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‘We Haven’t Learned Our Lesson’: Victims Recall Martial Law in the Philippines

Ferdinand E. Marcos placed the country under military rule 50 years ago this week. With his son now in power, those who lived through those dark days fear their stories will be lost.

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Photographs by Jes Aznar

Interviews by Jason Gutierrez

• Sept. 21, 2022

They were community organizers and unionists. Teenagers and pro-democracy activists.

Those who were detained under the dictatorship of Ferdinand E. Marcos in the Philippines numbered in the tens of thousands. The dictator declared martial law in the country 50 years ago on Wednesday, a grisly period when the opposition was imprisoned, tortured and killed.

The regime was toppled by peaceful pro-democracy protests in 1986, forcing the Marcoses into exile. The victims who survived those years were shocked when Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the dictator’s son and namesake, was elected president in May.

Mr. Marcos won a landslide victory after spending years trying to rehabilitate his family’s name and by appealing to Rodrigo Duterte’s many supporters, even putting the former president’s daughter on the ticket.

Though Mr. Marcos has asked not to be judged by his father’s actions and insisted that his opponents have attacked his family unfairly, critics worry he will continue the culture of impunity that flourished under his father and Mr. Duterte. The Marcos family has never apologized, though some victims have received reparations from the government.

With the Marcoses back in the presidential palace, some survivors of martial law fear their stories will be lost. Here are nine of them.

“I will continue fighting for what is right, while I still have the strength.”

Cecilio Bejer, 71

Cecilio Bejer, a labor activist, was detained twice during the martial law years. The first time was in 1972, when he worked as a machine operator at a rubber factory. “All the menfolk, 12 years old and up, were told to go outside, no one was spared,” he said. The authorities separated the workers who had tattoos or long hair from those who didn’t. After the men were searched and interrogated, they were let go, Mr. Bejer said.

When the factory shut down in the mid-1970s, Mr. Bejer became a full-time activist. In 1980, he was arrested again and taken to prison after the military claimed he was making anti-government posters. The guards accused him of being a protest leader, kicking and beating him. He was later transferred to a facility for political prisoners and held there from July to December of 1980. “Was it all a waste?” he said. “I feel that there is no change at all. But I will continue fighting for what is right, while I still have the strength.”

“Those of us who can testify that Marcos committed sins are still alive.”

Carmencita Florentino, 70

While working on behalf of the residents of Tatalon, a poor, urban community outside Manila, Carmencita Florentino was arrested twice, first in 1977, and then again the following year. “There were more or less 500 of us in jail,” said Ms. Florentino. She said some of her cellmates were tortured and molested.

“I am afraid of the Marcoses now that they are back in power. Those of us who can testify that Marcos committed sins are still alive,” she said. She blamed Ferdinand E. Marcos and his regime for her suffering. “If he did not ruin our future, he may have earned our respect,” she said. Ms. Florentino said she now lives in a home that is as small as the prison cell she was once held in.

“They can try to change history, but they can’t.”

Pedrito Cipriano, 71

Pedrito Cipriano, a dock worker in the 1970s, was an active union organizer. One of the rallies he attended was broken up by Marcos forces. Mr. Cipriano said he was detained, beaten and tortured before being freed a few months later. He is among the many Filipinos who accuse the Marcos family of siphoning billions of dollars from the government when they held power decades ago. “Not just Marcos Jr., but the entire Marcos family benefited from the stolen wealth,” he said, his voice frail.

Mr. Cipriano remains active in community organizing. Many young people have no memory of martial law, and an older generation of Filipinos fear the Marcos family has glossed over the brutality of the dictatorship. “What happened before was true,” Mr. Cipriano said. “They can try to change history, but they can’t.”

“It was right to defend your country, the Philippines. What else was I supposed to do?”

Silvestra Mendoza, 83

A timid, soft-spoken grandmother with a steely resolve, Silvestra Mendoza was part of a civic group led by mothers focused on helping the urban poor. She was accused of being a subversive and held in detention for weeks in 1977. “I was accused of violating 1081,” Ms. Mendoza said, referring to the presidential proclamation that placed the Philippines under military rule.

In jail, she struggled to maintain her composure because she knew she did nothing wrong. “You should not be afraid. It was right to defend your country, the Philippines. What else was I supposed to do?” she said. Now she feels that many Filipinos have squandered the gains of the peaceful, pro-democracy protests that toppled the Marcos regime. She laughed at Mr. Marcos’s suggestion that the elder Marcos was innocent. “Weren’t they with his father when he was kicked out of the country?” she said.

“I did not know why I was in jail or why I was called a subversive.”

Loretta Sipagan, 87

The police officer who arrested Loretta Sipagan was the husband of a friend. Ms. Sipagan was a community organizer in a slum neighborhood in the 1970s. She said she was fighting for better homes, not lofty ideals like democracy and human rights. Still, she spent two months and 10 days in prison. While in detention, she worked on growing her network of activists.

“I was in jail with other political detainees. I did not know why I was in jail or why I was called a subversive. We just had an organization working for the common good,” she said. She recalled being reunited with the arresting officer years later. He apologized and said he was just doing his job. She said she bore him no ill will, and even thanked him for opening her eyes to the reality of martial law.

“President Marcos may be worse than his father.”

Romeo Fortez Mendoza, 71

When he was in his 20s, Romeo Fortez Mendoza was part of a youth group that often faced down the police and military forces during protests. He was nabbed by the authorities in 1978 while protesting the regime’s planned demolition of homes.

“Nothing has changed,” he said, referring to the Marcos family’s return to power. “President Marcos may be worse than his father.” The weathered activist said one of his daughters is now a police officer. “I tell her about martial law, about my suffering,” he said. But were he to run into his daughter at a protest, “I will just walk away.”

“I think that we are a hopeless case.”

Lydia Sanchez, 77

Lydia Sanchez and her husband were taken by the authorities in 1973. She was let go after two days. Her husband, Nicolas, spent five months in jail, where he was regularly beaten. “They whacked him on the head until his ears bled, and then they submerged him in a toilet bowl,” she said. “They were asking him about something that he knew nothing about.”

Despite being arrested, the couple never stopped their activism on behalf of the poor. They were forced to move from place to place. When the Marcos dictatorship fell in 1986, they were among the first to storm the presidential palace. “I was very happy. All of us who went there were crying,” she said. But now that the son is in power, she is angry. “We haven’t learned our lessons as a people,” she said. “I think that we are a hopeless case.”

“They repeatedly hit me on the head. I cried and cried. They told me I would never be freed.”

Pacita Armada, 62

Pacita Armada was living at her uncle’s house when the authorities arrived to carry out a raid. Her uncle was a unionist, and Ms. Armada said she was grabbed by the hair, dragged outside and taken to the police station with about a dozen other people. She was only 16.

“They forced me to say something about my uncle’s activities. I told them I knew nothing. They repeatedly hit me on the head. I cried and cried,” she said. “They told me I would never be freed.” Ms. Armada was detained for four months, during which her father died. “I think he died because of me,” she said. “He was stressed out and suffered a heart attack and died.”

“The Marcoses can at least say sorry for what they did.”

George Obedosa, 72

George Obedosa has Parkinson’s disease. His back is bent, but he attributes his posture to the torture he endured during detention under the Marcos dictatorship. “The Marcoses can at least say sorry for what they did,” Mr. Obedosa said of his two years in detention. He was arrested in the central province of Samar in 1972, the year martial law was declared in the Philippines.

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29 interesting facts about the EDSA revolution

5 testimonies of martial law victims, a history of the philippine political protest, chronology of a revolution, edsa people power revolution, etta rebuffs enrile, etta rosales on the kind of torture she hated the most, etta rosales pa award, gone to soon: 7 youth leaders killed under martial law, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/benigno_aquino_jr., https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/corazon_aquino, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ferdinand_marcos, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/imelda_marcos, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jose_diokno, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jose_maria_sison, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jovito_salonga, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/juan_ponce_enrile, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/lorenzo_ta%c3%b1ada, liliosa hilao, marcos and the media, martial law, missing martial law activists, neri colmenares' story, part 1: background of the martial law, the philippines, the east asian “developmental states” and education: a comparative analysis of why the philippines failed to develop., martial law era in the philippines.

This resource discusses this Martial Law period in the Philippines when President Ferdinand Marcos exercised his dictatorial power.

Part 1. Background of the Martial Law

The first part explores the general background, perspectives, and interpretations of the Martial Law using a video edited by the team. It is found in the resource below:

Additional facts about the Martial Law are:

Part 2. Education and Other Sectors

“If we are smart, why aren’t we rich?” (de Dios et al, 1995) The education system in the time of martial law were designated as “vital agency in achieving the desired reform in the New Society’ in which human resource development was linked to economic growth. However, the education system in 1972 resulted to the export of workers. Following the downfall of the economic and education system, students have been allowed to protest on their campuses, and some illegal strikes were tolerated. The regime marked the occasion by arresting 28 students, professors, factory workers, and slum-community leaders for initiating on planning about anti-martial law demonstrations.

Some of the promising youth leaders got their lives cut too short at the time of Marcos’ dictatorship—those were: Liliosa Hilao, a Communication Arts student from Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila (PLM), wrote for the students’ news publication with critical essays entitled “The Vietnamization of the Philippines” and “Democracy is Dead in the Philippines under Martial Law.” At the official report, Hilao died by suicide after drinking muriatic acid, but her body showed signs that she was tortured and sexually abused; one was Archimedes Trajano, a 21-year old student from Mapua Institute of Technology, who questioned Imee Marcos on why she was the National Chairperson of the Barangay as the presidential daughter was speaking on an open forum. Trajano was seen forcibly taken from the event by Imee’s body guards and was tortured for 12-36 hours—his body was seen on the streeets of Manila on September 2, 1977; another was Edgar Jopson or “Edjop” who took a different path when he graduated from Ateneo de Manila University with a degree in Management Engineering, he went as an underground member of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). He was arrested, interrogated and tortured. After he refused to cooperate during the interrogations, Jopson was executed the following day, at the age of 34; a medical doctor named Juan Escandor left the medical field and joined the armed struggle. Juan graduated from the University of the Philippines College of Medicine, became the chief resident of the radiology department of the University of the Philippines-Philippine General Hospital and later became a consultant. Escandor became an “NPA” doctor in Cagayan Valley. In 1983, Escandor was killed in an encounter with constabulary troopers in Quezon City, as per what the authorities said. But when the autopsy results came out, it was known that Escandor got tortured. His brain had been removed and stuffed inside his stomach cavity, trash rags and plastic bags were shoved inside his skull. Escandor died at the age of 41; an award winning poet, essayist, and dramatist who studied AB Humanities in Ateneo de Manila University on a full scholarship named Emmanuel Lacaba who later taught in the University of the Philippines began taking political actions by joining the First Quarter Storm (FQS) of 1970, and later became active in the labor movement. In 1974, he moved to Mindanao to join the New People’s Army. In 1976, while in a peasant’s hut in Davao del Norte, soldiers killed Lacaba together with a pregnant comrade; a freshman from the University of the Philippines plays revolutionary and protest songs using his guitar to express his disappointments and sentiments with regard to Marcos’ dictatorship. After he got arrested for 10 days in 1976, he decided to go underground, organizing farmers as a cadre of the New People’s Army for 5 years. Quimpo, at the age of 24, was shot by a former comrade who was working with the military; Maria Lorrena Barros, a talented student who was taking up Anthropology in the University of the Philippines joined the activist movement and became the co-founder of Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (Makibaka). With the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, Barros was tagged as subversive and got arrested for it. In 1973, Barros was arrested in Bicol and brought to Camp Vicente Lim in Laguna. She was later transferred to Fort Bonifacio’s Ipil Rehabilitation Center, and managed to escape together with the three other political prisoners. In March 1976, Barros was killed in an encounter with constabulary soldiers in Quezon City.

September 1972, on the eve of Ferdinand Marcos’ dictatorship— leading mass-circulation dailies, weekly magazines and journals, radio and television stations, were shut down by soldiers. Journalists, editors, radio and television personnel were sent out to jail without due process. In December 1976, Marcos ordered closing two church publications—the last free publications left: Sign of the Times with 15,000 political prisoners tortured; The Communicator, a weekly newsletter published by the Jesuits. Marcos issued a Letter of Instruction No. 1 to the Department of National Defense (DND), ordering them to control over all newspapers, magazines, radio and television stations. The Department of Public Information (DPI) issued Department Order No. 1 on the 25 th of September 1972, which demanded the news media to follow and showcase the prescribed mandate set by the government. The decree refrained the mass media to provide editorial opinions, commentaries, comments or asides.

Ferdinand Marcos imposed his dictatorial remarks and radically monopolized the Philippines’ economy, education, health care system, media and entertainment industry, and many more. In his regime, thousands of innocent people who were tagged as subversive got killed. What happened in the past got every Filipino people traumatized. There were martial law survivors who shared their stories in various documentaries, films, and written accounts. Their wounds never healed, and will never be healed. Disappointing it may seem, from the very beginning of the Marcos regime, historical accounts were already revised as they started monopolizing the entertainment industry, and various news and student publications. If we are smart, why aren’t we rich? Probably because some of the Filipinos just forgive and forget about what happened in the past, if that is the case, how can we acknowledge the history’s shortcomings? How can we improve in terms of Economics, when people don’t want to take how crucial those Filipinos lives were back in the 70’s? If they some people don’t like upholding their democratic rights first? Collectively, the Filipinos should take note of every historical event and account since Marcos’ dictatorship. It has to be written again to be remembered by the Filipinos of this generation.

Part 3. Stories From The Victims — Those Who Refused To Stay Silent

"Ang daldal mo kasi, Etta, kaya ka inaresto" — Juan Ponce Enrile to Etta Rosales

Loretta "Etta" Rosales is but one of the many victims of human rights violations under the Marcos dictatorship. The former Commission on Human Rights Chairperson was arrested twice and subjected to physical and sexual abuse by her captors--one of whom was her former student. Since then, she has been a staunch critic of Duterte's war on drugs. She is the very first recipient of the German-based international group Progressive Alliance's (PA) "special political courage" award due to her human rights advocacies in the Philippines. 

“Every night they took 10 men, made them dig their graves, then shot them dead. Every night they also took 10 women to the boat, and raped them.”  — Abunawas Kali

Abunawas Kali , a Sultan Kudarat native, endured and witnessed unspeakable abuse during Martial Law. He lost many family members in a series of massacres ( Manili Massacre & Kulong-kulong Massacre ) from 1971 to 1974.

In 1971, soldiers shot 70 Moros dead while they were inside a mosque in Carmen, North Cotabato. Two of his uncles lost their wives in what came to be known as the 'Manili Massacre' .

In 1974, soldiers of the 35th Infantry Batallion came to Abunawas' house in Bulibud, Sultan Kudarat in the middle of the night and roused his family. His wife, sister, and children managed to escape by jumping into a nearby river when the soldiers opened fire on Abunawas' three uncles with an M60 machine gun.

On September of that same year, soldiers attacked the peaceful, coastal town of Palimbang in Sultan Kudarat and rounded up the residents of seven villages. 1,500 Moros were killed in the 'Kulong-kulong Massacre' . 20 of Abunawas' family members were among the casualties. His then 14-year-old niece, Bainkung Buwisan , was taken to a Philippine Navy boat and sexually assaulted. Buwisan is now one of the Moro claimants under Republic Act 10638 , or the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act .

“Even though I was pregnant, I was not exempted from torture.”  — Loida Magpatoc

Loida Magpatoc was held captive and tortured for five months. She was often subjected to the water cure despite the fact that she was pregnant back then. Sometimes, her captors would play darts using her face as the dartboard. The worst was the Russian roulette : a soldier placed a single bullet in a revolver, spun the cylinder, placed the muzzle against her head, and pulled the trigger several times. 

“They tied an electric wire to my thumbs. The wire was connected to a military field phone so each time they cranked it, it sent electric shocks. They interrogated me and every time I did not answer, they electrocuted me.”  — Trinidad Repuno Herrera

Trinidad Repuno Herrera was in her 30's when she was arrested on April 23, 1977 while en route to Xavierville, Quezon City. She was taken to a police station and then to Camp Crame where she suffered physical abuse for months. She was held in a cold, prison cell and had electric wire attached to her thumbs and even to her nipples. Despite the unbearable pain she experienced, she bravely stood her ground and refused to sign the blank paper given to her by her captors.

“Ang lamig pala ng baril pag nasa loob ng bunganga mo ”  — Neri Colmenares

Neri Javier Colmenares was only 18-years-old when he was arrested by the members of the Philippine Constabulary in 1983. The former Congressman and Bayan Muna Representative was one of the youngest political prisoners at that time.

He was subjected to physical and mental abuse. He was forced to strip naked and was beaten with a ruler. Sometimes, his captors would take him to an adjoining room where another prisoner was being tortured. He was made to watch his captors electrocute another man for hours on end, threatening him that he would be next. When he was transferred to their 'headquarters', his captors would often play a game of 'Russian Roulette' with him, hoping that the ordeal would break his spirit.

Colmenares recounts that when one of his companions refused to crack after four consecutive days of torture, the guards decided to put him inside a drum and buried him alive. Colmenares survived because his father, who was a bank officer, had endorsed his jail warden's loan. Colmenares was only released when his tonsils were damaged after being forcefully strangled. When his captors saw that he couldn't breathe anymore, he was taken to a hospital -- thus ending his torture and captivity which lasted for four years.

Liliosa Hilao was about to graduate as Cum Laude with a degree in Communication Arts from the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila when she was arrested by members of the Philippine Constabulary on April 4, 1972. Although she did not attend rallies or student protests due to being 'sickly', she penned several essays that criticized the government as part of her OpEd pieces for the PLM school paper ' Hasik '. She also wore black as a sign of mourning and as a form of protest against the Marcos regime.

On April 4, 1972, drunken members of the Philippine Constabulary Anti-Narcotics Unit (CANU) led by Lieutenant Arturo Castillo, raided Hilao's home. Liliosa's family watched helplessly as she was repeatedly beaten up when she demanded that the armed men present a search warrant. She was handcuffed and taken to Camp Crame on the morning of April 5, 1972. When her brother-in-law (who was in the army) visited her soon thereafter, he saw signs of torture and even gang rape. Three days after her arrest, her sister Alice was called to the Camp Crame Station Hospital to collect her badly beaten body. The authorities asserted that she committed suicide by drinking muriatic acid and declared her case closed. She died, aged 23.

Two weeks after her death, PLM gave her a posthumous degree, with honors. They also kept her seat empty during the graduation ceremony. Her name is now on the Bantayog ng mga Bayani 's Wall of Remembrance for the martyrs and heroes of Martial Law.

The Desaparecidos

"Hanggang ngayon wala pa kaming katarungan" — Helena Jimenez, whose husband disappeared following his arrest on August 17, 1985

There has been 1,993 cases of enforced disappearances in the Philippines since the Marcos regime, according to the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) . During Martial Law, a desaparecido  ( disappeared ) was, more often than not, a student, an activist, a labor leader, a farmer, or a teacher. While many political prisoners lived to tell their tale, the fate of the desaparecidos remains unknown to this day. 

Here are some of the names and stories of the desaparecidos:

• Rizalina Ilagan - A student-activist who was a member of Kabataang Makabayan,  the largest militant youth organization during Martial Law. She helped the group's cultural arm, Panday Sining , organize and stage street plays and musicals that tackled the socio-political issues of the era. She, as well as nine other members of an anti-Martial Law network in Southern Tagalog (ST), was abducted while attending a meeting on July 1977. They are now known as the Southern Tagalog 10 , the biggest single group that disappeared during Martial Law.
• Jessica Sales - A Sociology professor at  UPLB who was also pursuing a graduate degree in Agriculture. As a social science professor, she was known to encourage classroom discussions related to the political situation of the Philippines under Martial Law. She was one of the  Southern Tagalog 10  who disappeared in July 1977.
• Hermon Lagman - A Labor lawyer who offered legal service pro bono to workers pursuing cases of unfair labor practices. Following his arrest and eventual release in 1972, when Martial Law was declared, he became a legal counsel to various labor unions and actively participated in strikes and other mass actions. He has been missing since May 11, 1977.
• Rosaleo Romano - A Redemptorist priest and vice president of the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan chapter in Central Visayas. He was arrested twice for giving refuge to victims of military harassment. His abduction by armed men on July 11, 1985 prompted numerous appeals for his release, including one from Pope John Paul II. 
• Luis Gabriel - A farmer and barangay chairman of Ibujan in San Mariano, Isabela. He was branded as a communist sympathizer when he refused to cooperate with the military. On October 7, 1985, several armed men led by an Army sergeant took him and three other members of the Ibujan barangay council on the pretext that they needed local guides for a military sortie. 

Part 4. Notable Personalities

Ferdinand Marcos

was a Filipino politician and kleptocrat who was the tenth President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986.   He ruled as a dictator under martial law from 1972 until 1981.

Full Name: Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Sr. Born: 11 September 1917, Sarrat Died: 28 September 1989, Honolulu, Hawaii, United States Siblings: Pacifico Marcos, Fortuna Marcos-Barba, Elizabeth Marcos-Keon Children: Bongbong Marcos, Imee Marcos, Aimee Marcos, Irene Marcos Presidential term: 30 December 1965 – 25 February 1986

Imelda Marcos

is a Filipino politician who was First Lady of the Philippines for 21 years during which she and her husband are widely believed to have illegally amassed a multi-billion U.S. dollar personal fortune, the bulk of which still remains unrecovered.

Full name: Imelda Remedios Visitación Romuáldez-Marcos Born: 2 July 1929 (age 90 years), Manila Siblings: Alfredo Trinidad Romualdez, Benjamin Romualdez,Alita Trinidad Romualdez,Armando Trinidad Romualdez, Concepcion Trinidad Romualdez Children: Bongbong Marcos, Imee Marcos, Aimee Marcos, Irene Marcos   

Benigno Aquino Jr.

was a Filipino politician who served as a Senator of the Philippines and governor of the province of Tarlac. He was the chief opposition leader during the era of martial law in the Philippines (1972–81) under Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos. Aquino’s assassination in 1983 galvanized popular opposition to the Marcos government and brought his widow, Corazon Aquino, to the political forefront.

Full name: Benigno Simeon Aquino, Jr. Born: 27 November 1932, Concepcion Assassinated: 21 August 1983, Ninoy Aquino International Airport Siblings: Butz Aquino, Lupita Aquino-Kashiwahara,Teresa Aquino-Oreta,Paul Aquino ,Servillano Aquino II, Maria Aurora Aquino, Milagros Aquino, Ditas Aquino, Antonio Aquino, Erlinda Aquino Children: Benigno Aquino III, Kris Aquino,Maria Elena Aquino-Cruz, Aurora Corazon Aquino-Abellada, Victoria Elisa Aquino-Dee  

Corazon Aquino

was a Filipino politician who served as the 11th President of the Philippines, becoming the first woman to hold that office. Corazon Aquino was the most prominent figure of the 1986 People Power Revolution, which ended the 20-year rule of President Ferdinand Marcos.

Full name: María Corazón Sumulong Cojuangco Born: 25 January 1933, Paniqui Died: 1 August 2009, Makati Medical Center, Makati Siblings: Jose Cojuangco Jr.Josephine C. Reyes, Pedro Cojuangco, Maria Paz Cojuangco, Teresita Cojuanco Children: Benigno Aquino III, Kris Aquino,Maria Elena Aquino-Cruz, Aurora Corazon Aquino-Abellada, Victoria Elisa Aquino-Dee Presidential term: 25 February 1986 – 30 June 1992

Lorenzo Tañada

was a Filipino nationalist lawyer, senator, and human and civil rights activist best known for his staunch opposition to  martial law under Ferdinand Marcos and to the continued presence of US military bases in the Philippines.

Full Name: Lorenzo Martinez Tañada Sr. Born: 10 August 1898, Gumaca Died: 28 May 1992, Manila Spouse: Expedita Ebarle Children: Wigberto Tañada, Antonio Tañada

Jose W. Diokno

was a Filipino nationalist. He served as Senator of the Philippines, Secretary of Justice, founding chair of the Commission on Human Rights, and founder of the Free Legal Assistance Group. Diokno refused to believe in the necessity of armed struggle against the Marcos regime that's why he founded FLAG, to fight the injustices of Martial Law. 

Full Name: Jose Wright Diokno Born: 26 February 1922, Manila Died: 27 February 1987, Quezon City Spouse: Carmen Icasiano Children: Chel Diokno, Maris Diokno, Ma. Serena I. Diokno, Maria Socorro, Maria de la Paz

Jovito Salonga

was a Filipino statesman and lawyer, as well as a leading opposition leader during the regime of Ferdinand Marcos  from the declaration of martial law in 1972 until the People Power Revolution in 1986, which removed Marcos from power.

Full Name:  Jovito "Jovy" Reyes Salonga  Born: 22 June 1920, Pasig Died: 10 March 2016, Quezon City Spouse: Lydia Busuego (m. 1948) Children:  Patricia Salonga, Victoria Regina Salonga, Ricardo Salonga, Esteban Fernando Salonga, Eduardo Salonga

Juan Ponce Enrile

 is a Filipino politician and lawyer. He was a protégé of President Ferdinand Marcos, and served as Justice Secretary and Defense Minister under the Marcos regime.

Full Name: Juan Furagganan Ponce Enrile Sr., Born: 14 February 1924 (age 96 years), Gonzaga Spouse: Cristina Castañer (m. 1957) Siblings : Armida Siguion-Reyna Children : Juan Ponce Enrile, Jr, Katrina Ponce Enrile

Jose Maria Sison

 is a Filipino writer and activist who founded the Communist Party of the Philippines and added elements of Maoism to its philosophy. Sison was arguably the most important political prisoner under martial law, for he was the chairman of the reestablished Communist Party of the Philippines.

Full Name: Jose Maria Canlas Sison Born: 8 February 1939 (age 81 years), Cabugao Spouse: Julie de Lima (m. 1960)  

Part 5. The People Power Revolution

Also known as the “EDSA Revolution,”  “Yellow Revolution,”  “Bloodless Revolution” and “1986 Philippine Revolution.” , the People Power Revolution was a culmination of a series of public protests against the oppressive and abusive dictatorial government and alleged electoral fraud committed by Ferdinand E. Marcos. Over 2 million Filipino civilians, as well as several political and military groups, and religious groups, gathered along Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (more commonly referred to as EDSA) in Metro Manila from February 22 to 25, 1986 . It was the first nonviolent, bloodless revolution that ever took place. Despite the presence of tanks and guns, no shots were ever fired.

The four-day protest led to the end of the 20-year presidential rule of Marcos and the return to a democratic type of government in the Philippines.

FEBRUARY 20

On February 20, 1986, a few days before the revolution, Marcos has declared himself the winner of the snap elections. Comelec employees walked out during the quick count of votes in the 1986 snap elections.  On that same day, Corazon Aquino led a people's victory rally at Luneta. An estimated 2 million people heeded Aquino’s call for civil disobedience. In response, Marcos threatened to reinstate Martial Law should a nationwide strike begin.

FEBRUARY 22

A speech was being prepared by the camp of Defense Minister Juan Ponce-Enrile declaring himself as the head of a coup. They were to attack Malacanang on February 23 at 2 a.m. to be lead by Col. Gregorio Honasan.

The coup plan was leaked and it reached Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Chief of Staff Gen. Fabian Ver, prompting them to intensify the Palace’s security. President Marcos met with US Ambassador Stephen Bosworth and Philip Habib to seek advice. Enrile contacted AFP Vice Chief of Staff Gen. Fidel Ramos, asking for his support. After meeting with some supporters of Cory Aquino in his house, Ramos finally arrived in Camp Aguinaldo to join Enrile. That night, the Enrile and Ramos announced their defection from the Marcos regime.   At 9 p.m., Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin, through Radio Veritas, called on people to show their support for Enrile and Ramos. Radio Veritas continued with its blow-by-blow account of the unfolding siege.   At 10 p.m., Enrile talked to Cory Aquino over the phone. Ninoy Aquino's widow had just finished speaking at a rally in Cebu. Enrile warned her that her life was in danger.

After 30 minutes, Marcos appeared on TV where he claimed that the situation is in control and called for Enrile and Ramos to surrender and negotiate.

FEBRUARY 23

Cory Aquino called for the Filipino to rally behind Enrile and Ramos. She also asked Marcos to step down peacefully. Enrile and Ramos met along EDSA along with their many supporters.

Marcos ordered the mobilization of armored tanks, but the Filipinos supporting Enrile and Ramos acted as a shield so the tanks cannot come close to the 2 leaders. They stayed in position holding their banners asking for Marcos to step down. Later that day, the United States of America issued a statement questioning the credibility and legitimacy of the Marcos government.

Early in the evening, Radio Veritas’ transmitters were neutralized by the military so it went off air.

FEBRUARY 24

People flocked the areas surrounding Camp Crame and the church bells were tolled when they heard that an attack from the Marcos’s camp was being planned. Ver ordered an all-out attack by riot police using tear gas. Marcos loyalists came in as tear gas canisters exploded outside Camp Aguinaldo, but  At past 6 a.m., reports that the Marcos family had departed came. Ramos likewise announced a "confirmed report" of the departure of the Marcos family. But at 9 AM, Marcos again appeared on television declaring a state of emergency. He announced that his inauguration will proceed as initially scheduled. Later in the hour, the television screen blacked out as Marcos was about to answer a reporter’s question. People continued to flock to EDSA Enrile, Ramos, and the other leaders. Aquino spoke to the crowd calling people to be firm and compassionate and maintain a bloodless prtest. In the evening, the United States endorsed the provisional government of Aquino. Marcos appeared again on TV at past 8 pm to assert that he and his family in Malacañang were prepared for whatever will come.

FEBRUARY 25

Past midnight, soldiers fired at barricades of a group of rebel supporters. Several people were wounded. 

President Marcos called his labor minister, Blas Ople, who suggested that the Marcos family should just leave the country. Marcos refused saying that the first lady does not want them to leave.

At 10:15 a.m., Aquino arrived at Club Filipino in San Juan where she was sworn in as President by Senior Supreme Court Justice Claudio Teehankee and Salvador Laurel as vice president by Supreme Court Justice Vicente Abad Santos. Aquino appoints Enrile as Defense Secretary and Ramos as AFP Chief of Staff.

At the same time, Marcos was also inaugurated Malacañang's Ceremonial Hall. As he raised his hand to take his oath, the live television coverage was cut. Later that afternoon, Marcos called Enrile with an appeal for the rebels to stop firing at the Palace. The president mentioned his willingness to leave the Palace. Everyone in the Palace began to pack.

The U.S. Embassy arranged for five helicopters to transport Marcos and his family out of Malacañang.

A few minutes before 10pm, DZRH was first to report that the Marcoses had fled the country, with the US Air Force TV station FEN confirming the report.  

Celebrations erupted on the streets and protesters forced open the Palace and rushed inside. Marcos' extended family and a number of close associates were flown to Hawaii Marcos' objections. Marcos died in exile in 1989.  

Part 6: Martial Law: Then and Now

Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — Philippine Government — Ferdinand Marcos as a Leader: Impact of Martial Law on Philippines

Ferdinand Marcos as a Leader: Impact of Martial Law on Philippines

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Published: Aug 31, 2023

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Introduction, ferdinand marcos: golden era illusion, dark legacy of ferdinand marcos as a leader.

• Amnesty International. (1982). 'The Philippines: Torture in the Marcos Era.' Retrieved from https://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/ASA35/001/1982/en.
• World Bank Data. (1980s). Retrieved from World Bank database.
• National Historical Commission of the Philippines. (n.d.). 'The Martial Law Years.' Retrieved from https://www.nhcp.gov.ph/resources/online-resources/martial-law-years/.

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Timberman, D. C. (1991). A Changeless Land: Continuity and Change in Philippine Politics. Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University Press.

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Mijares, Primitivo. 'The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos.' Bookmark, 1976

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Central Philippine University

Evoking the experiences of martial law – in remembrance of its declaration.

by Central Philippine University | Sep 25, 2020 | Uncategorized

By Cyrus A. Natividad

The declaration of Martial Law on September 21, 1972 by then President of the Republic of the Philippines Ferdinand E. Marcos brought portent changes in the development of Filipino society. It was a period of expectation and challenges in which the final results were largely influenced by desire, greed, and selfishness. There were remnants of dreams unfulfilled, realization of plans unfinished. Somehow, some promises were fulfilled, yet, some scars never healed.

On the anniversary of its declaration last Monday, September 21, 2020, I would like to share bits of experiences in our history of Martial Law.

As an elementary pupil then, I was able to watch the unfolding of another history in the life of Filipinos. That would last for 14 years (within Marcos’ 21 years in power). The bombing of Plaza Miranda in Quiapo that killed several people and immobilized some candidates after attending a “meting de avance” of the Liberal Party, and other bombings in Metro Manila were preludes to the declaration of Martial Law. One of the victims of the grenade blast was Senate President Jovito Salonga who was later conferred with an honorary degree by Central Philippine University.

Demonstrations reinforced a brewing rebellion of student activists in the country. In Iloilo, students were daunted to join rallies and demonstrations. Once, the demonstrators were on their way to the Freedom Grandstand for a grand rally. The downtown area was barricaded. The disorder followed in a little while. Rocks were sent crashing on the glass windows of stores at the sidewalks. Riot police came rushing to the area. Meanwhile, ambuscades and assassinations made headlines in national and local dailies. We watched it on black and white TV screens which were at that time encased in bulky console furniture. Various news were heard over AM stations.

As early as 5AM every day, people on the streets huddled for news over cups of coffee and pan de sal. Late in the afternoon until the evening, old folks converge at the ‘tuba-an’ (coconut wine junction) to exchange ideas and opinions with one another. Arguments which sometimes turn to fistfights, eventually end up in jail.

We saw a truck loaded with high-powered firearms and ammunitions suddenly stopped by. Military personnel checked the houses and more firearms were collected. Subversive pieces of evidence were collected and wanted criminals were hauled to jails. We were given a minute instruction by the Barrio Kapitan (Village Chief) to go home because “Martial Law is here!” Soon, warrantless arrests were in effect as a result of the suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus. What followed were significant events that stuck in our minds – to be recalled later.

The experiences are embedded in my mind, but they come so often over the years. Martial Law was still around twelve years later, as I decided to enroll in the Bachelor of Arts, major in Political Science at Central Philippine University. Sometime later, students’ organizations that were terminated at the onset of Martial Law were back. Campus freedom was in the air. The return of CPU Republic and political party affiliations was ripe. I realized it’s time I join the “Republic”. My election as Senate President in the then newly-revived CPU Student Republic gave me a fresh mandate to lead myself to lead others.

Life in the CPU Republic required time and tact. It was challenging and strengthening. Martial Law had pushed, tested, and challenged me in experiencing hardships. Central Philippine University on the other hand taught me the essence of patience and perseverance, gratitude, and leadership. For all my friends and classmates who were there during the dark period of democracy, for those who accepted the challenges and were rewarded with freedom, and for all those who lived beyond Martial Law and received the fruits of perseverance, God will always be there.

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Remembering Martial Law: An Eco-System of Truth Initiatives and the Emergence of Narrative Documentation in the Philippines

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Tine Destrooper, Remembering Martial Law: An Eco-System of Truth Initiatives and the Emergence of Narrative Documentation in the Philippines, International Journal of Transitional Justice , Volume 17, Issue 3, November 2023, Pages 370–387, https://doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijad025

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In the Philippines, governmental and civil society actors installed a range of mechanisms to deal with violent legacies of the Marcos regime. Formal truth-telling mechanisms were, however, not part of the early transitional justice architecture, meaning that truth-seeking initially took place as part of other justice efforts. Nonetheless, more recently, a boom in truth, documentation and memorialization processes has resulted in a dynamic eco-system of formal and informal truth initiatives, dealing with Martial Law as well as other violent legacies. This article argues that this eco-system of truth initiatives underlines the importance and potential of foregrounding the dissemination of truths through a decentralized approach to truth-telling, as well as the potential of ‘narrative documentation’ in doing so. I then explore how this eco-systemic approach to truth-telling, and the narrative documentation used as part of it, can be a meaningful strategy in the face of ongoing disinformation campaigns.

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Ang Pagdeklara ng Martial Law

Ang gabi ng deklarasyon.

Noong gabi ng Setyembre 23, 1972, kinausap ni Ferdinand Marcos ang mga Pilipino gamit ang telebisyon at radyo para ipaalam sa buong bansa na nagdeklara na siya ng batas militar.

Inilarawan ng Proclamation No. 1081 ang state of lawlessness na laganap sa buong bansa at inilalagay sa panganib ang buhay ng mga Pilipino.

Ginawang dahilan ni Marcos ang paglakas ng mga Komunista sa bansa. Ayon sa kanya, nakakuha sila ng armas mula sa Tsina na siyang gagamitin upang pabagsakin ang pamahalaan at guluhin ang mapayapang buhay ng mga ordinaryong Pilipino. Ikinumpara ni Marcos ang estado ng bansa sa isang digmaan na plano niyang itigil.

Bilang sagot sa nagbabantang lakas ng mga Komunista, idineklara ni Marcos na isasailalim niya sa batas militar ang Pilipinas alinsunod sa kanyang kapangyarihan bilang Presidente na nakasaad sa 1935 Philippine Constitution. Kasama dito ay ang kapangyarihan ng Presidente na pangasiwaan ang Armed Forces ng Pilipinas para panatilihin ang batas at kaayusan, pati ang eksklusibong kapangyarihan para magpasya kung mananatiling nakakulong ang isang tao para sa kanyang mga krimen.

Ipinangako din ni Marcos na gagamitin niya ang mga special powers ng Batas Militar para mapalaganap ng kapayapaan at kaunlaran sa bansa. Makikita daw ng mga susunod kay Marcos ang bungang ito; ngunit, ang mga tututol sa kanya ay magdudusa tulad ng mga rebelde.

Kahit na Setyembre 23 ipinahayag ang pagdedeklara ng batas militar, pinirmahan ni Marcos ang dokumentong nagpapatupad nito noong Setyembre 21, 1972 dahil sa mga pamahiin niya tungkol sa mga numero.

MGA KAHINA-HINALANG PANGYAYARI

Noong idineklara ni Marcos ang batas militar sa Pilipinas, ang partikular na pangyayari na kanyang binanggit para bigyang katwiran ang kanyang desisyon ay ang pag-aalsa ng mga Komunista at ang naganap na pagtambang sa kanyang Minister of Defense na si Juan Ponce Enrile sa labas ng Wack-Wack subdivision. Kasama ang mga pangyayaring ito sa saklaw ng mga imminent threat o mga nalalapit na banta na siyang kakatuwiran sa pagdeklara ng batas militar.

Subalit, ang iniulat ng mga independent report noon ay dumadami lang sa 1,000 na tao ang mga NPA guerilla na ang hawak na sandata ay mga laos at lumang armas. Ayon sa mga tala ng NPA, dumadami lang ng 350 ang kanilang mga katauhan na may hawak ng first line rifles noong panahon ng batas militar. Ayon sa mga ibang eksperto, mismong ang pagdeklara ng batas militar noong 1972 ang nag-udyok sa pagdami ng mga kasapi ng mga radikal na organisasyon. Ayon sa mga tala tungkol sa pagtaas ng pagsali sa mga radikal na grupo, malaking dahilan ang ideyalismo ng kabataan at ang kanilang pagtutol sa mga abuso ng gobyerno. Sa katapusan ng panahon ng Martial Law, natala ang paglaki ng bilang ng mga miyembro sa mga radikal na grupo: ang 1,500 noong 1976 ay naging 35,000 noong 1985.

Pinagdudahan din ang sinasabing pag-atake kay Juan Ponce Enrile ng walang iba kundi si Juan Ponce Enrile din mismo. Sa isang panayam pagkatapos maitaboy mula sa kapangyarihan si Marcos, inamin ni Enrile na gawa-gawa lang ang kuwentong ito para daw maagaw ni Marcos ang kapangyarihang inaasam niya.

Ayon sa orihinal na kuwento, kaya lang daw nakatakas si Enrile ay sumakay siya sa kotse ng kanyang bodyguard sa halip na sa sarili niyang sasakyan. Sa katotohanan, dahil sa pag-amin ni Enrile, malamang ay gawa-gawa lang din ang mga nahanap na bala sa kanyang kotse. Kung susundan ang mga pangyayari, may alam si Enrile tungkol sa planong ito mula sa simula. Ayon kay Primitivo Mijares, ang dating media man ni Marcos, sinabi daw ni Marcos kay Enrile sa telepono:

“Make it look good. Kailangan siguro ay may masaktan o kung mayroon mapatay ay mas mabuti. O, hala, sige, Johnny, and be sure the story catches the Big News or Newswatch and call me as soon as it is over.”

Mga sanggunian:, larawan ni  xiao chua., mijares, p. (1976). the conjugal dictatorship of ferdinand and imelda marcos . new york, ny: union square publications., proclamation no. 1081. the official gazette of the philippines . retrieved from this site., the 1935 constitution. the official gazette of the philippines. retrieved from this site., radio-tv address of president marcos. the official gazette of the philippines . retrieved from this site ., related articles, martial law museum.

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[OPINION] Martial Law and media repression, a collective memory

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Raffy de Guzman

When we hear of Marcos Sr.’s Martial Law, we are haunted by the voices demanding to never forget. What happened must remain engraved in our collective memory so that we are not doomed to repeat it. However, we still seem to be at the onset of a repetition with the dictator’s son as president. How can this be when we’ve been told to never forget ? Perhaps because memory can be played with; it can be twisted or fade completely. Memory alone cannot be purely truthful – this is how the collective memory was pervaded by Marcos myth and propaganda.

While this may paint a corrupt image of the media, news reports and other documents, truthful ones are also what helps keep the real collective memory of Martial Law alive. It would be difficult for any of us, especially those who weren’t alive then to be factual and well-informed, if no media reports about the atrocities were made.

We already know that the truth is hard to find amidst all the noise and lies, but it exists in those who experienced it and the documentation of these collective experiences.

The authors of this article are from different generations – four or even five generations apart – but we have a shared memory of Martial Law and media repression.

Media repression

At a young age, we are taught that the media, most especially journalism, serves as the ‘watchdog’ of the government. The government is held accountable by the press as they report on the socio political situation of the nation, whether in a micro or macro lens. And by reporting this, citizens are given access to information which allows them to criticize and find their stand in the situation. They say that to allow journalists to fulfill this responsibility is to have a true democracy.

However, this noble role of journalists was stripped away from them during Marcos’ Martial Law . The week that Martial Law was declared, Marcos also released Letter of Instruction No. 1 which allowed the military to seize major media outlets like the ABS-CBN network, Channel 5, and various radio stations. He justified this by stating that they were “engaged in subversive activities against the government”. With this, Teodoro Locsin Sr., publisher of Philippine Free Press at the time, was arrested along with other renowned journalists.

Censorship was also put in place. Only positive news about the government was allowed. Any opinion, editorial or commentary that criticized the administration was banned. (To put things in perspective, this article would not be allowed to be published then.) In addition to this, after seizing the facilities of the media outlets, cronies took over these facilities and were the only ones legally authorized to operate. Media was used to churn out pro-Marcos propaganda that sanitized the Marcoses’ personal image and promoted a peace and order campaign which was launched to make people think things were going well.

Because of this repression, of course, media practitioners and journalists were pushed to find another avenue to fulfill their responsibilities. It was then that the “mosquito press” was born.  “Mosquito press” was coined to refer to alternative media that remained critical of Marcos and Martial Law.

Shared memories: Never again

Some of the aboveground publications as listed by Bulatlat were WE Forum and Ang Pahayagang Malaya of Jose Burgos Jr., Signs of the Times by the National Secretariat for Social Action (Nassa) of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) and Mr. & Ms. Magazine pioneered by Eugenia Apostol.

I, Bernardine de Belen, as one of the co-writers must disclose that WE Forum and A ng Pahayagang Malaya ’s publisher Jose Burgos Jr. is my lolo. From this alone, I became aware of the Martial Law atrocities early on. I also learned how terrifying it was for them at the time. My lola would tell me that their children had to be taught at a young age that they were in a dangerous position. My mother, as the eldest, was instructed what to do in case an emergency happens; she knew where her and her siblings’ passports were in case they had to leave immediately. This was until finally, they were raided and my lolo was arrested with other colleagues over the exposé they did on Marcos’ counterfeit war medals .

I, Tony La Viña, 40-plus years older than Bernardine, was a voracious reader of WE Forum and Ang Pahagang Malaya and looked up to Joe Burgos as a hero in the Martial Law resistance. I saw for myself courageous journalists who fought to expose the truth no matter how challenging.

Indeed, many journalists who chose to fight the good fight at the time suffered the same consequences or worse. Others were threatened, disappeared, tortured. It is proportionately through their bravery, endurance, and sacrifice that the dictatorship was toppled and we enjoy press freedom again.

This press freedom we enjoy now appears to be much harder to steal especially amidst the internet which makes news easier to break out and spread. However, this does not mean that the fight for truth in media and journalism is over. While media repression is much more difficult to sustain in our day and age, it still happens. Just recently, sites of alternative media outlets Bulatlat and Pinoy Weekly together with other progressive groups were blocked on the basis of affiliations with terrorists. On top of this, the Philippines still continues to be the 7th most dangerous country for journalists.

Press freedom and disinformation

Moreover, while disinformation, myth and propaganda were already disseminated during Martial Law through the media franchises controlled by Marcos’ cronies, these are even more prominent now. With new media in the lead, it is easier to propagate disinformation through fake news. We see fake Pro-Marcos news articles and stories all the time, not only on lone websites but shared on social media like Facebook with thousands of approving shares, likes, and comments. YouTube is also filled with pro-Marcos videos that tell the “real history” of the Philippines with Marcos Sr. at the forefront of “progress.” Even Bongbong Marcos has a vlog channel which makes him seem like a more likable and relatable character.

Unfortunately, even the revered Philippine Daily Inquirer, who stood tall against the Marcos dictatorship and other administrations, with the tagline “Balanced News, Fearless Views”, has been criticized by no less than Joey Nolasco , its former executive editor, for compromising its independence when it entered into a compromise agreement with GMA/dzBB broadcaster Melo del Prado in a libel case the latter filed against the newspaper and some of its editors and reports over its coverage of the PDAF corruption scandal.

These ripples and developments have all affected our collective memory so when lies pervade the nation’s consciousness, what must we do to preserve the truth?

It is to do what the mosquito press did and more. It is to continue practicing journalism with dignity, sharing truthful narratives and information so that citizens can make a stand. It is to have truth at the core of the press and media so that we don’t fall for the Marcosian myth again. It is to make art that shares the experiences of those who have been violated by Martial Law to be in solidarity with them. However, to do more is to also combat disinformation through the new channels they manifest in. It is to debunk falsified articles on Facebook, to make vlogs that outline the real history of Martial Law, to post educational Tiktoks about Martial Law.

To combat disinformation and deceit is to put the truth in all avenues that we can. Maybe then, we can rely on our collective memory once again. – Rappler.com

Tony La Viña teaches law and is former dean of the Ateneo School of Government.  

Bernardine de Belen recently graduated from the Ateneo de Manila University with a Creative Writing degree. She has just joined Manila Observatory as a research assistant.

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Essay – Martial Law in Philippines

Thirty-six years ago on September 21, 1972, then Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos signed the declaration of martial law. He then announced the deed on television on September 23, 1973. The proclamation ensured Marcos’ grip on power, in defiance of theconstitutional 2-term limit for Philippine presidents. The declaration alsomarked the darkest age in Philippine history. It was during this time thathundreds of Filipinos disappeared, presumably murdered (“salvaged” in localparlance).

It was also then that the Marcoses stole the country’s wealth andindulged First Lady Imelda Marcos’ taste for fine jewelry, shoes andhobnobbing with the rich and famous. A documentary of the events that marked this period has been to coincidewith these anniversaries. “Batas Militar”(Martial Law)was made by theFoundation for Worldwide People Power (FWWPP), the same group thatreleasedBeyond Conspiracy: A Documentary on the Assassination of NinoyAquino. For those who weren’t alive during the time of Marcos, these events mayseem like ancient history. But they shaped the Philippines that we see today.

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This is why we should not forget the sacrifice made by Ninoy Aquino. Why weshouldbe vigilant against graft and corruption. Why suppression of pressfreedom should be viewed with suspicion. This is an age of the Philippinesthat should never be replicated ever again. The extensive film footage and pictures of actual events that took place from1972 when Marcos declared martial law, to the EDSA uprising of 1986 thattoppled the dictatorship, bring back to life the monumental tyranny anddeception, the unprecedented violence and unparalleled greed that no oneever imagined could possibly emanate from one man.

If only for that single accomplishment, the documentary has excellentlyserved its purpose. But it is certainly more than that. It is solidly researched,done with more than 150 important personalities interviewed includingPresident Ramos, Cory Aquino, some generals, Imelda Marcos, other keyplayers and opposition leaders. Particularly interesting was the focus on the personality and political savvy of Marcos’ arch enemy Ninoy Aquino. He was clearly presented as the leaderand icon of the anti-Marcos opposition, the martyr whose assassinationtriggered the demise of the dictatorship.

But martial law was certainly more than that. It was more than the life anddeath struggle between Marcos and his opponents in the traditional politicalopposition. The video documentary certainly captured the drama of the era. But it ismostly the drama in stifling the elite opposition, like the Aquinos and theLopezes. It’s true they were jailed and they lost their properties and theirchances to assume a dominant role in the ruling elite. And a number of otherelite and middle class personalities were also imprisoned and tortured, someof them summarily killed.

But those who suffered the most in terms of prolonged detention, severe torture and salvaging or summary execution,were the leaders and activists of the Left, the armed rebels, the organizedworkers in the cities and the peasant leaders and the masses in the ruralareas. It really made my heart pound seeing the dictatorship of Marcos, his being greedyfor power, fame and wealth. He thought that he can be the lord of those three, buthis ambition was also the reason of his downfall.

For me the rules during that timethough it was so strict were just appropriate to create orderliness in the country,because all the people have that tinge of fear in their hearts. But we can’t be foreverbe silent and just let our fear eat our rights, so the people gathered and fought fortheir rights and not only for the freedom of his motherland. What were the rights violated during Martial Law? A bill of rights is a list of therightsthat are considered important andessential by anation. The purpose of these bills is to protect those rights againstinfringement by the government. During the Martial law, a lot of people’s rights wereviolated.

Almost all of the people’s rights were violated. The declaration of martiallaw was initially well-received by some sectors, but it eventually proved unpopularas excesses and human rights abuses by the military emerged, such as the use of torture as a method of extracting information. It was said that during Martial Law theConstitution may be suspended. The Constitution is the one protecting our rights aspeople, if this is suspended, then this also means that people have no rights duringtimes like this. Section 1,2, 3, 7,8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, and 19 of the Bill of Rightswere violated. Almost all of the people’s rights were violated.

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