punish them and burden the broader economy–something that the spend and print regime has proven to be disastrous and regressive," the budget says, adding that the committee also opposes "a multi-trillion-dollar general fund transfer that worsens our fiscal situation."

That leaves spending cuts.

The RSC budget launches blistering criticism at "Obamacare," or the Affordable Care Act, and calls for rolling back its subsidies and regulations that were aimed at extending insurance coverage.

Sahil Kapur is a senior national political reporter for NBC News.

Democrats seize on a GOP budget proposal that would raise Social Security retirement age

In a deeply polarized election year, President Biden and fellow Democrats wasted little time lambasting a budget proposal from a large group of House Republicans that would, among other things, raise the retirement age for Social Security and endorse a bill that would codify that life begins at conception.

The fiscal 2025 budget proposal was released Wednesday by the Republican Study Committee — a bloc that includes 80 percent of Republicans in the House, including every member of House leadership. RSC’s proposed budget was released weeks after House Republicans advanced the conference’s official budget plan out of committee.

While the proposal from the Republican faction is unlikely to become law, it offers insight into how Republicans could seek to govern if they win control of Congress and the White House in the 2024 elections. The White House, Democratic lawmakers and political groups hoping to elect more Democrats in November seized on the issue.

2024 presidential election

Biden called RSC’s proposal “extreme” in a statement Thursday and said it “shows what Republicans value.”

“Let me be clear: I will stop them,” he added.

The White House also circulated a document among reporters about the RSC plan, saying it “cuts Medicare and Social Security while putting health care at risk for millions,” and “rigs the economy for the wealthy and large corporations against middle class families.”

On the Senate floor Thursday morning, Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) said the RSC proposal “reads like a wish list for Donald Trump and the MAGA hard right.”

“The Republican Study Committee plan is cruel. It is fringe, way out of line with what most Americans want. But unfortunately it is what the House Republicans envision for our country,” he continued.

The RSC proposal, which the committee dubbed “Fiscal Sanity to Save America,” endorses “modest adjustments to the retirement age for future retirees to account for increases in life expectancy” and says benefits should be lowered for the highest-earning beneficiaries. But the committee also emphasized that the proposal “does not cut or delay retirement benefits for any senior in or near retirement.” The proposal also supports implementing a “premium support model” for Medicare, in which private plans would compete with a federal Medicare plan.

Medicare and Social Security face a looming funding crisis, and there is broad agreement that the programs cannot run over the long term without reducing benefits, lowering payments to the health industry or finding new ways to fund the programs, such as raising taxes. But politicians disagree about how to resolve those issues.

The House Majority PAC, an outside political group working to make Democrats the majority party in the House, plans to cite the budget proposal in ads this fall, said CJ Warnke, the group’s communications director.

“House Republicans are writing House Majority PAC’s ads for us,” Warnke said.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the official campaign arm for House Democrats, said in a statement from spokesman Viet Shelton that the RSC’s plan not only supports dangerous policies but also is deeply unpopular. “Voters can plainly see how little House Republicans actually care about them with this budget, and every single House Republican will have to answer for this extreme plan,” Shelton said.

Rep. Kevin Hern (Okla.), chairman of the RSC, cast the proposal as “proof that it’s possible to balance the budget.” He also said the president’s “refusal to address Social Security insolvency will destroy this or any future Congress’ ability to save it for future generations.”

“His rhetoric is not only false, it’s dangerous,” Hern added .

The intense focus by Democrats on the plan is reminiscent of a dynamic that played out ahead of the 2022 midterms after the release of a wide-ranging “Rescue America” plan by Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), which originally included a provision requiring that all legislation be renewed every five years to stay on the books.

Biden seized on the provision, pointing out that Social Security and Medicare were created by law. The president repeatedly accused the senator of wanting to put the popular programs on the “chopping block,” even though Scott said that wasn’t his intent. In 2023, Scott amended the plan to exclude Medicare and Social Security from the sunset provision.

The president has made Republican proposals, including Scott’s plan, a recurring point of criticism in stump speeches across the country. Biden has said for years that he would not tolerate cuts to the programs. And he has taken hold of Trump’s recent comments about potential entitlement cuts, forcing the former president to clarify where he stands on the issue.

Trump had previously urged fellow Republicans not to cut Social Security and Medicare, but told CNBC earlier this month that there is “a lot you can do … in terms of cutting,” as well as “bad management.” Trump’s campaign later insisted that he was referring to cutting waste within the programs.

To resolve the solvency issue, the RSC touts its budget plan as “common-sense, incremental reforms” that “will simply buy Congress time to come together and negotiate policies that can secure Social Security solvency for decades to come.”

But Rep. Brendan Boyle (Pa.), the top Democrat on the House Budget Committee, characterized the proposed changes in a statement as an attack on seniors, veterans and the middle class that would end Medicare “as we know it” and make “devastating cuts that would raise the cost of living for working families.”

The RSC proposal also endorses several bills “designed to advance the cause of life,” such as the Life at Conception Act, which has 126 co-sponsors in the House. The legislation would provide legal protections “at all stages of life, including the moment of fertilization.” The endorsement of the bill from the committee comes weeks after Republicans attempted to quell concerns about whether the Supreme Court’s decision overturning Roe v. Wade would lead to restrictions on reproductive treatments such as IVF.

After Alabama’s Supreme Court ruled last month that frozen embryos should be considered children and that people can be held liable for destroying them, conservatives running for office, including Trump, sought to distance themselves from the ruling and voiced support for IVF. Many repeated party talking points in support of the creation of families, and Alabama’s legislature voted to protect IVF providers and patients from criminal or civil liability if embryos they create are subsequently damaged or destroyed.

But Republicans supporting the Life at Conception Act have been under scrutiny. The House version of the bill does not designate an exception for IVF , meaning access to the procedure would not be protected if the bill is signed into law. The draft bill does, however, specify that it does not “authorize the prosecution of any woman for the death of her unborn child.”

Schumer, in his floor remarks Thursday, argued that the proposal “makes it clear they’re the same old anti-choice, anti-women party.” The Biden campaign’s rapid-response account on X similarly suggested that the proposal “endorses a ban on all abortions in every single state and ripping away access to IVF.”

Hannah Knowles and Jacqueline Alemany contributed to this report.

Election 2024

Get the latest news on the 2024 election from our reporters on the campaign trail and in Washington.

Who is running? President Biden and Donald Trump both secured their parties’ nominations for the presidency , formalizing a general-election rematch.

Key issues: Compare where the candidates stand on such issues as abortion, climate and the economy.

Key dates and events: From January to June, voters in all states and U.S. territories will pick their party’s nominee for president ahead of the summer conventions. Here are key dates and events on the 2024 election calendar .

• Biden poised to raise $25 million at fundraiser with Obama, Clinton March 28, 2024 Biden poised to raise $25 million at fundraiser with Obama, Clinton March 28, 2024
• Democrat who ran heavily on abortion rights, IVF wins Alabama special election March 26, 2024 Democrat who ran heavily on abortion rights, IVF wins Alabama special election March 26, 2024
• Trump reels from competing court decisions as trials disrupt campaign March 25, 2024 Trump reels from competing court decisions as trials disrupt campaign March 25, 2024