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The Importance of Self-Reflection: How Looking Inward Can Improve Your Mental Health

Sanjana is a health writer and editor. Her work spans various health-related topics, including mental health, fitness, nutrition, and wellness.

self reflection for presentation

Dr. Sabrina Romanoff, PsyD, is a licensed clinical psychologist and a professor at Yeshiva University’s clinical psychology doctoral program.

self reflection for presentation

Sunwoo Jung / Getty Images

Why Is Self-Reflection So Important?

When self-reflection becomes unhealthy, how to practice self-reflection, what to do if self-reflection makes you uncomfortable, incorporating self-reflection into your routine.

How well do you know yourself? Do you think about why you do the things you do? Self-reflection is a skill that can help you understand yourself better.

Self-reflection involves being present with yourself and intentionally focusing your attention inward to examine your thoughts, feelings, actions, and motivations, says Angeleena Francis , LMHC, executive director for AMFM Healthcare.

Active self-reflection can help grow your understanding of who you are , what values you believe in, and why you think and act the way you do, says Kristin Wilson , MA, LPC, CCTP, RYT, chief experience officer for Newport Healthcare.

This article explores the benefits and importance of self-reflection, as well as some strategies to help you practice it and incorporate it into your daily life. We also discuss when self-reflection can become unhealthy and suggest some coping strategies.

Self-reflection is important because it helps you form a self-concept and contributes toward self-development.

Builds Your Self-Concept

Self-reflection is critical because it contributes to your self-concept, which is an important part of your identity.

Your self-concept includes your thoughts about your traits, abilities, beliefs, values, roles, and relationships. It plays an influential role in your mood, judgment, and behavioral patterns.

Reflecting inward allows you to know yourself and continue to get to know yourself as you change and develop as a person, says Francis. It helps you understand and strengthen your self-concept as you evolve with time.

Enables Self-Development

Self-reflection also plays a key role in self-development. “It is a required skill for personal growth ,” says Wilson.

Being able to evaluate your strengths and weaknesses, or what you did right or wrong, can help you identify areas for growth and improvement, so you can work on them.

For instance, say you gave a presentation at school or work that didn’t go well, despite putting in a lot of work on the project. Spending a little time on self-reflection can help you understand that even though you spent a lot of time working on the project and creating the presentation materials, you didn’t practice giving the presentation. Realizing the problem can help you correct it. So, the next time you have to give a presentation, you can practice it on your colleagues or loved ones first.

Or, say you’ve just broken up with your partner. While it’s easy to blame them for everything that went wrong, self-reflection can help you understand what behaviors of yours contributed to the split. Being mindful of these behaviors can be helpful in other relationships.

Without self-reflection, you would continue to do what you’ve always done and as a result, you may continue to face the same problems you’ve always faced.

Benefits of Self-Reflection

These are some of the benefits of self-reflection, according to the experts:

  • Increased self-awareness: Spending time in self-reflection can help build greater self-awareness , says Wilson. Self-awareness is a key component of emotional intelligence. It helps you recognize and understand your own emotions, as well as the impact of your emotions on your thoughts and behaviors.
  • Greater sense of control: Self-reflection involves practicing mindfulness and being present with yourself at the moment. This can help you feel more grounded and in control of yourself, says Francis.
  • Improved communication skills: Self-reflection can help you improve your communication skills, which can benefit your relationships. Understanding what you’re feeling can help you express yourself clearly, honestly, and empathetically.
  • Deeper alignment with core values: Self-reflection can help you understand what you believe in and why. This can help ensure that your words and actions are more aligned with your core values, Wilson explains. It can also help reduce cognitive dissonance , which is the discomfort you may experience when your behavior doesn’t align with your values, says Francis.
  • Better decision-making skills: Self-reflection can help you make better decisions for yourself, says Wilson. Understanding yourself better can help you evaluate all your options and how they will impact you with more clarity. This can help you make sound decisions that you’re more comfortable with, says Francis.
  • Greater accountability: Self-reflection can help you hold yourself accountable to yourself, says Francis. It can help you evaluate your actions and recognize personal responsibility. It can also help you hold yourself accountable for the goals you’re working toward.

Self-reflection is a healthy practice that is important for mental well-being. However, it can become harmful if it turns into rumination, self-criticism, self-judgment, negative self-talk , and comparison to others, says Wilson.

Here’s what that could look like:

  • Rumination: Experiencing excessive and repetitive stressful or negative thoughts. Rumination is often obsessive and interferes with other types of mental activity.
  • Self-judgment: Constantly judging yourself and often finding yourself lacking. 
  • Negative self-talk: Allowing the voice inside your head to discourage you from doing things you want to do. Negative self-talk is often self-defeating.
  • Self-criticism: Constantly criticizing your actions and decisions.
  • Comparison: Endlessly comparing yourself to others and feeling inferior.

Kristin Wilson, LPC, CCTP

Looking inward may activate your inner critic, but true self-reflection comes from a place of neutrality and non-judgment.

When anxious thoughts and feelings come up in self-reflection, Wilson says it’s important to practice self-compassion and redirect your focus to actionable insights that can propel your life forward. “We all have faults and room for improvement. Reflect on the behaviors or actions you want to change and take steps to do so.”

It can help to think of what you would say to a friend in a similar situation. For instance, if your friend said they were worried about the status of their job after they gave a presentation that didn’t go well, you would probably be kind to them, tell them not to worry, and to focus on improving their presentation skills in the future. Apply the same compassion to yourself and focus on what you can control.

If you are unable to calm your mind of racing or negative thoughts, Francis recommends seeking support from a trusted person in your life or a mental health professional. “Patterns of negative self-talk, self-doubt , or criticism should be addressed through professional support, as negative cognitions of oneself can lead to symptoms of depression if not resolved.”

Wilson suggests some strategies that can help you practice self-reflection:

  • Ask yourself open-ended questions: Start off by asking yourself open-ended questions that will prompt self-reflection, such as: “Am I doing what makes me happy?” “Are there things I’d like to improve about myself?” or “What could I have done differently today?” “Am I taking anything or anyone for granted?” Notice what thoughts and feelings arise within you for each question and then begin to think about why. Be curious about yourself and be open to whatever comes up.
  • Keep a journal: Journaling your thoughts and responses to these questions is an excellent vehicle for self-expression. It can be helpful to look back at your responses, read how you handled things in the past, assess the outcome, and look for where you might make changes in the future.
  • Try meditation: Meditation can also be a powerful tool for self-reflection and personal growth. Even if it’s only for five minutes, practice sitting in silence and paying attention to what comes up for you. Notice which thoughts are fleeting and which come up more often.
  • Process major events and emotions: When something happens in your life that makes you feel especially good or bad, take the time to reflect on what occurred, how it made you feel, and either how you can get to that feeling again or what you might do differently the next time. Writing down your thoughts in a journal can help.
  • Make a self-reflection board: Create a self-reflection board of positive attributes that you add to regularly. Celebrate your authentic self and the ways you stay true to who you are. Having a visual representation of self-reflection can be motivating.

You may avoid self-reflection if it brings up difficult emotions and makes you feel uncomfortable, says Francis. She recommends preparing yourself to get comfortable with the uncomfortable before you start.

Think of your time in self-reflection as a safe space within yourself. “Avoid judging yourself while you explore your inner thoughts, feelings, and motives of behavior,” says Francis. Simply notice what comes up and accept it. Instead of focusing on fears, worries, or regrets, try to look for areas of growth and improvement.

“Practice neutrality and self-compassion so that self-reflection is a positive experience that you will want to do regularly,” says Wilson.

Francis suggests some strategies that can help you incorporate self-reflection into your daily routine:

  • Dedicate time to it: it’s important to dedicate time to self-reflection and build it into your routine. Find a slot that works for your schedule—it could be five minutes each morning while drinking coffee or 30 minutes sitting outside in nature once per week.
  • Pick a quiet spot: It can be hard to focus inward if your environment is busy or chaotic. Choose a calm and quiet space that is free of distractions so you can hear your own thoughts.
  • Pay attention to your senses: Pay attention to your senses. Sensory input is an important component of self-awareness.

Nowak A, Vallacher RR, Bartkowski W, Olson L. Integration and expression: The complementary functions of self-reflection . J Pers . 2022;10.1111/jopy.12730. doi:10.1111/jopy.12730

American Psychological Association. Self-concept .

Dishon N, Oldmeadow JA, Critchley C, Kaufman J. The effect of trait self-awareness, self-reflection, and perceptions of choice meaningfulness on indicators of social identity within a decision-making context . Front Psychol . 2017;8:2034. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2017.02034

Drigas AS, Papoutsi C. A new layered model on emotional intelligence . Behav Sci (Basel) . 2018;8(5):45. doi:10.3390/bs8050045

American Psychological Association. Rumination .

By Sanjana Gupta Sanjana is a health writer and editor. Her work spans various health-related topics, including mental health, fitness, nutrition, and wellness.

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Self Reflection on 1st Presentation

Self-Critique of my first presentation                                             Presenter: Drilona Aliu

Description of Experience 

Since I was the last one to present in class, I had the advantage of seeing everyone else presenting and catching on their strategies. It seemed that all the previous presenters were very comfortable on presenting and they rarely showed any sign on nervousness. Usually, I am able to control my nervousness by giving a “talk” to myself and I imagine myself as the subject matter expert. By having these positive thoughts in my mind, I am able to control nervousness that may be created as a result of the fear of talking in front of people and sharing something very personal such as part of my childhood.

The most challenging aspect of this presentation was creating a meaningful story through an effective framework that would transmit my emotions as a child and my journey to learn English. I find it very challenging when I have a lot to share but do not know how to properly deliver my message in a logical order. While watching the DVD, I was able to identify that this challenge was evident although I tried to hide it as I was speaking. The most surprising aspect of my speech was that I used a lot of facial expressions. This might have always been the case but because I never watched myself presenting I have not been able to identify this habit. I could have done better in certain areas such as volume and speech rate, but I believe that I gave a good overall impression.

I believe that my first speech was effective and kept the audience interested. There is more room to improve upon the introduction and conclusion such as engaging the audience in my opening question: As a child, what did you want to be when you grew up? Such questions are always a good way to start the speech as it keeps the audience interested. I also think that due to time management constraints, I could have done a better job on the conclusion such as ending my speech how this journey affected the path I chose in life. This would “justify” how English has played a role in my life and how he has influenced my personal and professional growth.

I believe that my delivery was generally clear and organized;  however, while watching the DVD I noticed that I need to work more on the speech flow and find effective ways to engage the audience. My posture and eye contact were good but I definitely need to work on my speech rate, such as making more pauses so the audience is able to “digest” the information provided and not feel overwhelmed with the amount of the information at a fast pace. I also think I “overdid” my hand gestures and this is something that I need to improve. Being from the Balkan region, it is part of our culture to excessively use hands when we talk. We are very expressive that way and that may be distracting for many people in the audience. There is also room for eliminating fillers such as um as I tend to use them quite a bit, especially in the beginning of my speech.

Overall, I believe that I have many strengths such as the ability to speak without feeling overwhelmed or very nervous,  to quickly think and avoid mistakes without getting frustrated (mistakes are for human beings), and to deliver my speech with  effective voice projection and eye contact. The main areas for improvement would be to engage the audience as they may relate more to my speech, use fewer facial and hand gestures, speak at a slower pace and make appropriate pauses, and use fewer fillers throughout the speech.

As a result, my goals to improve in public speaking are:

  • Effectively organize and clearly deliver my main points. Each main point should be backed up with effective supporting points and examples to make it more illustrative for the audience. The steps I would take to improve on this goal are to develop  a detailed speech outline and rehearse it several times while timing itso I do not run out of time.
  • Improve my speech rate. I tend to talk too fast and make very few or short pauses. It is my goal to improve my speaking pace so the audience will be able to follow it better. This can be achieved through multiple rehearsals and ability to select only worthy arguments (quantity vs quality).
  • Last but not least is hand gesture control. Watching myself on the DVD made me realize that I use my hands a lot when I speak and sometimes that can be distracting for the audience. I need to work on using my hand gestures appropriately and a way to improve that is through recording myself every time I deliver a speech and reviewing it as that is something I do unconsciously.

There are many other things to improve and I am confident that I will be able to incorporate these changes in my next presentation!

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Don’t Underestimate the Power of Self-Reflection

  • James R. Bailey
  • Scheherazade Rehman

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Focus on moments of surprise, failure, and frustration.

Research shows the habit of reflection can separate extraordinary professionals from mediocre ones. But how do you sort which experiences are most significant for your development?

  • To answer this questions, the authors asked 442 executives to reflect on which experiences most advanced their professional development and had the most impact on making them better leaders.
  • Three distinct themes arose through their analysis: surprise, frustration, and failure. Reflections that involved one or more or of these sentiments proved to be the most valuable in helping the leaders grow.
  • Surprise, frustration, and failure. Cognitive, emotional, and behavioral. These parts of you are constantly in motion and if you don’t give them time to rest and reflect upon what you learned from them, you will surely fatigue.

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Empathy, communication, adaptability, emotional intelligence, compassion. These are all skills you need to thrive in the workplace and become a great leader. Time and again, we even hear that these capabilities are the key to making yourself indispensable — not just now but far into the future. Soft skills, after all, are what make us human, and as far as we know, can’t be performed well by technologies like artificial intelligence.

self reflection for presentation

  • James R. Bailey is professor and Hochberg Fellow of Leadership at George Washington University. The author of five books and more than 50 academic papers, he is a frequent contributor to the Harvard Business Review, The Hill, Fortune, Forbes, and Fast Company and appears on many national television and radio programs.
  • Scheherazade Rehman is professor and Dean’s Professorial Fellow of International Finance. She is director of the European Union Research Center and former Director of World ExecMBA with Cybersecurity, has appeared in front of the U.S. House and Senate, and been a guest numerous times onPBS Newshour, the Colbert Report, BBC World News, CNBC, Voice of America, and C-Span.

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Self-reflection following a presentation

by Maria Pantalone | Speaking | 0 comments

Self-reflection following a presentation

Similarly, looking at our own presentations from differing perspectives can assist each of us to become better speakers.

The importance of self-reflection following a presentation

After delivering a presentation it is easy to forget about it and move on to the next task. However to grow as a speaker it is important to reflect on what went well and what could be improved upon. This is an important practice whether you are presenting to a few people or a few hundred people.

The review process

When reviewing your presentation, ask yourself these three questions:

  • What did you do well?
  • What could you improve upon?
  • What would you do differently next time?

When giving a presentation each speaker gives part of themselves and so there is often an emotional response to the presentation. For some, this can be an intense response; for others it can be a mild one.

This emotional response will have an impact on your perception of the success of the presentation. So it is important as part of the review process to be aware of the emotions that you may be feeling about the presentation.

If your experience was a good one then the euphoria (or relief) from the presentation will allow you to see it with a positive perspective. If your experience was less than desirable or even disastrous then it is easy to fall into negative self-talk mode diminishing your confidence for future presentations.

Give yourself time to review all aspects of your presentation free from any emotional connection to the presentation. We are often our own worst critics so if you are not able to recognise anything positive about your presentation allow the emotional connection to pass before you begin the self-review.

An additional question to consider

As part of the review process, also consider this additional question:

If you were sitting in the audience, what impression would you have had of the presentation?

By placing yourself in the audience you are able to see your presentation from a different perspective.

Once you have completed your self-reflection it is important to then note your findings and use them when preparing your next presentation.

Self-reflection is one method that you can use to evaluate your presentation. It is an essential component of the evaluation process enabling you to work on specific areas that you would like to improve and to also build upon your current strengths as a speaker.

Do you undertake a self-reflection process following a presentation?

Maria Pantalone

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Self-Reflection 101: What is self-reflection? Why is reflection important? And how to reflect.

Self-Reflection 101: What is self-reflection? Why is reflection important? And how to reflect.

Socrates famously said, “The unexamined life is not worth living.”

And while this dictum is certainly true, self-reflection is not necessarily an easy thing to practice. We live in an incredibly fast-paced world. Our mobile phones are constantly buzzing, social media is infinitely calling, and Netflix always has something new to binge on.

Taking the time for reflection is a bit of a lost art. Most of us, unfortunately, are living unexamined lives.

This shouldn’t be the case. Few things are more valuable than self-reflection.

But what exactly is self-reflection? And what are some simple ways to practice it?

In this article, we’re going to break down the what, why, and how of self-reflection.

Ready? Let’s get started...

What Is Self-Reflection? A Self-Reflection Definition

Simply put, self-reflection (also known as “personal reflection”) is taking the time to think about, meditate on, evaluate, and give serious thought to your behaviors, thoughts, attitudes, motivations, and desires. It’s the process of diving deep into your thoughts and emotions and motivations and determining the great, “Why?” behind them.

Personal reflection allows you to analyze your life from both a macro and micro level. At a macro level, you can evaluate the overall trajectory of your life. You can see where you’re headed, determine whether you’re happy with the direction, and make adjustments as necessary.

At a micro level, you can evaluate your responses to particular circumstances and events. Geil Browning, Ph.D., talks about personal reflection like this:

"Reflection is a deeper form of learning that allows us to retain every aspect of any experience, be it personal or professional — why something took place, what the impact was, whether it should happen again — as opposed to just remembering that it happened. It's about tapping into every aspect of the experience, clarifying our thinking, and honing in on what really matters to us."

Practicing self-reflection takes discipline and intentionality. It requires pressing pause on the chaos of life and simply taking the time to think and ponder about your life, which is not an easy thing for many people to do. But it’s an incredibly valuable practice.

This short video captures the importance of self-reflection and introspection beautifully:

The Importance of Self-Reflection

Without self-reflection, we simply go through life without thinking, moving from one thing to the next without making time to evaluate whether things are actually going well. We don’t pause to think. To analyze. To determine what is going well and what isn’t working. The unfortunate result is that we often get stuck.

For example, a lack of personal reflection may lead us to stay in a job we don’t like or a relationship that isn’t going well.

A lack of reflection causes us to simply keep running, trying to keep up with things even if things aren’t going well. We feel like we’re simply trying to keep our heads above water. We end up doing the same things over and over again, even if those things aren’t producing the results we had hoped for.

self reflection for presentation

The Benefits Of Self-Reflection

Yes, taking time for self-reflection can be difficult. It can be challenging to take the necessary time to step back and reflect on what truly matters. Nevertheless, there are numerous wonderful benefits of self-reflection and we should all make time for it.

It Allows You To Gain Perspective

Emotions can cloud your judgment and you can lose sight of what truly matters. Some things seem bigger and worse than they truly are.

Self-reflection allows you to take a step back and gain perspective on what matters and what can be ignored. It allows you to process events and achieve clarity on them.

It Helps You Respond More Effectively

Most of the time, we simply react to whatever circumstances come our way. This can lead to us saying and doing things we regret. When we’re in a reactive mode, we don’t take the necessary time to consider our actions and words.

Personal reflection allows you to consider the consequences of your words and actions. It also enables you to consider the best, most effective, most helpful way to act in a given situation.

It Promotes Learning and Understanding

When we go through life without pausing to think and reflect, we don’t learn or gain a deeper understanding of life. We simply move from one thing to the next, never pausing to consider what valuable lessons we might learn.

Self-reflection, on the other hand, enables us to evaluate and process what we’ve experienced. It allows us to think deeply and ponder the meaning of our circumstances, emotions, and motivations. It enables us to live holistic, integrated, and healthy lives.

Self-Assessment Sample

So how exactly do you perform self-reflection? How do you appropriately and helpfully reflect on yourself and your life?

One easy way to perform this self-reflection exercise is to use a journal (an online journal or print journal ). Simply write out these questions and then take your time to thoughtfully answer them. Make sure that you don’t rush. Pause and ponder. Think deeply about what truly matters to you.

First, determine the period of time you plan to look back on. Do you want to look back on the last week? Last month? Last year? Last 5 years?

Then, begin by taking stock of what actually happened during this period. If you already keep a journal, this step will be easier for you, and perhaps a solid reminder of the value of keeping a journal.

Take a look through your planner, journal, and photos, and list out the highlights and lowlights.

Stuck? Here are a few tips:

  • Did you travel anywhere this year?
  • Experience any personal or family milestones?
  • What changed in your relationships, work, or passion projects?

Look back at your new list of highlights and lowlights try and see if there are any patterns.

Do your highlights generally involve certain people in your life? Or any specific activities?

It can be difficult to revisit lowlights, but it is also a great way to find peace and growth.

For each lowlight, ask yourself: Was this within my control?

  • If yes , ask yourself what you may do differently next time.
  • If no , ask yourself how you may find peace with it.

Write down both the highlights and lowlights in your journal, then take time to reflect. What things do you want to accomplish over the next month, year, and five years? What do you want to change about your life? What things can you improve on?

Taking the time to walk through this exercise will help bring clarity and perspective to your life.

A Guided Self-Assessment

Looking back at your chosen time period, rate yourself on a scale of -5 to +5 on each of the following six areas of your life.

After selecting a number, write what made you feel that way. Expressing the emotions and feelings that you have, is a great way to have a deeper and more meaningful reflection.

  • Mind - Do you feel clear-headed, engaged, and intellectually challenged?
  • Body - Does your body feel healthy, nourished, and strong?
  • Soul - Do you feel at peace and connected to the world around you?
  • Work - Do you feel interested in and fulfilled by your work?
  • Play - Do you feel joyful? Are you engaging in activities that bring you joy?
  • Love - Do you feel positive about the relationships in your life?

Don’t rush through this self-assessment. Take the necessary time to reflect on each area of your life. If you rush, you’ll miss out on the value of self-reflection.

Self-Reflection Questions to Ask Yourself (What Are Good Questions for Self-Reflection?

Self-reflection questions are powerful tools you can wield to inspire and empower you to discover your own inner truth.

Still, it’s often hard to know where to start.

Be gentle with yourself.

Question-asking is a skill to develop like anything else, and that takes time and practice.

But the more questions you ask, the easier it will get.

Here are some questions for self-reflection pulled from our Holstee Reflection Cards deck to get you started:

If you could change anything about your childhood, what would it be?

What is something creative you did when you were younger that you no longer do? Why don’t you do it anymore?

What’s your superpower?

What types of things have you collected in the past?

Use these questions as a starting point to come up with your own.

You know yourself best, and your best self-reflection questions are just under the surface, waiting for you to ask them.

When Should You Practice Self-Reflection?

There are a number of times when self-reflection is particularly helpful. First, it can be useful to do it for a few minutes each week. You don’t have to go through all of the questions or take hours to do it. Focus on what has been on your mind that particular week.

It can also be helpful to practice self-reflection as an end of month personal review and end of year personal review.

In other words, at the end of each month and year, do an in-depth personal review of your life. Look back over the previous days and months and analyze your life. This practice will provide you with a helpful perspective and ensure that you are living life to the fullest.

Don’t Live The Unexamined Life

When we fail to reflect on our lives, we lose perspective, get caught up in things that don’t matter, and often lose sight of the things that are most important. Socrates was right when he said that the unexamined life isn’t worth living.

Don’t live an unexamined life. Practice self-reflection today.

Interested in developing your reflection practice? We built Reflection.app, a free online journal that helps you capture your highlights and lowlights as they happen, and shares back your entries to your for guided reflection at the end of each month and year.

The team at Holstee also uses a similar framework for their annual Guided Reflection Journal .

Looking for self-reflection questions you can use in a group or take with you? Check out Holstee's deck of Reflection Cards .

Are you a practitioner looking to support your clients with reflection exercises? Check out Quenza and send out stunning digital activities to clients.

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The self presentation theory and how to present your best self

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What does self presentation mean?

What are self presentation goals, individual differences and self presentation.

How can you make the most of the self presentation theory at work?  

We all want others to see us as confident, competent, and likeable — even if we don’t necessarily feel that way all the time. In fact, we make dozens of decisions every day — whether consciously or unconsciously — to get people to see us as we want to be seen. But is this kind of self presentation dishonest? Shouldn’t we just be ourselves?

Success requires interacting with other people. We can’t control the other side of those interactions. But we can think about how the other person might see us and make choices about what we want to convey. 

Self presentation is any behavior or action made with the intention to influence or change how other people see you. Anytime we're trying to get people to think of us a certain way, it's an act of self presentation. Generally speaking, we work to present ourselves as favorably as possible. What that means can vary depending on the situation and the other person.

Although at first glance this may seem disingenuous, we all engage in self-presentation. We want to make sure that we show up in a way that not only makes us look good, but makes us feel good about ourselves.

Early research on self presentation focused on narcissism and sociopathy, and how people might use the impression others have of them to manipulate others for their benefit. However, self presentation and manipulation are distinct. After all, managing the way others see us works for their benefit as well as ours.

Imagine, for example, a friend was complaining to you about   a tough time they were having at work . You may want to show up as a compassionate person. However, it also benefits your friend — they feel heard and able to express what is bothering them when you appear to be present, attentive, and considerate of their feelings. In this case, you’d be conscious of projecting a caring image, even if your mind was elsewhere, because you value the relationship and your friend’s experience.

To some extent, every aspect of our lives depends on successful self-presentation. We want our families to feel that we are worthy of attention and love. We present ourselves as studious and responsible to our teachers. We want to seem fun and interesting at a party, and confident at networking events. Even landing a job depends on you convincing the interviewer that you are the best person for the role.

There are three main reasons why people engage in self presentation:

Tangible or social benefits:

In order to achieve the results we want, it often requires that we behave a certain way. In other words, certain behaviors are desirable in certain situations. Matching our behavior to the circumstances can help us connect to others,   develop a sense of belonging , and attune to the needs and feelings of others.

Example:   Michelle is   a new manager . At her first leadership meeting, someone makes a joke that she doesn’t quite get. When everyone else laughs, she smiles, even though she’s not sure why.

By laughing along with the joke, Michelle is trying to fit in and appear “in the know.” Perhaps more importantly, she avoids feeling (or at least appearing) left out, humorless, or revealing that she didn’t get it — which may hurt her confidence and how she interacts with the group in the future.

To facilitate social interaction:

As mentioned, certain circumstances and roles call for certain behaviors. Imagine a defense attorney. Do you think of them a certain way? Do you have expectations for what they do — or don’t — do? If you saw them frantically searching for their car keys, would you feel confident with them defending your case?

If the answer is no, then you have a good idea of why self presentation is critical to social functioning. We’re surprised when people don’t present themselves in a way that we feel is consistent with the demands of their role. Having an understanding of what is expected of you — whether at home, work, or in relationships — may help you succeed by inspiring confidence in others.

Example:   Christopher has always been called a “know-it-all.” He reads frequently and across a variety of topics, but gets nervous and tends to talk over people. When attending a networking event, he is uncharacteristically quiet. Even though he would love to speak up, he’s afraid of being seen as someone who “dominates” the conversation. 

Identity Construction:

It’s not enough for us to declare who we are or what we want to be — we have to take actions consistent with that identity. In many cases, we also have to get others to buy into this image of ourselves as well. Whether it’s a personality trait or a promotion, it can be said that we’re not who   we   think we are, but who others see.

Example:   Jordan is interested in moving to a client-facing role. However, in their last performance review, their manager commented that Jordan seemed “more comfortable working independently.” 

Declaring themselves a “people person” won’t make Jordan’s manager see them any differently. In order to gain their manager’s confidence, Jordan will have to show up as someone who can comfortably engage with clients and thrive in their new role.

We may also use self presentation to reinforce a desired identity for ourselves. If we want to accomplish something, make a change, or   learn a new skill , making it public is a powerful strategy. There's a reason why people who share their goals are more likely to be successful. The positive pressure can help us stay accountable to our commitments in a way that would be hard to accomplish alone.

Example:   Fatima wants to run a 5K. She’s signed up for a couple before, but her perfectionist tendencies lead her to skip race day because she feels she hasn’t trained enough. However, when her friend asks her to run a 5K with her, she shows up without a second thought.

In Fatima’s case, the positive pressure — along with the desire to serve a more important value (friendship) — makes showing up easy.

Because we spend so much time with other people (and our success largely depends on what they think of us), we all curate our appearance in one way or another. However, we don’t all desire to have people see us in the same way or to achieve the same goals. Our experiences and outcomes may vary based on a variety of factors.

One important factor is our level of self-monitoring when we interact with others. Some people are particularly concerned about creating a good impression, while others are uninterested. This can vary not only in individuals, but by circumstances.   A person may feel very confident at work , but nervous about making a good impression on a first date.

Another factor is self-consciousness — that is, how aware people are of themselves in a given circumstance. People that score high on scales of public self-consciousness are aware of how they come across socially. This tends to make it easier for them to align their behavior with the perception that they want others to have of them.

Finally, it's not enough to simply want other people to see you differently. In order to successfully change how other people perceive you, need to have three main skills: 

1. Perception and empathy

Successful self-presentation depends on being able to correctly perceive   how people are feeling , what's important to them, and which traits you need to project in order to achieve your intended outcomes.

2. Motivation

If we don’t have a compelling reason to change the perception that others have of us, we are not likely to try to change our behavior. Your desire for a particular outcome, whether it's social or material, creates a sense of urgency.

3.  A matching skill set

You’ve got to be able to walk the talk. Your actions will convince others more than anything you say. In other words, you have to provide evidence that you are the person you say you are. You may run into challenges if you're trying to portray yourself as skilled in an area where you actually lack experience.

How can you make the most of the self presentation theory at work?

At its heart, self presentation requires a high-level of self awareness and empathy. In order to make sure that we're showing up as our best in every circumstance — and with each person — we have to be aware of our own motivation as well as what would make the biggest difference to the person in front of us.

Here are 6 strategies to learn to make the most of the self-presentation theory in your career:

1. Get feedback from people around you

Ask a trusted friend or mentor to share what you can improve. Asking for feedback about specific experiences, like a recent project or presentation, will make their suggestions more relevant and easier to implement.

2. Study people who have been successful in your role

Look at how they interact with other people. How do you perceive them? Have they had to cultivate particular skills or ways of interacting with others that may not have come easily to them?

3. Be yourself

Look for areas where you naturally excel and stand out. If you feel comfortable, confident, and happy, you’ll have an easier time projecting that to others. It’s much harder to present yourself as confident when you’re uncomfortable.

4. Be aware that you may mess up

As you work to master new skills and ways of interacting with others,   keep asking for feedback . Talk to your manager, team, or a trusted friend about how you came across. If you sense that you’ve missed the mark, address it candidly. People will understand, and you’ll learn more quickly.

Try saying, “I hope that didn’t come across as _______. I want you to know that…”

5. Work with a coach

Coaches are skilled in interpersonal communication and committed to your success. Roleplay conversations to see how they land, and practice what you’ll say and do in upcoming encounters. Over time, a coach will also begin to know you well enough to notice patterns and suggest areas for improvement.

6. The identity is in the details

Don’t forget about the other aspects of your presentation. Take a moment to visualize yourself being the way that you want to be seen. Are there certain details that would make you feel more like that person? Getting organized, refreshing your wardrobe, rewriting your resume, and even cleaning your home office can all serve as powerful affirmations of your next-level self.

Self presentation is defined as the way we try to control how others see us, but it’s just as much about how we see ourselves. It is a skill to achieve a level of comfort with who we are   and   feel confident to choose how we self-present. Consciously working to make sure others get to see the very best of you is a wonderful way to develop into the person you want to be.

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Allaya Cooks-Campbell

BetterUp Associate Learning Experience Designer

Impression management: Developing your self-presentation skills

How to make a presentation interactive and exciting, 6 presentation skills and how to improve them, what is self-preservation 5 skills for achieving it, how to give a good presentation that captivates any audience, 8 clever hooks for presentations (with tips), how self-knowledge builds success: self-awareness in the workplace, how to not be nervous for a presentation — 13 tips that work (really), self-management skills for a messy world, similar articles, how self-compassion strengthens resilience, what is self-efficacy definition and 7 ways to improve it, what is self-awareness and how to develop it, what i didn't know before working with a coach: the power of reflection, manage your energy, not your time: how to work smarter and faster, building resilience part 6: what is self-efficacy, why learning from failure is your key to success, stay connected with betterup, get our newsletter, event invites, plus product insights and research..

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self reflection for presentation

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Self-reflection: examples & tips - hays.nl, self-reflection - examples, self-reflection - examples & tips.

Self-reflection examples - Hays.nl

  • What is self-reflection
  • Self-reflection examples

Everyone self-reflects differently

What is self-reflection, why self-reflection.

  • It can boost motivation and energy levels As explained in their Harvard Business Review article , professors at the University of Florida and the University of Maryland found that those leaders who practised self-reflection each morning, asking themselves what makes them a good leader, felt more motivated and less depleted at work.  
  • It can boost happiness at work Research found that those commuters who used their travelling time to prepare and plan for the day ahead were happier and more productive .  
  • It can build our self-confidence By practising regular self-reflection, we are more likely to create better experiences and make better decisions. When this happens more often, and we experience more positive outcomes, we start to see ourselves as more capable and confident, boosting our self-esteem in the process.  
  • It can help us develop resilience to deal with challenges and change at work Self-reflection can help us recognise and break the cycle of constant negative self-talk and self-limiting beliefs. It can help us see ourselves for the strong, capable and talented people we are, thus building our resilience in the process.  
  • It can help us become more compassionate at work By understanding our innermost motivations, worries, likes and dislikes, we develop a level of emotional intelligence which allows us to be more compassionate and empathetic to the unique situation and perspectives of others in our working lives.  
  • It can help us become better learners Regular self-reflection will help us become better learners because it enables us to be more aware of how we learn best. Importantly, it will help us more readily adopt a growth mindset and practise more self-appreciation, meaning when faced with failure we are more easily able to appreciate the learnings and move forward in a positive way. A willingness and ability to keep learning is one of the key attributes people are looking for in the talent they recruit today, so it’s important for your career.

Ask yourself the right questions

  • What is my ultimate career goal ? Is my current role going to help me achieve it?  
  • How do I personally define career success? Are my goals truly fulfilling me, or is that definition impacted by the opinions and perspectives of others?  
  • How will I feel in five years’ time if I don’t make any changes to my current career trajectory?  
  • If I’m coasting in my current role, what is the root cause?  
  • Do I know what my current skills gaps are and how I can fill them?  
  • What are the self-limiting, negative stories I tell myself every day that could be holding me back? Where do those stories originate from and on what facts (if any) are they based?  
  • If I think back to a time when I was performing at my best, what was I doing, thinking and feeling?  
  • What am I naturally good at? What comes easily to me and puts me into that ‘flow’ state?  
  • Which strengths do I most admire in myself? Which accomplishments am I most proud of?  
  • When did I last push myself out of my comfort zone? Do I really have a growth mindset in terms of my career?  
  • What could I have achieved over the last year that I didn’t? Why didn’t I?

Be clear on your personal values

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Alistair Cox - Hays.nl

Alistair has been the CEO of Hays, plc since Sept. 2007. An aeronautical engineer by training (University of Salford, UK, 1982), Alistair commenced his career at British Aerospace in the military aircraft division. From 1983-1988, he worked Schlumberger filling a number of field and research roles in the Oil & Gas Industry in both Europe and North America. In 2002, Alistair returned to the UK as CEO of Xansa, a UK based IT services and back-office processing organisation. During his 5 year tenure at Xansa, he re-focused the organisation to create a UK leading provider of back-office services across both the Public and Private sector and built one of the strongest offshore operations in the sector with over 6,000 people based in India.

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30 Self-Reflection Examples

self-reflection examples and definition, explained below

Self-reflection is the internal process of analyzing oneself with the intent of making more informed decisions, improving oneself, and setting realistic goals.

Christian (2020) defines it as below:

“Self-reflection is when you seriously take time to think about your character and behavior, analyzing where it comes from, what it means to you, is ‘working’ for you, and what you can do about it.”

Self-reflection can help us to increase our awareness of weaknesses and strengths, clarify our values and priorities (Lim et al., 2019), and improve cognitive function (Goupil & Kouider, 2019; Lyons & Zelazo, 2011).

It offers us the opportunity to pause, consider, and critically examine our thoughts, emotions, and motivations.

The key components of self-reflection are introspection, analysis, and willingness to accept self-criticism – aspects that contribute significantly to personal growth (Travers, Morisano & Locke, 2015). Prolonged practice of self-reflection can, therefore, enhance personal development and improve overall quality of life (Ardelt & Grunwald, 2018).

Self-Reflection Examples

Method 1: Journaling Journaling is a method of self-reflection that involves writing down thoughts, feelings, and experiences consistently. It serves as a personal space for you to express emotions and ideas, providing you with a record to reference and evaluate later on (Christian, 2020; Giguere, 2012). Over time, this reflection can highlight patterns, progress, and areas for development.

Method 2: Meditation Meditation is a practice that involves spending a period of time focusing your mind. Two main approaches involve completely emptying your mind (Ardelt & Grunwald, 2018). When thoughts enter the mind, the practitioner notices it then stops the thought, returning to a state of thoughtlessness. Over time, this approach leads to enhanced calmness. Another approach is to focus on one thing that you’re concerned about, focusing on it and reflecting on it for a sustained period of time.

Method 3: Mindfulness Mindfulness is similar to meditation but practiced throughout the day. The idea is to focus on your own body and mind throughout the day, being aware of how your thoughts are driving your behaviors and how your body is reacting to things like tiredness or strain (Ardelt & Grunwald, 2018). This method helps you remain present in the moment and develop deeper understanding of how you’re feeling at all times. By doing this regularly, you may become more aware of your mental and emotional states, and better equipped to understand and control them.

Method 4: Professional Therapy Engaging with a trained professional provides a safe space to navigate personal issues. Therapists can offer constructive tools and techniques to encourage productive self-reflection (Prasco et al., 2012). By bringing into the open internal dialogues that you may struggle to interpret alone, therapy can enhance your capacity to understand and address personal challenges.

Method 5: Artistic Expression Creating art can be therapeutic and reflective. It’s a non-structured process that helps to explore suppressed emotions, issues, and experiences (Christian, 2020; Diamond, 2023). Whether it’s painting, writing poetry, or playing a musical instrument, the act of creating can help you express different emotions, leading to insights into your own motivations and feelings.Benefits of Self-Reflection

Method 6: Goal Setting and Reflection Goal-setting involves putting in place intentional goals or milestones that you need to meet. This helps you to be more self-reflective because you’re able to reflect on your progress toward an objective goal and think about whether you’re on track. If you’re not on track, you can pivot and adjust to get back on the path to success. I recommend the SMART Goals Method for setting both short-term goals and long-term goals .

Method 7: Feedback Analysis Feedback analysis involves contemplating the feedback received from others. I find that, too often, students get feedback from me (and other teachers) and they don’t even read it. They just care about the top-line grade! This is not self-reflection. Self-reflection would involve actually looking at the feedback and thinking about how to take it on board in order to improve your work next time.

Method 8: Self-Assessment Quizzes Taking self-assessment quizzes can be another useful self-reflection method. These quizzes can shed light on strengths, weaknesses, preferences, and behavioral tendencies. These often depend upon the tasks, but one good method is to lay out a set of desired outcomes before doing a task, then self-assessing once the task has completed, giving yourself a grade for each outcome. Once this is done, you can think about how to improve on each aspect.

Method 9: Solitude and Silence Embracing solitude and silence is another powerful tool for self-reflection. It allows for introspection without the distraction of external noise or influences. For example, you could take yourself for a walk each afternoon to clear your head and think about the day. Other people prefer to go fishing, or even pair this up with journalling, by taking your journal out to the forest to write and think.

Method 10: Coaching or Counselling Engaging in professional coaching or counseling can facilitate self-reflection. Trained professionals can ask probing questions and provide non-biased insights that initiate deeper self-reflection. For example, many CEOs and high-performing athletes have mentors and coaches who help them think through their bottlenecks and difficulties, which can help them to squeeze out those extra few percent of higher performance each week.

Method 11: Reflective Conversations Reflective conversations involve discussing personal experiences and thoughts with trusted friends, peers, family, and mentors. These conversations foster deeper self-understanding and provide opportunities to view issues from different perspectives. Some of my best lightbulb moments of self-reflection have come through conversations with my very insightful sister, who is really good at asking the right probing questions and summarizing my muddled thoughts!

Method 12: Philosophical Inquiry Philosophical inquiry involves in-depth questioning about the nature of human existence and purpose. Through exploratory questions and discussions of philosophical tenets, deeper self-reflection is induced. This process assists in shaping your core beliefs and core values . Some people might do this by reflecting on secular philosophy, while others might turn to the philosophical and spiritual writings of their religious traditions.

Method 13: Role-Play Scenarios Role-play scenarios can allow you to experiment with different perspectives or behaviors in a controlled setting. This can enable a greater understanding of your own reactions and actions within different contexts. This serves to highlight patterns of behavior and areas of growth or change. We do this often in education, but therapists and counsellors also do it, which allows the student or patient to think about things from other people’s perspectives, displacing their own ego momentarily to achieve breakthroughs.

Method 14: Mind Mapping Mind mapping is a graphical technique for visualizing connections between various ideas and concepts. By creating a mind map about a topic related to yourself and your struggles, you can gain valuable insights into how you perceive different aspects of your life and how each of those aspects interconnect. This is a beneficial tool to visually organize and structure thoughts, allowing for deeper self-reflection.

Method 15: Visualization Techniques Visualization techniques allow you to create a mental image or scenario to explore thoughts, feelings, and desires. Through this, you can envision your future goals or replay past experiences to gain a different perspective. This method is often used with children, whose visualizations (often in the form of drawings) can display what the child is thinking and feeling about a topic.

Method 16: Personal SWOT Analysis A personal SWOT (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities Threats) analysis encourages you to look deeply at personal characteristics and environments. It allows an assessment of personal attributes and the external factors that can influence them. This type of analysis helps you to strategically plan for personal and professional development, and is a good starting tool for goal-setting and planning, so you can both avoid threats on the horizon and position yourself best to embrace any upcoming opportunities.

Method 17: Daily Milestones Documenting and assessing your daily achievements and steps toward your milestones – no matter how small – can help to promote personal self-reflection and self-growth. This guides you in celebrating successes every single day, while also acknowledging failures and thinking about how you could use new strategies to reach your milestones. This daily habit can instill a sense that you are, in fact, making progress every day.

Method 18: Guided Reflective Activities Guided reflection exercises, such as prompted journaling or organized workshops, can facilitate in-depth insights. Often, these activities encourage participants to confront difficult thoughts and experiences. Through these guided activities, you can explore your struggles and challenges in more structured ways.

Method 19: Digital Detox Digital detox involves refraining from using digital devices for a sustained period of time. While this isn’t an overt form of reflection, you may find that by no longer having your phone as a distraction, you can then open up space and time to think more deeply. By reducing reliance on digital technology, an individual can refocus their attention back on their thoughts and experiences in real-life contexts. Digital detox periods are often cited for allowing the space for much-needed introspection and self-reflection.

Method 20: Being Among Nature Becoming an observer of nature and embracing the natural environment can support self-reflection. Nature inherently promotes calm and mindfulness, which can provide an ideal setting for introspective thoughts. Observing the rhythm and patterns in nature can, in many cases, be reflective of one’s life patterns, stimulating profound self-reflection.

Did you Know? British Columbia, a province in Canada, allows doctors to prescribe national parks passes to people with depression. This is in recognition of the restorative power of nature.

Method 21: TED Talks and Podcasts Delving into thought-provoking TED Talks or podcasts can stimulate self-reflection. They often provide unique perspectives and compelling stories which can challenge our existing beliefs. By reflecting on these insights, individuals can foster a deeper understanding of themselves and the world around them.

Method 22: Mantras and Affirmations Creating personalized mantras or affirmations serves as a tool for self-reflection. These mantras or affirmations, when repeated regularly, aid in challenging and reshaping assumptions about oneself. They can help in cultivating positive beliefs and focusing on personal growth objectives.

Method 2 3: Dream Analysis Analyzing dreams and their symbolism can induce a form of self-reflection. Interpreting the situations, characters, and emotions presented in dreams can reveal subconscious thoughts and feelings. Here, dream analysis can form an important part of an introspective journey. But beware – dream analysis enters into the realm of pseudoscience .

Method 2 4: Narrative Therapy Using narrative therapy techniques fosters self-reflection by encouraging you to tell your life story. It provides an opportunity to review your life from a different perspective, recognizing dominant narratives and addressing inherent bias. It enables us to rewrite our narrative, shaping a more constructive view of ourselves and our life.

Method 2 5: Practice of Empathy Active empathy towards others promotes self-reflection, as it requires understanding the thoughts, emotions, and experiences of others. By stepping into someone else’s shoes, we can gain insights into our own biases and feelings. Thus, empathy can act as a mirror that reflects our values and beliefs.

Method 2 6: Retreats and Workshops Participating in personal growth retreats and workshops offer an immersive experience that often prompts introspection. These platforms facilitate structured exercises, group discussions, and introspective practices that enable individuals to understand themselves deeply. Retreats create a supportive environment conducive to intensive self-reflection and personal insight.

Method 2 7: Personality Tests Taking personality tests such as the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) contributes to self-reflection by breaking down individual characteristics. These tests assess a range of personality aspects, providing a comprehensive insight into oneself. Based on this, individuals can recognize their inherent traits and consider ways to leverage or improve them.

Method 2 8: Exploring Cultural Differences Exploring cultural diversity or visiting new places can trigger self-reflection. It facilitates understanding different worldviews, which in turn, encourages introspection about one’s cultural lens and biases . Interacting with various cultures can highlight where our attitudes and behaviors come from, prompting self-reflection.

Method 2 9: Gratitude Practice Keeping a gratitude journal, or simply pondering what you’re grateful for, incites self-reflection. By focusing on the positive aspects of life, gratitude practices foster an understanding of what truly matters to us. Gratitude helps refocus our thoughts and feelings, promoting a deeper sense of self-awareness .

Method 30: Life Milestone Review Reviewing life milestones can provoke powerful self-reflection. By examining major life events, individuals can evaluate personal growth, changes in values, and turning points. This method provides an opportunity for individuals to appreciate their journeys, achievements, and learn from past experience.

Ardelt, M., & Grunwald, S. (2018). The importance of self-reflection and awareness for human development in hard times.  Research in Human Development ,  15 (3-4), 187-199. doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/15427609.2018.1489098

Christian, S. (2020). Self-Reflection: The Key to an Amazing Life . Independent.

Diamond, L. K. (2023). Art as Self-reflection in Nurse Practitioner Role Transition .  Nurse Educator , 10-1097.

Giguere, M. (2012). Self-reflective journaling: A tool for assessment.  Journal of Dance Education ,  12 (3), 99-103. doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/15290824.2012.701168

Goupil, L., & Kouider, S. (2019). Developing a reflective mind: From core metacognition to explicit self-reflection .  Current Directions in Psychological Science ,  28 (4), 403-408.

Lim, C. Y., Berry, A. B., Hartzler, A. L., Hirsch, T., Carrell, D. S., Bermet, Z. A., & Ralston, J. D. (2019, May). Facilitating self-reflection about values and self-care among individuals with chronic conditions. In  Proceedings of the 2019 CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems  (pp. 1-12).

Lyons, K. E., & Zelazo, P. D. (2011). Monitoring, metacognition, and executive function : Elucidating the role of self-reflection in the development of self-regulation.  Advances in child development and behavior ,  40 , 379-412. doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-386491-8.00010-4

Prasko, J., Mozny, P., Novotny, M., Slepecky, M., & Vyskocilova, J. (2012). Self-reflection in cognitive behavioural therapy and supervision.  Biomedical Papers of the Medical Faculty of Palacky University in Olomouc ,  156 (4).

Travers, C. J., Morisano, D., & Locke, E. A. (2015). Self‐reflection, growth goals, and academic outcomes: A qualitative study.  British journal of educational psychology ,  85 (2), 224-241.

Chris

Chris Drew (PhD)

Dr. Chris Drew is the founder of the Helpful Professor. He holds a PhD in education and has published over 20 articles in scholarly journals. He is the former editor of the Journal of Learning Development in Higher Education. [Image Descriptor: Photo of Chris]

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A Conscious Rethink

What Is Self-Reflection And Why Is It So Important?

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face of woman reflected in water illustrating the concept of self-reflection

Self-reflection is the gateway to freedom. – Dzigar Kongtrul Rinpoche

You probably look in a mirror most days and are as familiar with your appearance as almost any other sight.

But how often do you look inward to become more familiar with your inner self?

That is the crux of self-reflection: to know your inner workings as well as you know your outer form.

Self-reflection is a process by which you grow your understanding of who you are, what your values are, and why you think and act the way you do.

It is a form of personal analysis that allows you to bring your life into alignment with what you wish it to be.

Let’s explore this important tool further, starting with why you should do it.

The Importance Of Self-Reflection

The journey into self-love and self-acceptance must begin with self-examination. Until you take the journey of self-reflection, it is almost impossible to grow or learn in life. – Iyanla Vanzant

Self-reflection – also called introspection – is a means to observe and analyze oneself in order to grow as a person.

That growth is the reason why it is so important to spend time in personal reflection.

By understanding who you are now and who you’d like to become, you help identify the steps you need to take on that journey.

Reflecting upon how you behave and what thoughts enter your mind in response to events in the world around you allows you to see what you need to work on.

Perhaps you were a little short and irritable with a work colleague.

By looking back on that, you might realize that this is not how you would wish to be treated and, thus, not how you wish to treat others.

You can then seek to address that behavior in future and perhaps apologize to your colleague if you were particularly rude or unkind.

This might lead to an improved working relationship with this person and a more enjoyable work day overall.

To highlight the importance or self-reflection, you only need to consider the alternative.

If you can’t identify where you might have acted in a regrettable manner, you will most likely act that way again.

In our example, this only prolongs the ill-feeling you might experience as a result of workplace tensions and the potential negative ramifications of that in the long run.

Time spent in personal reflection is also an opportunity to measure your progress in a positive way.

You can identify moments where you have responded to a situation with healthier thoughts and behaviors.

It can provide you with a sense of achievement and keep you motivated in your quest to better yourself – however that looks to you.

Essentially, then, self-reflection is a way to make lots of small course corrections away from less desirable thoughts and behaviors toward those that promote greater well-being.

The Benefits Of Self-Reflection

Now that we’ve seen why it is so important to reflect upon your thoughts and actions, what are the potential practical benefits of doing so?

Improved Relationships

As in our workplace example above, by reflecting on how you treat others and the thoughts you may have about them, you can make changes that lead to more harmonious relationships.

If there are difficulties in a relationship – be that romantic or platonic – you can assess the situation, ask what role you are playing in those difficulties, and find ways to overcome them.

Self-reflection gives you the chance to see how you truly feel about the other person and consider the value that the relationship brings.

This can make you more appreciative of that person which then influences how you interact with them.

Greater Clarity Of Thought

Introspection provides an opportunity to think about something in isolation from the thing itself.

Instead of your mind being clouded by the emotions you experience when interacting with the thing in question, you can view it in a more rational sense.

You can see it with more clarity and think about it from a rounded perspective with pros, cons, and other important details that help you make a reasoned conclusion about how you wish to change with regards to it (or if you actually don’t want to change at all).

Perhaps, for example, that thing is a choice such as the job you take. If you dislike the long commute in your current position, you might not be able to see the benefits it brings during the commute itself.

But by stepping back and thinking about it on a day off, you might realize that despite not being all that enjoyable, the pros of a job you are passionate about or the wages you receive from it make the commute worthwhile on balance.

It may even change how you feel about your commute or how you choose to spend that time.

Knowing Your True Values

You will find it hard to really know yourself until you have spent time thinking about what really matters to you.

When you reflect upon yourself, you might see things that you do or think that go against who you really wish to be.

You can consider the important issues that we face in life and form a solid position on them.

Sometimes, until you really sit and think about something, you cannot decide where you stand on it.

This can cover all sorts of moral issues such as the right to end one’s own life or the protection of the environment.

Or it can simply help you figure out the guiding principles that you would ideally like to live by.

Self-reflection is the means by which your moral compass can be formed and refined so that you are able to act true to it in all that you do.

It can help you feel less lost in life and more empowered to create a future that reflects your core beliefs

Improved Decision-Making

We make hundreds of choices every day, but most are insignificant and can be left to our unconscious mind .

But when it comes to the more important decisions in life, a little personal reflection is invaluable.

It comes back to having clarity of thought and awareness of your true values.

With these two things, you can make decisions that put you on the most optimal path to greater well-being.

This means fewer regrets or missed opportunities and more peace of mind knowing that you have made the right choice.

Better Sleep

When you spend a little time each day looking back upon events and how you responded to them, it can bring closure to any unresolved feelings.

This can help you to not only fall asleep quicker, but have a more restful nights’ sleep in general.

The only caveat to this is that you have to avoid allowing reflection to turn into rumination.

Think about your day, but then turn the page and allow your mind to start afresh the next day. Don’t get stuck on a thought for too long.

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Less Stress And Anxiety

One of the key outcomes of self-reflection and knowing yourself more intimately is that you become more confident in yourself and your actions.

You find more certainty in this uncertain world because you are grounded in your sense of self.

With greater certainty comes less stress and anxiety.

You worry less about the ‘what ifs’ and focus more on the things you can do to best align your actions with those guiding principles we spoke of above.

And you worry less about what other people might think about you and your choices because you know that you are doing what’s right for you.

How To Reflect Upon Yourself

Now that you know why it’s important to practice self-reflection and what benefits it might bring, let’s explore how you can actually go about it.

Find Quiet Solitude

To be able to think clearly, you should preferably be in a quiet and peaceful environment.

This means solitude, though not necessarily being totally alone in a physical sense, but rather a place where you won’t be disturbed by the people and things around you.

A comfortable place in the house such as a snug, a warm bath, or just lying on your bed is ideal, but you might also wish to sit in the garden or in a park if this helps inspire your thoughts.

‘Why’ is the first thing to think about.

Why do you act the way you act?

Why do you think the way you think?

This could be in relation to a specific event that day, or it could be a more general search for the reasons behind certain thoughts or behaviors that you have spotted as being a common occurrence.

Some ‘whys’ are easy to answer. You may have shouted at your child because you and your partner had argued shortly before.

Some ‘whys’ are harder to answer. Pinpointing the reasons why you feel so strongly for or against more stringent gun laws is not always straightforward.

Ask ‘What?’ ‘Where?’ And ‘Who?’

The next questions you will want to ask and answer after your initial ‘why’ are those that inform you of the way you would like to think or act going forward.

They revolve around these 3 core questions:

What would I have done differently?

Where do I want to get to?

Who do I want to be?

These are the foundation of the wider, more precise questions you will want to ask depending on what aspect of yourself you are reflecting upon.

Here are some examples:

– What should I have done when my boss criticized me in front of my peers?

– Where do I want to be in terms of my relationship in the next few years?

– Who do I look up to?

– What should my response be to a person who is treating me poorly because of my race?

– How many hours do I want to work? (this is a ‘where’ question even though it begins with ‘how.’)

– Does my current diet reflect my views on animal cruelty? (this is a ‘who’ question)

Once you have identified something that you’d like to change, you’ve thought about why you currently do it, and you’ve considered an ideal end point, you have to ask how you’re going to get there.

What things do you either need to start doing or stop doing to reach the stage where your thoughts or behavior have changed in the way you would like?

In other words, what is the roadmap to get you from A (where you are now) to B (where you’d like to be)?

Give Yourself Time, But Know When To Stop

As mentioned above, the process of self-reflection can risk the less than healthy state of rumination or overthinking.

When we allow a thought to cycle through our minds again and again with no apparent way to resolve it, we lose all the benefits of inward reflection and can end up harming our mental well-being.

So it is key to set a limit on how long you sit in quiet contemplation.

You may wish to make this a particular amount of time, or you may simply say that it is time to stop when you get stuck on a train of thought.

And when the time has come to stop, the best thing to do is move somewhere else entirely.

That’s why it is not typically a good idea to self-reflect in bed before sleep.

By all means lie on a bed, but do it well before the end of your day or at any other time where sleep is not on the horizon.

To break away from inward reflection, try to immerse yourself and your focus on something other than the things you were reflecting on.

Anything that can distract your mind away from what you were thinking about.

Consider Writing Your Thoughts Down

Some people might find it useful to make notes of their thoughts as they are reflecting on themselves.

Writing in a journal is a popular way to do this as it keeps everything in one place and allows you to look back on what you’ve thought previously to keep you on the right path.

This can also be helpful if you find it difficult to get off a particular thought. Once it is written down and safely stored, you might find that the mind can let go of it more easily without the threat of forgetting it.

Speak To A Therapist

Whilst most people probably don’t need to take this step, others might find that talking things out with a therapist is the most effective means of organizing their thoughts and feelings.

As a qualified professional, a therapist can help guide your thought process toward the most important elements of your life and the issues you may be facing.

They can also help you to think about the steps you might need to take to make the positive changes you wish to make.

You may find that talking to somebody else rather than going it alone takes a weight off your mind and helps you to be consistent in your self-reflection efforts.

What If I Don’t Enjoy It?

A healthy level of self-reflection typically empowers and energizes an individual as they see ways to improve upon themselves.

But this won’t be the case for everyone.

If you are really struggling to get to grips with the process or find that it is raising some difficult issues from the past, your best bet is probably to speak to a therapist.

You have not failed if you have to ask for help . You have succeeded in realizing that you needed to.

A man must find time for himself. Time is what we spend our lives with. If we are not careful we find others spending it for us. It is necessary now and then for a man to go away by himself and experience loneliness; to sit on a rock in the forest and to ask of himself, “Who am I, and where have I been, and where am I going?” If one is not careful, one allows diversions to take up one’s time – the stuff of life. – Carl Sandburg

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About The Author

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Steve Phillips-Waller is the founder and editor of A Conscious Rethink. He has written extensively on the topics of life, relationships, and mental health for more than 8 years.

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self reflection for presentation

What is self-reflection & how to reflect

self reflection for presentation

  • Self-reflection involves examining thoughts, feelings, and behaviors to gain insight and promote personal growth.
  • It’s considered a hallmark characteristic of being human and starts in childhood, developing throughout one’s life.
  • Examples of self-reflection techniques include journaling, talking with friends, practicing mindfulness, creative expression, and spending time alone.
  • Self-reflection is essential for internal awareness and understanding personal identity, focusing on the “what” rather than “why” to stay objective and productive.
  • Consistency, courage, discipline, compassion, and a non-judgmental attitude are key for effective self-reflection, benefiting various aspects of life like relationships, parenting, and professional development.

Self-reflection is essential for cultivating self-awareness, understanding personal identity, and identifying unique characteristics, whether physical, psychological, or interpersonal. Its objective nature, focusing on “what” rather than “why,” fosters productive self-awareness and decreases self-criticism. Self-reflection is valuable in various aspects of life, such as relationships, parenting , and professional development. 

Practicing self-reflection can help ensure that one’s actions align with their values, promoting emotional stability and improved self-regulation. Discover more about how you can start self-reflecting more effectively.

White woman hiking in the backcountry

What Does Self-Reflection Mean?

Self-reflection is a broad term that refers to the process of examining, considering and analyzing what or how you think, feel or behave. 

Originally called ‘reflective consciousness’ by William James, commonly known as the  “Father of American Psychology”, the act of self reflecting is used to aid in survival through learning and adapting. The ability to self reflect is what many believe to be a hallmark characteristic of being human. 

A person’s ability to self reflect begins in childhood and develops throughout one’s life.

What Is an Example of Self-reflection?

Some of the most common examples of self-reflection include: 

  • Journaling : A classic self reflection technique where a person writes down their perspective, thoughts, feelings and/or experiences. It can also be considered an ‘emotional photograph’ that captures an intimate view of a period in your life. 
  • Talking with a friend : This can occur within the context of a casual or a structured conversation. One can write notes regarding revelations that they discovered about themselves for further reflection or speak openly to their friend to freely speak about an issue that feels unsettled.
  • Mindfulness : By practicing mindfulness an individual is taught to observe, without judgment, thoughts, feelings and experiences.
  • Creative expression : This can include using outlets for ideas and emotions such as art, writing or singing/playing an instrument.
  • Alone time : The absence of stimulation can promote more awareness for one’s internal state. Try going for a walk without music, podcast or anything else that demands your attention and see what ideas arise.
  • Therapy/counseling : Talking to a mental health professional is a great way to participate or get guidance with techniques to learn or enhance self reflection.  
  • Podcasts or talks : Attending or listening to credible thought stimulating forums can help promote new ideas and raise awareness of the things that elicits one’s attention.

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Why Is Self-Reflection Important?

Self-reflection is important because it helps with internal state of awareness and understanding personal identity by identifying characteristics not completely shared with others. These characteristics can be physical, psychological and interpersonal.

One study  found that 95% of people think that they are self aware however only 10-15% actually are. To be fair, some attempts at self-reflection do not promote self awareness because it often asks questions (why?) to things we really don’t have the answers to or we can create an answer that can feel true but isn’t actually factual or introduces trails of negative thinking. 

By asking ‘what’ instead of ‘why’ you are more likely to stay objective and productive. For example, if you dislike your job rather than ask ‘why am I still here?” consider “what specifically about this situation is causing me distress and what can I improve?”

When Self-Reflection?

Self reflection relies on consistency, courage and discipline. There is no agreed upon starting place for self reflection however compassion is a key component to counter self criticism which is often a deterrent to starting self reflection. 

When you extend compassion towards yourself you are seeking to provide comfort for sorrowful or distressing feelings. This journey can involve challenging unhelpful thoughts that reinforces the idea that what you see during self reflection will be awful and unchangeable. 

A non judgemental or neutral attitude is a helpful mindset during self reflection. 

This mindset helps decrease criticism. When criticism is decreased it promotes an environment useful for producing free expression.Courage can be displayed by overcoming habits that are unhelpful. 

If we were to reframe the question and explore how can someone stop using distractions to prevent self reflection it may open up options such as decreasing use of tv/phone, reading, socializing and substance use. Self-reflection is best practiced consistently and to do so discipline is required. 

Discipline is used to train one’s mind and actions to perform in a desired manner. Discipline relies on habit building and it may be helpful to incorporate it into a daily routine.

When Is Self-Reflecting Helpful?

Self-reflecting can be helpful in all areas of functioning such as in relationships, parenting and in one’s occupation. Other ways that self-reflecting can be helpful include:

  • Relationships : Be they platonic, romantic, or familial, relationships can benefit from an improvement in communication, understanding and authenticity- when at least one person practices self reflection.
  • Parenting : Those who are providing care for children or aging parents, can benefit from the improved perspective that self-reflection can provide. A new perspective can help with introspection, effective responses and improved self control.
  • Professional development : This skill can provide benefits at work, improving decision making , accountability/responsibility and one’s ability to influence an outcome.

Self reflection in general is helpful with making sure your future actions align with your values. By doing so it helps with self regulation, emotional stability and an overall improvement in how a person views themselves.

What Are the 5 Steps for Self-Reflection? 

There are no universal ‘5 steps for self reflection’ however best selling author Janice Jernigan identified 5 steps to help with self reflection, which are: 

  • “Be intentional” . This refers to prioritizing and specifically identifying your goal for this time
  • “Start where you are” . This refers to using the time that is already available to you, if you have the ability to schedule time do so, if not try lesser utilized times like when in line or commuting.
  • “Ponder a big question” . This involves identifying a big question of your choice and seeing what your thoughts are about it free from judgment.
  • “Jot down insights” . This refers to writing notes about new things you learned or perhaps another thought that you want to consider more deeply.
  • “Repeat soon” . This refers to incorporating self reflection into lifestyle. By intentionally setting a day and time to repeat this practice it helps prioritize and strengthen this ability

Self-reflecting is a practice that involves the ability to thoughtfully observe and assess our thoughts, feelings, and actions, often with the aim of gaining insight, personal growth, and a deeper understanding of oneself. Self-reflection is a valuable tool for enhancing self-awareness, making informed decisions, and fostering personal development—one that you can cultivate with time, patience, and the right internal dialogue.

Updated Oct 23, 2023

Features 2 cited research articles. 6 comments

Our clinical and medical experts , ranging from licensed therapists and counselors to psychiatric nurse practitioners, author our content, in partnership with our editorial team. In addition, we only use authoritative, trusted, and current sources. This ensures we provide valuable resources to our readers. Read our editorial policy for more information.

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We are dedicated to providing you with valuable resources that educate and empower you to live better. First, our content is authored by the experts — our editorial team co-writes our content with mental health professionals at Thriveworks, including therapists, psychiatric nurse practitioners, and more.

We also enforce a tiered review process in which at least three individuals — two or more being licensed clinical experts — review, edit, and approve each piece of content before it is published. Finally, we frequently update old content to reflect the most up-to-date information.

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Jason Crosby is a Senior Copywriter at Thriveworks. He received his BA in English Writing from Montana State University with a minor in English Literature. Previously, Jason was a freelance writer for publications based in Seattle, WA, and Austin, TX.

We only use authoritative, trusted, and current sources in our articles. Read our editorial policy to learn more about our efforts to deliver factual, trustworthy information.

What self-awareness really is (and how to cultivate it) . (2018, January 4). Harvard Business Review. https://hbr.org/2018/01/what-self-awareness-really-is-and-how-to-cultivate-it

Jernigan, J. (2019, December 6). 5 Simple Steps for Self-Reflection . LinkedIn. https://hbr.org/2018/01/what-self-awareness-really-is-and-how-to-cultivate-it

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Originally published February 1, 2022

Author: Connie Habash

Updated October 23rd, 2023 Expert Author: Editorial Author: Jason Crosby

Changes: Our editorial team provided additional information about self-reflection, adding insights the mechanisms of self-reflection, how self-reflection can be refined, concerns related to incorrect self-reflection, and how individuals can improve their ability to self-reflect.

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Examining the importance of student self-reflection in a presentation skills course

Profile image of Tony Cripps

Presentation courses are becoming more prevalent at Japanese universities. This paper focuses on one small cohort of students (n=5) that took an elective presentation skills course at Nanzan University. The paper initially looks at some of the salient themes related to teaching presentation skills and then outlines the design of the course. The main focus of the paper is on the students' reflective comments on the course and how it affected their presentation skills. Finally, some example guidelines are offered for teachers who are teaching similar courses.

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Tony Cripps

This paper explores a 'Teaching with Technology' course taught at Nanzan University, Japan. Although our students are considered to be 'digital natives' many of them do not know how to use technology effectively in a teaching environment. Students (n =12) on this elective course were asked to consider their thoughts on technology in general, and how they would incorporate technology into English courses in Japan. The students gave presentations on using technology to support learners at Japanese junior high and senior high schools. Five main data collection sources were used: 1) A questionnaire on attitudes to technology 2) Videos of students' presentations 3) Reflective material generated throughout the course 4) End of course peer interviews 5) End of course self-reflection reports. These five main data sources were analysed using a grounded theory approach. The paper examines the students' thoughts on educational technology, future trends in education, ubiquitous technology, and ubiquitous learning.

self reflection for presentation

This is the application and supporting materials compiled for my Advanced Graduate Teacher Certificate from Purdue's Center for Instructional Excellence.

Melvin Andrade

Center for Academic …

Hassan Belhiah

21st century classrooms are gearing towards student-centered classrooms where learning is deemed to be more meaningful when students are actively engaged in their learning. In a bid to create more student-centered classrooms, the researcher decided to explore the use of peer assessments and reflective discussions in a Technical Communication classroom as part of an action research to improve student participation and oral presentation performance among thirty 18-year-old diploma students studying in Universiti Tun Hussein Onn Malaysia. The study revealed the students in general have a positive perception towards the use of peer assessment and reflective discussion in the classroom. In addition to increased participation and attentiveness in class, improvement in oral presentation performance for the majority of the students (73.3%) was observed. This research shows that with careful planning and scaffolding, positive results can be achieved by employing these two techniques in the teaching and learning process. .

This paper discusses how electronic media can be woven into an English for Specific Purposes (ESP) course in order to provide a dynamic and supportive learning environment. The author briefly outlines the objectives and design of an ESP course at a Japanese University and explains how various forms of electronic media are woven into the course. Practical examples of electronic media integration are provided with specific focus on the provision of online support for students. The paper also examines student and teacher reaction to the course and how it is being improved.

Rebecca Winsome Steven

Martin Dutton , Arizio Sweeting

The purpose of this action research (AR) project was to aid students preparing for the Cambridge English Knowledge About Language (KAL) module of the Teaching Knowledge Test (TKT) at the Institute of Continuing and TESOL (Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages) Education at the University of Queensland (ICTE-UQ), Brisbane, Australia. KAL tests students’ ability to recognise concepts of English language systems in the areas of lexis, phonology, grammar and discourse. In our project, we wanted to specifically improve our students’ ability to answer questions on connected speech in this test, where they needed to identify the processes of elision, intrusion, assimilation, weak forms, or consonant– vowel linking. We did this by developing and trialling a range of activities involving different interaction patterns, macro-skills work, and learner styles. We concluded that speaking and listening practice should be used as a way of strengthening knowledge of connected speech for the purposes of a KAL test. We also conceptualised that students needed to develop an ability to hear the sounds between connected words in their minds, which we called ‘auditory thinking’.

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Many university students in Japan are unaware of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) and their potential for learning. This paper explicates one cohort’s exploration of MOOCs. A group of students (n=12) taking a ‘Teaching with Technology’ course at Nanzan University was encouraged to explore online courses provided by platforms such as Coursera, edX, and FutureLearn, as part of a semester- long research project. The overarching aim of the project was to broaden the students’ knowledge of this growing field and they were given free rein to navigate the MOOC terrain in any way they wished. Throughout the project each student kept a diary in which they logged both their MOOC use, and their opinions of the courses. Interviews, diaries, focus groups, reports, and questionnaires all provided rich data. The author briefly outlines the design of the project, before discussing in detail the students’ experiences of mapping the MOOC terrain.

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Home / Essay Samples / Life / Experience / Knowledge

Personal Reflection on the Group Presentation

Essay details

Life , Business

Experience , Myself , Strategy

Knowledge , Self Reflection , Swot Analysis

  • Words: 509 (1 page)

Personal Reflection On The Group Presentation

Please note! This essay has been submitted by a student.

Works cited

  • Disalvo, J., Larsen, C., & Seiler, M. (1976). Communication and the performance of group decision-making tasks. Small Group Behavior, 7(4), 417-428.
  • Barker, R. T., & Angelopulo, G. C. (2006). Integrated Organizational Communication. Juta and Company Ltd.
  • Stohl, C., & Cheney, G. (2001). Participatory Processes/Paradoxical Practices: Communication and the Dilemmas of Organizational Democracy. Management Communication Quarterly, 14(3), 349-407.
  • Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, F. P. (1996). Joining Together: Group Theory and Group Skills (6th ed.). Allyn & Bacon.
  • Fisher, B. A., & Ellis, D. G. (1994). Small Group Decision Making: Communication and the Group Process. McGraw-Hill.
  • Roehampton University. (2022). Harvard Referencing Guide. Retrieved from https://www.roehampton.ac.uk/media/roehampton/documents/library/harvard-reference-guide.pdf
  • Bean, J. C., & Johnson, S. M. (2014). Engaging Ideas: The Professor's Guide to Integrating Writing, Critical Thinking, and Active Learning in the Classroom (2nd ed.). Jossey-Bass.
  • Johnson, D. W., Johnson, R. T., & Smith, K. A. (2007). The State of Cooperative Learning in Postsecondary and Professional Settings. Educational Psychology Review, 19(1), 15-29.
  • Guffey, M. E., & Loewy, D. (2012). Business Communication: Process and Product (8th ed.). South-Western Cengage Learning.
  • Fielding, N. G. (2012). Observational Research. In N. G. Fielding, R. M. Lee, & G. Blank (Eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Online Research Methods (pp. 265-281). SAGE Publications Ltd.

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The Oxford Handbook of Social Influence

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13 Self-Presentation and Social Influence: Evidence for an Automatic Process

Purdue University, Department of Psychological Sciences

  • Published: 10 September 2015
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Self-presentation is a social influence tactic in which people engage in communicative efforts to influence the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of others as related to the self-presenter. Despite theoretical arguments that such efforts comprise an automatic component, the majority of research continues to characterize self-presentation as primarily involving controlled and strategic efforts. This focus is theoretically challenging and empirically problematic; it fosters an exclusionary perspective, leading to a scarcity of research concerning automatic self-presentations. With the current chapter, we examine whether self-presentation involves an automatic cognitive mechanism in which such efforts spontaneously emerge, nonconsciously triggered by cues in the social environment.

In his classic work, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life , Erving Goffman (1959) popularized the concept of self-presentation, describing social life as a series of behavioral performances that symbolically communicate information about the self to others. Since the publication of this seminal work, research on self-presentation has bourgeoned, emerging as a fundamental topic in social psychology, as well as numerous other disciplines ranging from communication to organizational behavior and management. The breadth of work ranges from examining “the targets of people’s self-presentation attempts to the levels of awareness at which self-presentation efforts may be enacted” ( DePaulo, 1992 , p. 204).

Although theorists frame self-presentation from slightly different theoretical perspectives, there is agreement that the overarching goal of self-presentation falls under the umbrella of social influence, in that people’s self-presentations are aimed at influencing how others perceive them and behave toward them. Leary and Kowalski (1990) succinctly capture this goal in their characterization of self-presentation as including “all behavioral attempts to create impressions in others’ minds” (p. 39). The reason why people self-present is built on their recognition that the impressions others hold of them have important influences on desired outcomes ranging across a variety of life domains. Conveying desired identity-images provides a framework for people’s social relationships, holds direct and indirect implications for the achievement of occupational and financial goals, and satisfies important intra- and interpersonal functions ( Leary, Allen, & Terry, 2011 ; Schlenker, 2003 ). In all, self-presentation is a social influence tactic in which people engage in efforts to influence the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of others as applied and related to the self-presenter.

There is abundant research examining various aspects of self-presentation; however, the literature remains replete with a number of entrenched misconceptions. One particularly persistent belief that continues to plague self-presentation research involves the implicit or explicit assumption that most if not all self-presentation involves conscious and deliberate efforts. The definitional words that researchers use to characterize self-presentation typically emphasize and focus on words like controlling, deliberate , and strategic . Self-presentation efforts are also frequently described as people trying to or attempting to influence the impression others form of them. Even Goffman (1959) defined self-presentation as a process in which people strategically control the inferences that others draw about them. We argue that the obvious face value of these types of words are heavily skewed toward controlled and deliberate efforts, and as such have exerted both an unbalanced and inaccurate influence on the resulting direction that most empirical research lines follow.

Although there has been a good deal of theoretical discussion focused on automatic self-presentation, there is a scarcity of empirical work, and the degree to which this work supports the viability of an automatic self-presentational component has not been fully vetted or reviewed. In this chapter, we focus on evaluating the hypothesis that the self-presentation process involves an automatic cognitive mechanism in which people spontaneously engage in automatic self-presentational efforts. We examine whether automatic self-presentations emerge of their own accord nonconsciously triggered by context cues, in the absence of direct instructional prompts. We also seek to actively draw attention to the dearth of empirical work examining automatic self-presentation; by doing so we hope to encourage researchers to more fully explore this vitally important feature of interpersonal behavior. To foreshadow our overall conclusion, although some evidence supports the general tenets of automatic self-presentation, it remains unclear empirically whether such efforts are truly emerging via a nonconscious mechanism. The key elements concerning such a mechanism relate primarily to the awareness (i.e., behavior is activated outside of conscious awareness) and involuntary (i.e., behavior is initiated by certain cues or prompts in the situation) features of automaticity as described by Bargh (1996) .

Our summary to date clearly begs the question: Why is construing self-presentation as primarily involving controlled and strategic actions, while giving short shrift to nonconscious efforts, necessarily a problem? To reiterate, self-presentations are typically described as involving controlled and deliberate actions that are grounded in the implicit or explicit belief that self-presentation includes only conscious efforts that are meant to explicitly influence others’ impressions. We argue that characterizing self-presentation as solely deliberate has the negative consequence of fostering an exclusionary research perspective, which results in severely limiting research attention to a narrower bandwidth of social situations. Such a narrow conceptual approach characterizes self-presentation as primarily occurring only in limited situations in which people are deliberately trying to control the conveyance of self-information to others. Put differently, if people are not consciously trying to communicate a desired image, it is simply assumed they are not engaging in self-presentation at all (see Schlenker, 2003 ).

These fundamental constraints shape and impact the theoretical and conceptual foundations of most self-presentation research. The majority of paradigms explicitly and directly provide participants with self-presentational instructions, narrowly focusing empirical attention on controlled and deliberate self-presentational efforts. Participants are instructed to consciously think about the particular impression they are trying to convey, and of importance, the impression per se becomes the focal goal, rather than framing the presented identity as a means to achieve another type of valued goal ( Leary et al., 2011 ).

Emphasizing that self-presentations comprise only controlled and strategic efforts also further promotes one of the most widespread misconceptions about self-presentation, which holds that such efforts are inherently false, manipulative, and duplicitous. Although certainly self-presentations can involve deception, for the most part, people’s efforts reflect an accurate, if slightly embellished portrayal of themselves ( Back et al., 2010 ; Leary & Allen, 2011 ; Wilson, Gosling, & Graham, 2012 ).

Our summary is not meant to suggest that examining controlled self-presentations has been an unproductive strategy; such approaches have generated useful and valuable findings concerning basic self-presentational processes. Nonetheless, we argue that adopting a limited conceptualization of self-presentation as primarily involving controlled efforts results in an artificially narrow empirical framework. This serves to restrict the field of inquiry to arguably only a small and specific slice of self-presentation behavior, while relatively ignoring the broader automatic component ( Leary et al., 2011 ; Schlenker, 2003 ). Focusing on the strategically controlled aspects of self-presentation has left a lingering theoretical residual, resulting in forceful, but misguided assumptions that continue to reinforce and propagate the common misperception that all, or at least most of self-presentation involves conscious and deliberate efforts.

However, like most other social behaviors, self-presentation has also been characterized in theoretical terms as comprising dual processes involving conscious and nonconscious behaviors (e.g., Leary & Kowalski, 1990 ; Paulhus, 1993 ; Schlenker, 2003 ). In that spirit, theorists argue that self-presentations more often occur in an automatic rather than controlled fashion, and that the intentions underlying the initiation of such efforts do not necessarily have to be conscious. For instance, Paulhus (1993) suggests an automatic path for self-presentation that focuses on people’s tendency to communicate overly positive self-descriptions; Hogan (1983) proposed that self-presentational efforts often involve automatic and modularized behavior, unfolding in a nonconscious fashion; Baumeister (1982) posited that the intention behind self-presentation need not be conscious; while Leary and Kowalski (1990) suggest that people nonconsciously monitor others’ impressions of them and engage in automatic self-presentation when impression-relevant cues are detected.

Schlenker (2003) also proposed that context cues guide self-presentations outside of conscious awareness and trigger interpersonal goals, behavior, and motivation, and once activated, these nonconscious efforts continue until the desired goal or outcome is achieved. Schlenker goes on to argue that many self-presentations are characteristic of goal-dependent forms of automatic behavior. Evidence concerning social behavior, in general, shows that “goal pursuit can arise from mental processes put into motion by features of the social environment outside of conscious awareness … with the assumption that goals are represented in mental structures that include the context, the goal, and the actions to aid goal pursuit, and thus goals can be triggered automatically by relevant environmental stimuli” ( Custers & Aarts, 2005 , p. 129). The goal activation sequence and the operations to obtain a particular goal can unfold in the absence of a person’s intention or awareness.

In much the same manner, self-presentations can be conceptualized as being nonconsciously activated by features of the social environment ( Schlenker, 2003 ). This suggests that self-presentations comprise cognitive structures that include the context, the goal, and the actions to achieve the goal, and like other social behaviors, these efforts can be automatically triggered by environmental stimuli. People strive to achieve a self-presentation goal, although they are often not aware that such efforts have been activated. As a result, they do not characterize their behavior as self-presentation, in that they do not view themselves as self-consciously and purposefully trying to achieve impression-oriented goals. A key element underscoring automatic self-presentations is the assertion that such efforts comprise “behaviors that consist of modulated, habit-formed patterns of action” or consist of “an individual’s most well-practiced set of self-attributes” ( Paulhus, 1993 , p. 576; Schlenker & Pontari, 2000 , p. 205). Characterizing automatic self-presentations as habitual patterns of behavior finds broad conceptual support from the more general theorizing on habitual responding. For example, theorists’ perspective concerning the relationship between context-cueing and self-presentational efforts dovetails nicely with the general framework of habit performance as outlined in Wood and Neal’s (2007) habit model. We will highlight conceptual areas of relevance where appropriate, focusing attention on propositions drawn from Wood and Neal’s model. In summary, theorists argue that self-presentations can unfold in an automatic or habitual manner via a context-cueing process; these efforts are guided outside of conscious awareness when interpersonal goals, behavior, and motivation are automatically triggered by context cues in the social environment. Once activated, people’s self-presentations persist until the desired goal is achieved.

Our goal, in the sections to follow, is to examine the degree to which relevant literature supports the proposition of an automatic self-presentational process (for more controlled aspects, see Schlenker, Britt, & Pennington, 1996 ; Schlenker, & Pontari, 2000 ). Before delving into the empirical evidence, we first briefly outline one theoretical perspective—the self-identification theory—that provides a succinct and integrative framework to conceptualize and illustrate the processes and mechanisms thought to be involved in automatic self-presentation (Schlenker, 1985 , 2003 ). Although there are other automatic self-presentation models (e.g., Paulhus, 1993 ), the self-identification theory is arguably the most comprehensive one; areas of overlap with other approaches will be noted where appropriate.

Self-Identification Theory

Self-identification theory characterizes self-presentation as a common and pervasive feature of social life in which self-identification is broadly described as the process with which people attempt to demonstrate that they are a particular type of person. More formally, self-presentation is defined as a “goal-directed activity in which people communicate identity-images for themselves with audiences by behaving in ways that convey certain roles and personal qualities. They do so in order to influence the impressions that others form of them” ( Schlenker, 2003 , p. 492). The communication of identity-images provides a framework for people’s relationships, holds direct and indirect implications for the outcomes and goals that people receive, and satisfies valued intra- and interpersonal functions. Self-identification theory posits that communicating specific identity-images, via self-presentation, is a key aspect of interpersonal interactions.

Identity-images are desirable in that they typically embody what people would like to be within the parameters of their abilities, appearance, and history. These images often involve beneficial self-identifications that are structured to serve a person’s interpersonal goals ( Schlenker, 2003 ). In the parlance of self-identification theory the combination of a desired identity-image and a corresponding behavioral script is defined as an agenda , which is activated by context cues in the social environment ( Schlenker, 2003 ).

Although people are frequently motivated to achieve multiple agendas, the limits of cognitive capacity minimize the number of agendas that can simultaneously occupy the foreground of attention ( Paulhus, 1993 ). Some agendas necessarily receive greater attention, effort, and monitoring than others, with those considered more relevant operating in the foreground and those of less concern unfolding in the background. Imagine a computer running numerous programs—some open, contents displayed and attentively monitored and examined, whereas others are minimized, operating behind the scenes, working on tasks but not distracting the operator unless a reason or purpose to check them arises (this metaphor is borrowed from Schlenker & Pontari, 2000 ). In a similar fashion, agendas focusing on self-presentation concerns, involving the goal of communicating a particular impression to an audience, can be more or less in the foreground of conscious awareness. This leads us directly to an overview of background-automatic and foreground-controlled modes of self-presentation as described in the self-identification theory.

Foreground Self-Presentation

Self-presentation agendas that operate in the foreground are characterized as involving consciously controlled attention, with people exerting significant cognitive resources to plan and implement their behaviors. Such efforts consume cognitive attention by requiring people to first access self-information, after doing so they must synthesize and integrate the information in a manner relevant to an interaction and prepare it for expression; people make judgments about what to say and about how to communicate it to others. In doing so, people stay more alert and aware, consciously scanning and monitoring the environment to assess their behaviors and audience reactions. They engage in these efforts, in part, to accomplish the goal of communicating desired identity-images. Foreground self-presentations represent those occasions that people are most likely to report being on stage and consciously concerned with the impression they project to others ( Schlenker, 2003 ).

The antecedent conditions that direct self-presentation agendas to operate in the foreground involve broad features of the situation, the audience, and people’s interaction goals. People more thoroughly process a social situation when they perceive that the situation is important, in that their performance bears on their desired identity; involves positive or negative outcomes; or is relevant to valued role expectations. The motivation to process a situation is also more likely to increase when people expect or encounter a potential impediment (e.g., critical audience) to achieving their desired self-presentation goals ( Schlenker et al., 1996 ). This outline of foreground self-presentations is consistent with Paulhus’s (1993) description of controlled self-presentations; he posits that such efforts require attentional resources to consider one’s desired self-presentation goal and the target audience, prior to the delivery of any particular self-description. In summary, self-presentation agendas become salient, moving from the background to the foreground when the context is perceived as important or when obstacles impede the successful communication of a desired identity-image ( Schlenker et al., 1994 ).

Background Self-Presentation

In contrast and key to the current chapter, self-presentation agendas that operate in the background are conceptualized as automatically guided by goal-directed behavior, operating with minimal conscious cognitive attention or effort. This representation is akin to Bargh’s (1996) proposition that “automatic processes can be intentional; well-learned social scripts and social action sequences can be guided by intended, goal-dependent automaticity,” which refers to an autonomous process that requires the intention that an action occur, but requires no conscious guidance once the action begins to operate (p. 174). Like Bargh, Schlenker (2003) argues that self-presentations with familiar others, or those involving well-learned behavioral patterns and scripts, are characteristic of an intended, goal-dependent form of automaticity. Here, self-presentations involve an automatic process in which cues in the social milieu direct self-presentations in the absence of conscious awareness and trigger interpersonal goals, behavior, and motivation. Once activated, these efforts are maintained until the desired goal or outcome is achieved ( Paulhus, Graf, & Van Selst, 1989 ; Schlenker, 2003 ).

Theorists propose that background self-presentation agendas are automatically activated based on overlearned responses to social contingencies. This description is similar to Paulhus’s (1993) idea that automatic self-presentation is a residual of overlearned situationally specific self-presentations. These overlearned responses include scripts that provide an efficient and nonconscious guidance system to construct a desired identity-image. Context-contingent cues (e.g., audience) converge in the background to trigger automatic self-presentation agendas. People are often not aware that these efforts have been activated and, as a result, do not characterize their communications or behavior as self-presentation, in that they do not view themselves as self-consciously and effortfully attempting to achieve impression-oriented goals ( Schlenker et al., 1996 ).

While background self-presentation agendas unfold, people nonconsciously monitor their behavior and the audience’s responses to ensure a proper construal of a desired impression. For these automatic efforts to be overridden by conscious, controlled processing, at least two requirements need to occur. First, people must be motivated to think or act differently than what occurs automatically, and second, they must have the cognitive resources to support the flexible, relatively unusual sequence of actions ( Schlenker, 2003 ). If a deviation from a social script or an impediment is detected, the agenda can pop into the foreground. As a result, attention is drawn to conscious awareness to correct the misimpression and to achieve one’s self-presentation goals, shifting self-presentation agendas from a background to a foreground mode of operation. This attention-drawing process is akin to Paulhus’s (1993) automatic self-presentation model, where affect regulates that attention is directed toward any glitch in an activity that is currently unfolding via an automatic process.

Characterizing automatic self-presentation as habit-like is also consistent with theoretical descriptions of habits in general, as outlined in Wood and Neal’s (2007) habit model. They argue that the “automaticity underlying habits builds on patterns of repeated covariation between the features of performance contexts and responses—that is, habits are defined as learned dispositions to repeat past responses” (Wood & Neal, p. 843). Once the habitual response is created, it can be triggered when an individual perceives relevant cues that are embedded in the performance context. Even though habits are not necessarily mediated by a goal, they can also advance the original goal that first impelled people to repetitively perform the context-response, which in effect resulted in the formation of the habit ( Aarts & Dijksterhuis, 2000 ; Verplanken & Aarts, 1999 ). Habits and goals interface, in that habit associations are initially formed under the guidance of goals: “goals direct control of responses prior to habit formation, and thus define the cuing contexts under which a response is repeated into a habit” (p. 851). Theorists posit that self-presentations can become so well practiced that they operate like mindless habits that are triggered nonconsciously by environmental cues and unfold in an automatic fashion, similar to the operational processes associated with habit responding as described by Wood and Neal.

Having outlined the theoretical foundation for automatic self-presentations, we now examine research germane to the key question underscoring the current chapter: Do automatic self-presentations emerge of their own accord nonconsciously triggered by context cues, in the absence of direct instructional prompts? Following a review of this evidence, we provide discussion and critical assessment.

Evidence for Automatic Self-Presentation

Although the self-presentation literature includes a voluminous number of studies, the vast majority does not include measurements or manipulations that can be interpreted as depicting automatic self-presentation. Rather, previous work primarily centered on identifying self-presentation strategies, discerning when self-presentation will or will not occur, and determining whether such efforts communicate self-beliefs accurately or in a self-serving manner, promote self-consistency or maximize self-esteem, or depict self-enhancement or self-protective purposes (see Schlenker et al., 1996 ). There are a number of studies, however, that either directly involve the manipulation of self-presentational automaticity or focus attention on self-presentation behaviors that can be viewed as unfolding via an automatic process. Review of these studies will be divided into sections; the first four relate to the availability of cognitive resources during self-presentation and its effect on recall, self-presentation effectiveness, reaction times , and self-description , followed by sections focused on the availability of self-regulatory resources during self-presentations and the implicit activation of self-presentational efforts.

The first four sections examine the cognitive effects of automatic self-presentation, beginning with the general concept that there is a limit to people’s cognitive resources, and effectively attending to simultaneous activities that require cognitive effort is difficult ( Bargh, 1996 ). These limitations in cognitive capacity enable researchers to use empirical methods to investigate the differences between automatic and controlled self-presentations. Introducing a second, cognitively effortful activity generates nominal interference with a concurrent task if a process is automatic; however, this second task significantly interrupts the ongoing efforts if the process is controlled.

The Availability of Cognitive Resources during Self-Presentation and Its Effect on Recall

Given the proposition that automaticity consumes minimal cognitive resources, it follows that people should be able to more efficiently process information when delivering automatic self-presentations. To override these automatic efforts, however, more controlled self-presentations require an increase in cognitive resources ( Schlenker, 2003 ). As a result, controlled rather than automatic self-presentations may disrupt the processing of information ( Schlenker, 1986 ). To demonstrate empirically the presence of automatic self-presentations, the studies in this first section focus on the differential effects of automatic and controlled self-presentations on subsequent recall.

It is important to preface the studies that address this issue by emphasizing that Western norms typically favor positive self-presentations (e.g., Schlenker, 1980 ; see also Baumeister & Jones, 1978 ; Jones & Wortman, 1973 ). People are far more practiced at conveying a self-promoting identity-image (i.e., automatic self-presentation) rather than a self-depreciating one (i.e., controlled self-presentation). Self-promotion efforts would be expected to leave more cognitive resources available to process information and ultimately should have less negative impact on recall. However, engaging in self-deprecation—a controlled self-presentation—should remove the automaticity of self-presentation, increasing the demand for cognitive resources. These expectations found support across a series of studies in which participants displayed significantly better recall of interaction details when their social interaction comprised automatic compared to controlled self-presentations ( Baumeister, Hutton, & Tice, 1989 ).

Evidence also indicates that a key determinant of people’s self-presentations is whether an interaction involves strangers or friends ( Tice, Butler, Muraven, & Stillwell, 1995 ). From this work we know that certain constraints and contingencies position the communication of a favorable image as the optimal way to self-present to strangers, whereas a more modest identity approach prevails among friends. If these self-presentation patterns are habitually used, they should be relatively automatic, requiring minimal cognitive resources for encoding, leading to more accurate recall. Violation of these patterns, however, should trigger controlled self-presentations, requiring more cognitive resources, consequently impairing accurate recall. Like Baumeister et al., (1989) , this work also shows that when participants engaged in automatic self-presentations— they interacted with a stranger in a self-promoting manner or with a friend in a modest manner —their recall of interaction details was significantly better compared to when they engaged in controlled self-presentations— they interacted with a stranger in a modest fashion or with a friend in a self-promoting manner . Follow-up studies replicated these results and additionally demonstrated that even when recalling a stranger’s behavior people made fewer recall errors when engaged in automatic self-presentations rather than controlled ones ( Tice et al., 1995 ).

The Availability of Cognitive Resources during Self-Presentation and Its Effect on Self-Presentational Effectiveness

The studies in the prior section demonstrate that the automatic-controlled self-presentation process involves the availability of cognitive resources and, in part, familiarity with the self-presentational context. Automatic self-presentations are characterized by familiar and habitual self-presentations, which require minimal cognitive resources. It follows that under low cognitive demand people should be able to engage effectively in the self-presentation of familiar identity-images but also unfamiliar ones as well. In contrast, controlled self-presentations are characterized by unfamiliar and atypical self-presentations, which require increased cognitive resources. It can then be reasoned that under high cognitive demand people’s capacity to engage effectively in the self-presentation of unfamiliar identity-images will be negatively impacted, whereas the effectiveness of self-presenting a familiar identity-image should not suffer. To demonstrate an automatic self-presentation process, the studies in the second section focus on the effect that automatic and controlled self-presentations have on people’s self-presentational effectiveness.

In this first set of studies, Pontari and Schlenker (2000) interviewed extraverted and introverted individuals under low- or high-cognitive load conditions. As part of the instructions, these individuals were told to convey either an extraverted or introverted identity-image to the interviewer. It was thought that participants who enacted congruent self-presentations, for example, an extravert acting as an extravert, were acting consistently with their self-schemata. They delivered familiar and relatively automatic self-presentations, requiring minimal cognitive resources. In contrast, those who enacted incongruent self-presentations, for example, an extravert acting as an introvert, were acting inconsistently with their self-schemata. They delivered unfamiliar and relatively controlled self-presentations, requiring an increase in cognitive resources.

The results from these studies indicated that for extraverts and introverts alike, the self-presentation of congruent and familiar identities was successfully achieved in both the high- and low-cognitive-load conditions. Extraverts were also successful at self-presenting incongruent identities when they had sufficient cognitive resources available, that is, in the low-cognitive-load condition. However, extraverts were unable to successfully self-present incongruent and unfamiliar identities when they lacked the requisite cognitive resources, that is, in the high-cognitive-load condition. By comparison, an unexpected finding showed that introverts were successful at self-presenting incongruent and unfamiliar identities even when they lacked available cognitive resources. Pontari and Schlenker (2000) posited that the increased cognitive load interrupted introverts’ dysfunctional thoughts, which would have otherwise interfered with their capacity to engage effectively in controlled self-presentations. The additional mental tasks in the high-cognitive-load condition may have shifted introverts’ attention from negative self-ruminations to more dispassionate thoughts. This shift in attention may have allowed introverts to successfully enact a social performance that was relatively incongruent with their automatic pattern of self-presentational responses.

The Availability of Cognitive Resources during Self-Presentation and Its Effect on Reaction Times

A set of studies consistent with Pontari and Schlenker’s (2000) notion of self-presentations as congruent or incongruent with self-schema were carried out by Holden and colleagues ( 1992 , 2001 ). These studies focused on reaction times rather than self-presentational effectiveness to demonstrate automatic and controlled self-presentation processes. Participants were instructed to respond quickly to self-descriptive personality items in a manner that would make them appear either very well adjusted or not well adjusted. When participants made responses that were incongruent with a self-schema—conveying a favorable impression via socially undesirable items or an unfavorable impression via socially desirable items—their reaction times were slower. When they made responses that were congruent with a self-schema—conveying a favorable impression via socially desirable items or an unfavorable impression via socially undesirable items—their reaction times were faster.

These findings show that responding in a manner incongruent with a self-schema requires the availability of cognitive resources, whereas responding in a congruent manner consumes minimal cognitive resources and attention. The data also support the presence of a cognitive mechanism that is fast and efficient, and a cognitive override mechanism that is slower and intentional, which they suggest are consistent with the processes described in Paulhus’s (1993) automatic and controlled self-presentation model ( Holden, Wood, & Tomashewski, 2001 ). In Paulhus’s work, “automatic processes are those that are so well rehearsed that they are fast, oriented toward positive self-presentations, and operate without attention, whereas controlled processes are much slower and require increased attention” ( Holden et al., 2001 , p. 167).

The Availability of Cognitive Resources during Self-Presentations and Its Effect on Self-Descriptions

Other programs of research (e.g., Paulhus & Levitt, 1987 ) also posit that controlled self-presentations occur when attentional capacity is available, whereas automatic self-presentations emerge when attentional capacity is relatively limited. Controlled self-presentations are thought to involve conscious self-descriptions that are adjusted to fit situational demands with such efforts requiring available cognitive resources and attentional capacity. Automatic self-presentations, in contrast, are posited to involve nonconscious default responses that are characterized by the communication of overly positive self-descriptions. These efforts require minimal cognitive attention and resources, primarily because they consist of well-practiced and chronically activated self-descriptions ( Paulhus, 1993 ).

To examine these ideas, a series of studies were conducted in which participants provided self-descriptive ratings on positive, negative, or neutral traits while in a high- or low-cognitive-load condition ( Paulhus, 1993 ; Paulhus et al., 1989 ; Paulhus & Levitt, 1987 ). Results showed that participants in the high-cognitive-load condition endorsed more positive than negative traits. They were also significantly faster at both endorsing positive and denying negative traits when their resources and attention were focused on other tasks. Put differently, when cognitive attention was diverted, only a default set of positive self-descriptions was left available for automatic self-presentations. Paulhus (1993) concluded that increasing cognitive demands can trigger automatic self-presentations in which people are more likely and quicker to claim positive traits and deny negative ones.

In a similar fashion, cognitive capacity is also required for honest trait responding—it takes attentional resources to scan one’s memory for accurate responses. If cognitive demands are increased, attention is diverted and honest trait responding can be disrupted. But the subsequent responses are not random; they are systematically more positive and emerge from the positive automatic self. Evidence from a number of studies shows that participants instructed to engage in controlled self-presentations produced more positive self-descriptions in a high- compared to low-cognitive-load condition (e.g., Paulhus & Murphy, unpublished data ). These findings support the assertion that automatic self-presentations are activated when controlled self-presentations are disrupted by an increase in cognitive demands.

To examine this idea further, a second study experimentally created automatic self-presentation patterns and then tested whether these patterns reappeared under cognitive load ( Paulhus, Bruce, & Stoffer, 1990 ). To induce a new automatic-self, participants practiced communicating overly positive self-descriptions, negative self-descriptions, or honest self-descriptions by repeatedly responding to a set of 12 traits. Subsequently, participants were told to forget what they did during this practice phase and to instead respond honestly to the 12 traits (i.e., controlled self-presentation). During a first test, participants were given as much time as they wanted to respond, a low-cognitive-load condition, whereas in a second test they were told to answer as fast as possible, a high-cognitive-load condition. Results showed that the automatization effects that were created in the initial practice phase emerged in the high-cognitive-load condition but not in the low-cognitive-load condition. When controlled self-presentations were disrupted, automatic self-presentations appeared, as evidenced by the automatic self emerging only during the high-cognitive-load condition.

Another line of evidence also shows that people positively bias their descriptions of self-associated stimuli, and they do so without conscious awareness ( Koole, Dijksterhuis, & van Knippenberg, 2001 ). Theorists posit that early self-descriptions shape later self-descriptions by structuring self-relevant cognitions and behavior into working models, which can be nonconsciously activated ( Mikulincer, 1995 ). These models are conceptualized as an integral part of automatic self-presentations, typifying people’s most well-practiced and chronically activated self-descriptions ( Paulhus, 1993 ). When encountering self-associated stimuli, people’s positively biased self-descriptions can be automatically triggered and, as such, can be characterized as automatic self-presentations. If people lack available cognitive capacity, their self-descriptions of self-associated stimuli may reflect implicit and automatic efforts, whereas, if sufficient cognitive resources are available, self-descriptions may reflect more explicit and controlled efforts ( Koole et al., 2001 ).

These ideas were tested in two studies by examining the relationship between implicit self-positivity and explicit self-descriptions. Implicit self-positivity was measured by the name-letter bias ( Kitayama & Karasawa, 1997 ) and explicit self-description by participants’ self-ratings on positive, negative, or neutral trait words ( Paulhus & Levitt, 1987 ). With respect to the explicit measure, quickly delivered self-descriptions were characterized as automatic self-presentations, and slowly delivered self-descriptions were characterized as controlled self-presentations, primarily because automatic processing requires less time than controlled processing. It was expected and found that implicit self-positivity only matched the explicit self-descriptions when the trait self-ratings were quickly delivered but not when they were slowly delivered.

A second study mirrored the results of the first by manipulating the availability of cognitive resources rather than the delivery speed of explicit self-descriptions. Specifically, participants under a high cognitive load (vs. low cognitive load) displayed greater congruence between implicit and explicit self-descriptions. When cognitive resources were limited, it increased the self-positivity of explicit self-descriptions, in that the congruence between implicit and explicit self-descriptions only increased when controlled efforts were undermined, that is, in the high-cognitive-demand condition. But when participants were in a situation in which they possessed sufficient cognitive resources, their explicit and implicit self-descriptions did not match. When responding explicitly, participants presumably were aware of the self-presentation implications of responding in an overly positive manner and, as such, managed their responses accordingly. Their responses were far less positive when they were explicitly versus implicitly measured. In contrast, when participants lacked sufficient cognitive resources, they presumably were unable to consciously control the delivery of their explicit self-descriptions, which essentially then became automatic self-presentations. As result, their implicit and explicit self-descriptions were congruent in the high-cognitive-load condition; both showed positively biased self-descriptions, which is characteristic of automatic self-presentations.

Related studies also examined whether the automatic self-descriptions that underlie the self-positivity bias can be inhibited by consciously controlled efforts ( Koole et al., 2001 ). Here, participants were instructed to judge self-associated stimuli while focusing on either cognitive reasoning , which was thought to require more controlled efforts, or feeling , which was thought to require less controlled efforts. If greater preference for self-associated stimuli results from automatic self-presentation, a positive bias for such stimuli should increase when the focus is on feelings, an automatic response, compared to deliberate reasoning, a controlled response. In line with this reasoning, participants delivered more positively biased judgments for self-associated stimuli when they were focused on feelings rather than reasoning. This suggests that controlled efforts inhibit the emergence of automatic self-presentations. Participants also reported no awareness that they were displaying a positivity bias toward self-associated stimuli. In all, implicit self-positivity responses, based on overlearned self-descriptions, may be representative of automatic self-presentations.

The Availability of Self-Regulatory Resources during Self-Presentations

The first four sections focused on studies that essentially involved either low or high cognitive demands as a means to demonstrate, respectively, automatic or controlled self-presentations. We now turn to a set of studies that addressed the relationship between self-presentation and the consumption of self-regulatory resources ( Vohs, Baumeister, & Ciarocco, 2005 ). The logic underlying this relationship basically mimics the argument underscoring how the availability of cognitive resources impacts the degree to which self-presentations emerge via automatic or controlled efforts. When people engage in unfamiliar patterns of self-presentation, it requires increased self-regulatory efforts to override their habitual responses and to effortfully control their behavior. Carrying out “these effortful self-presentations drain[s]‌ more self-regulatory resources compared with presenting oneself in a standard, familiar, or habitual manner of self-presentation” ( Vohs et al., 2005 , p. 634). In four studies that examined this idea, participants were instructed to present themselves in a manner that was based either on familiar/habitual and less effortful patterns of self-presentations or on patterns that were unfamiliar/atypical, which called for more deliberate and thoughtful efforts.

The results across all four studies consistently demonstrated that engaging in habitual self-presentations demanded less regulatory efforts than carrying out an atypical or unfamiliar self-presentation, which required an increase in regulatory efforts, and subsequently depleted the self’s resources. As with cognitive demands, these findings suggest that automatic self-presentations emerge when the situation is perceived as more familiar and routine, and hence does not require exerting an increase in regulatory efforts. In contrast, more effortful and controlled self-presentations emerge when the situation calls for patterns of responding that are not typical or habitual, thus requiring more regulatory resources to be consumed. The results from these studies are consistent with the cognitive demand studies in the previous sections, again demonstrating that self-presentational efforts can assume different forms, and that conveying an image that is in conflict with one’s typical, habitual response patterns consumes greater regulatory resources than responses that follow one’s familiar self-presentational patterns. Automatic self-presentations require less regulatory resources than controlled self-presentations, which is theoretically consistent with the broad sentiment of the first four sections.

Cued Activation of Automatic Self-Presentation and Its Effect on Self-Description

For the most part, automatic self-presentations involve the conveyance of relatively favorable identity-images. Paulhus (1993) describes these efforts as “consisting of the individual’s most well-practiced, and hence, most chronically activated set of self-attributes,” which he posits are typically positive due to a lifetime of practice (p. 576). He argues that there are copious sources that underlie the widespread prevalence of the positivity that follows from a lifetime of practice. From childhood, people actively learn that they should provide more positively oriented self-descriptions and explanations for their social behavior. These ideas fit well with Schlenker’s (2003) description of background self-presentation agendas, which involve the construction of desired images of the self and are based on overlearned and habitual responses to social contingencies.

It is also important to note that although the majority of peoples’ automatic self-presentations are indeed characterized by positive self-representations, they are not necessarily restricted to just positive images. Certainly not all early life lessons and habits will reflect or result in only positive representations of the self. Some context cues can serve to trigger habit-molded patterns of behaviors that result in the conveyance of a less than favorable image of the self.

These automatic instances of less favorable images emerge from “people’s repertoire of relational schemas, or cognitive structures representing regularities in patterns of interpersonal relatedness involving a range of common interpersonal orientations: from expecting that another person will be consistently accepting, for example, to expecting that others will be evaluative or judgmental” ( Baldwin, 1992 , p. 209). Theorists propose that these relationships become internalized, in part, via the development of relation-oriented schemas. These schemas are thought to represent patterns of interpersonal behavior, consisting of interaction scripts including schemas for self and other as experienced within that interaction, which also include inference processes for communicating self-descriptions ( Baldwin, 1992 ). Researchers suggest, for example, that an individual can anticipate a negative evaluation because negative memories and knowledge structures have become activated, which influences how one anticipates and interprets a forthcoming or ongoing social interaction ( Baldwin & Main, 2001 ).

Theoretically any cue that has become linked with a particular interpersonal experience can trigger relational constructs and knowledge, and as such it can impact one’s current behavior ( Baldwin & Main, 2001 ). It is plausible that these cued activation procedures could impact automatic self-presentations, in that such efforts may involve more positive self-descriptions if the activated relational knowledge is associated with acceptance/favorability, and more negative self-descriptions if associated with rejection/unfavorability.

In a series of studies, researchers examined the idea that cued knowledge activation may differentially impact interpersonal behavior depending on the context of the activated relational schema. Although the direct intent of these studies was not focused on automatic self-presentations, the results, involving participants’ self-descriptions, can be construed as such ( Baldwin & Main, 2001 ). At the outset of these studies, participants underwent a conditioning procedure that surreptitiously paired expectations of acceptance and rejection with distinct aural tones ( Baldwin & Meunier, 1999 ). These conditioned tones were later used to nonconsciously activate the knowledge structures associated with acceptance and rejection. Specifically, during an interpersonal interaction one of the two tones from the conditioning procedure was repeatedly emitted from a computer terminal. The results indicated that participants communicated more positive self-descriptions in the acceptance compared to rejection condition and, conversely, more negative self-descriptions in the rejection versus acceptance condition. The conditioned tones to cue acceptance or rejection may have nonconsciously triggered automatic self-presentations, even to the degree that some of these efforts resulted in negative self-descriptions (see Swann, 1983 ).

In a similar fashion, other studies have examined the implicit motivational effects that significant others can have on automatic self-presentations (e.g., Shah, 2003 ). This research suggests that people’s self-representations incorporate the goals, values, and expectations that close others hold for them, and that the cued activation of these internal representations automatically influences people’s behavior via the other’s association to a variety of interpersonal goals ( Moretti & Higgins, 1999 ). The implicit effect of close others may extend to goal-directed behavior in which others influence people’s interpersonal behavior during ongoing social interactions. In other words, the implicit influence of significant others may serve to trigger automatic self-presentations.

To examine this idea, researchers covertly acquired the names of significant others, either an accepting or a critical other’s name ( Baldwin, 1994 ; Shah, 2003 ). These names were used at a later point to prime subliminally participants’ interpersonal goals. Following the priming manipulation, participants completed an ego-threatening task, after which they completed self-descriptive questionnaires. The results indicated that participant’s self-descriptions were influenced by the critical and accepting others’ name, even though detailed manipulation checks showed that participants were not consciously aware of name exposure. When a critical other’s name was primed, self-descriptions were more negative; when an accepting other’s name was primed, self-descriptions were more positive. These findings suggest that self-descriptions were nonconsciously influenced by the cued activation of relational schemas that were associated with the accepting or critical other. Subliminally reminding people, for example, of a negative, demanding or positive, friendly other may automatically trigger a be friendly or be aggressive goal, as well as the corresponding self-presentation behavior associated with the activated relational schema.

Consistent with the idea of cued activation, Tyler (2012) utilized priming procedures across a set of three studies to assess directly the automatic nature of self-presentational efforts. In the first two studies, participants were primed with words associated with impression-oriented people or with a set of neutral words; the second study also included a condition in which participants received explicit self-presentation instructions to present themselves favorably. In the first study, the self-presentation measure involved participants answering a series of self-descriptive questions put forth by the experimenter. With the second study, each participant engaged in an unscripted conversation with a confederate, which was videotaped and later coded for how favorable the participants described themselves. The results across both studies revealed that participants in the impression condition self-presented a more favorable image compared to participants in the neutral condition. The results from the second study also showed that participants’ self-presentations in the explicit condition mimicked the favorability of participants’ self-presentations in the impression prime condition. Put differently, participants’ automatic self-presentations were very similar to their efforts when they were explicitly instructed to self-present a favorable persona. The third study was grounded on the idea that the participating audience one is interacting with might serve as a nonconscious self-presentation cue. Here, participants were primed with words associated with friends or strangers. Following the priming procedure, participants were instructed to write a self-description, which was later coded with regard to how favorable participants described themselves. Analysis in the friend prime condition showed that participants self-presented a more modest image, whereas in the stranger prime condition participants self-presented a more self-enhancing image. Taken together, the findings across these studies provide compelling support for the proposition that people’s self-presentations can be primed by environmental cues outside of their conscious awareness.

Critical Assessment and Discussion

The driving logic underlying the proposal of an automatic self-presentational process is the same across all review sections, allowing for a straightforward interpretation of the findings. Recall that the goal of the current chapter is focused on determining if automatic self-presentations emerge of their own accord, triggered outside of conscious awareness by context cues in the absence of direct self-presentational instructions.

Automatic Self-Presentations and Context Cues

According to a number of influential models (e.g., Leary & Kowalski, 1990 ; Paulhus, 1993 ; Schlenker, 1985 , 2003 ), automatic self-presentations are predicated on habitual and routine response patterns that include scripts, overlearned responses, and well-practiced sets of self-attributes. For instance, Paulhus (1993) suggests “the default self-presentation, the automatic self, has it origins in a lifetime of self-presentation practice” (p. 580). Even more directly, Schlenker ( 1985 , 2003 ) posits:

Automatic self-presentations reflect modulated units of action that eventually “settle in” to become habits. These habitual patterns of behavior form self-presentation scripts that are triggered automatically by context cues and guide action unthinkingly, in relevant situations. Such scripts provide a rich store of knowledge and experience (i.e., relational knowledge), which can be automatically accessed to quickly and effectively communicate desired identity-images. When a script is triggered consciously or unconsciously by context cues, it provides a definition of the situation being encountered, a set of expectations about events, and a set of operations for thoughts and behaviors in the situation. (pp. 76, 495)

A common thread among these models underscores the notion that habitual self-presentation patterns are triggered by context cues and people are not consciously aware that their efforts are influenced by such cues. Although the exact nature of context cues varies from occasion to occasion, in general, “the situation or audience itself cues associated information about the self, social roles, and social expectations in memory and makes salient the context-contingencies between particular self-presentations and relevant outcomes” ( Schlenker, 1986 , p. 35). This description accentuates the context-contingent nature of the cues that can trigger automatic self-presentations and, as noted earlier, has a straightforward connection with Wood and Neal’s (2007) habit model, in that habits are characterized as learned dispositions to repeat past responses and are activated by context cues. In summary, theorists’ characterization of automatic self-presentations as habit responses, automatically triggered by context cues, unfolds in much the same fashion as Wood and Neal describe habit performances.

Describing automatic self-presentations as triggered by context cues is also consistent with the characterization of automatic processes as involuntary, such that people’s behavior is activated by prompts in the social environment ( Bargh, 1996 ). Schlenker and Pontari (2000) also argue that background self-presentations are guided by an intended, goal-dependent automatic process, characterized as “an autonomous process requiring the intention that it occur, and thus awareness that it is occurring, but no conscious guidance once put into operation” ( Bargh, 1996 , p. 174). Self-presentational efforts that emerge via an intended, goal-dependent automatic process comprise a well-learned, sequential set of actions that were previously associated with goal accomplishment. People are not consciously aware that context cues influence their social behavior; however, the goal-directed activity of structuring and maintaining a desired identity is nonetheless occurring. In summary, theorists contend that automatic self-presentations are activated nonconsciously by cues in the social situation and are founded on overlearned responses to behavioral-outcome contingencies.

Consistent with self-presentation theories and with support from more general models of habit responding, we argue that cues in the social environment, in and of themselves, are a necessary imperative and represent the fundamental cornerstone with which to establish the validity of an automatic self-presentation process. Although such a process has strong logical and theoretical footing, without corroborating evidence for context cuing, the process would nonetheless remain nothing but a conceptual proposition. If we fail to demonstrate empirically a context-contingent pathway for the nonconscious activation of automatic self-presentations, there is no other logical or clear mechanism with which to build and support an evidentiary foundation for such a process. As a result, we would necessarily be required to accept the notion outlined at the outset of this chapter: that the vast majority of self-presentations involve controlled and deliberate efforts, and as such only emerge during very specific sets of narrowly defined occasions. Without clear and sustaining evidence demonstrating that cues in the social environment trigger automatic self-presentations, identifying a mechanistic pathway for an automatic self-presentational process would be untenable. This leads directly to the key question underpinning our goal for this chapter: Do automatic self-presentations emerge of their own accord, triggered outside of conscious awareness by context cues in the absence of explicit self-presentation instructions? This issue relates to specific features of automatic processes in which self-presentations are thought to be involuntary responses initiated outside of conscious awareness by prompts in the social environment.

To shed light on this question, we look to the studies outlined in the research section. Although the evidence in support is quite limited, the findings suggest that automatic self-presentations are likely to emerge during situations involving familiar and routine patterns of responding, which require minimal cognitive and regulatory resources. Presenting oneself in accord with habitual response patterns required less effort, was delivered with greater speed, and was more likely to involve a favorable presentation of self. For instance, the studies that focused on recall measures demonstrate that automatic self-presentational efforts represent habitual patterns of responding that can be triggered automatically by features of the audience and situation ( Schlenker, 2003 ). To go against habitual patterns requires foregoing the benefits of automaticity, with the resulting use of controlled self-presentations then operating like cognitive load. Faced with the need to make conscious self-presentation decisions, people are then left with diminished cognitive resources, for example, to encode and recall information. The studies addressing the effect of cognitive resources on self-presentational effectiveness also illustrate that habitual self-presentations transpire with minimal resource demands, and they can unfold effectively even if an individual is faced with other cognitively demanding activities. Engaging in controlled self-presentations, however, requires increased cognitive resources and, as such, suffers if an individual is simultaneously engaged in other efforts that diminish his or her resources. These findings are consistent with Schlenker and Pontari’s (2000) notion of foreground self-presentations, which require available cognitive resources, and background self-presentations, which require minimal resources, primarily because background efforts are founded on repeatedly used scripts and over time have emerged as habitual aspects of a person’s personality and identity. In all, participants prompted to self-present in a typical or familiar manner displayed cognitive effects consistent with an automatic process.

It is important, however, to emphasize that the design of most of the studies involved the efficiency feature of automatic processes, which focused on the influence that available cognitive resources have on self-presentations. Such evidence only demonstrates that automatic self-presentational behavior may occur in the absence of controlled efforts; that is, once consciously activated, self-presentations may unfold in an autonomous manner. For the most part, participants were aware of the goal conditions, in that they received explicit instructions to engage in a specific type of self-presentation, typically one that was either congruent or incongruent with what would be expected in that particular situation, and with the implication that under certain conditions these different self-presentations would consume more or less cognitive resources. These research designs did not just rely on the presence of context cues to nonconsciously trigger automatic self-presentations, and because participants were explicitly given instructions to self-present in a particular manner, it is impossible to tease apart any effects being due to self-presentation instructions or to context cues. We argue that the majority of research cannot unequivocally confirm an automatic process; the data do not allow for definitive conclusions in that we cannot determine whether self-presentations were triggered outside of conscious awareness by context cues in the absence of explicit self-presentation instructions.

However, the few studies outlined in the cued activation section may offer plausible evidence supporting the proposition that self-presentation involves an automatic cognitive mechanism in which people’s efforts are nonconsciously triggered by context cues. Together, these studies demonstrate that cued knowledge activation, the implicit influence of significant others, and the subliminal priming of self-presentation cues can influence people’s self-presentational efforts. For instance, as a context cue, the conditioned aural tones triggered self-presentations outside of conscious awareness, in that positive or negative self-descriptions emerged, respectively, when participants were surreptitiously cued with a tone that had been previously paired with either acceptance or rejection ( Baldwin & Meunier, 1999 ). Results from Shah (2003) also showed that participants’ self-descriptions were more negative when primed with a critical other’s name and more positive when primed with an accepting others’ name. He proffered that this effect occurred because the self-descriptions were nonconsciously influenced by the cued activation of relational schemas, which had become cognitively and emotionally linked over time to an accepting or critical other. In the same vein, Tyler’s (2012) data revealed that participants primed with an impression word self-presented a more favorable persona, which not incidentally mimicked self-presentations in an explicit self-presentation control condition. Tyler’s findings, which are consistent with Tice et al. (1995) , also showed that participants primed with friend-oriented words self-presented a more modest image, whereas those primed with stranger-oriented words conveyed a more self-enhancing image.

The findings outlined in the cued activation section are theoretically consistent with the concept of a background self-presentation agenda in which an individual’s behavior is automatically guided based on repeatedly used scripts that have been successful in the past. The behaviors that ensue comprise patterns of action that are habit-formed and emerge without conscious awareness. In a background mode, impression-relevant cues prompt or activate self-presentations, although people are not consciously aware that their efforts are, in part, fashioned by the social environment and their activated self-presentation scripts ( Schlenker & Pontari, 2000 ). These automatic self-presentations typically represent positive characterizations of the self, but as the studies in the final review section illustrate, they can also involve more negatively oriented self-descriptions.

Although we tender our comments with a healthy degree of caution, we are optimistic that the results utilizing very subtle or subliminally primed context cues offer the strongest, albeit limited evidence in support of the proposition that self-presentations can be activated by environmental cues outside of conscious awareness. What these few studies seriously lack, however, is an examination of the effect during an actual ongoing social interaction.

Future work is sorely needed to not only conceptually replicate the cued context and priming effects but also to move the examination of these effects into more real-life types of situations ( Leary et al., 2011 ). To do so will require the use of creative designs to offset the fact that in real-life settings the context cues may often exist within the boundaries of people’s conscious awareness. People are cognizant of an audience, for instance, and as such, their self-presentations may be guided by an intended, but goal-dependent, automatic process, which is consistent with background self-presentations as proposed in the self-identification theory.

We also emphasize that any research designs utilizing context cues or primes to trigger automatic self-presentations need to take particular care to ensure that the cues/primes are not transparent, and that their influence occurs, indeed via a nonconscious mechanism. Clarifying the mechanism underlying automatic self-presentation is of key import, in part, because research designs may unintentionally neglect cues in the experimental setting that nonconsciously trigger or motivate self-presentational behavior, which of course, would inadvertently affect the subsequent results. This concern has historical precedent; during the 1970s, a significant amount of self-presentation research was aimed at providing alternatives to the currently held explanations for a variety of interpersonal phenomena. Results from numerous studies, spanning wide domains within social psychology, provided evidence demonstrating that people’s interpersonal behavior (e.g., helping behavior, conformity, cognitive dissonance, voting behavior) was influenced by their desire that others view them in a particular fashion (e.g., Tedeschi, Schlenker, & Bonoma, 1971 ; see Leary, 1995 ). For the most part, the self-presentation perspective argued, “that the people we use as the sources of behavioral data are active, anticipatory, problem-solving, role-playing, and impression-managing beings ( Page, 1981 , p. 59; see Adair, 1973 ). Page further argued that experimental subjects “may feel very much as if they are on stage ( Goffman, 1959 , ), and they may control and calculate their own behavior so as not to receive what in their own eyes would be a negative evaluation of their performance” (p. 60). At the time, these contentions were directly aimed at participants’ consciously, controlled self-presentational efforts and were viewed by traditional social psychology as methodological artifacts that could be ameliorated (see Kruglanski, 1975 ). The degree to which these issues have actually been remedied is well beyond the scope of the current chapter. If theorists’ proposition is correct, however, and automatic self-presentations are a ubiquitous feature of people’s daily life, it would behoove researchers to assiduously examine their experimental design and protocols to determine if potential cues in the laboratory setting are unintentionally triggering participants’ automatic self-presentational efforts. If this were the case, the concerns are obvious and meaningful, in that such cued behavior would severely confound any subsequent results and data interpretation.

An essential ingredient of the research that directly examines automatic self-presentations is the development of tightly designed control or comparison conditions; at the least, such conditions must demonstrate that the absence of a particular cue leads to less self-presentational efforts compared to the presence of the cue. Such research designs must also keep potential self-presentational motivations, for example, goal importance and audience status, constant across all experimental conditions, while manipulating the context-cued condition. If the design fails to adequately do so, it is nearly impossible to determine if participants’ self-presentation efforts are unfolding in a background mode or whether other motivational factors have shifted participants’ efforts to the foreground. It is important to evaluate implicit self-presentation cues, not only for their effectiveness at triggering automatic self-presentations, but also to ensure that they are able to do so in a nonconscious manner.

Integrating elements from a number of the reviewed studies may also prove useful in examining automatic self-presentations, particularly during the course of an ongoing interpersonal interaction. In a number of studies, various self-presentations were characterized as comprising or inducing different levels of cognitive demand, which combined with information processing measures, enabled researchers to infer automatic self-presentations. Much of the evidence indicated that when cognitive attention was diverted only a default set of positive self-descriptions remained available for automatic self-presentations. By turning the notion around that different self-presentations induce high or low cognitive load, one could predict that high- or low-cognitive-load circumstances would lead to automatic or controlled self-presentations, respectively. It would be fruitful to manipulate the level of cognitive demand during an ongoing interpersonal interaction in the absence of any explicit self-presentation instructions, with the expectation that automatic self-presentations (i.e., default set of positive self-descriptions) should emerge in the high- compared to low-cognitive-load condition. Rather than assess self-ratings or recall, it would also be more externally valid and informative to measure and/or code people’s self-descriptions or behaviors.

Although Pontari and Schlenker’s extravert-introvert study (2000) involved explicit self-presentation instructions, it followed a design similar to the one proposed herein; they directly manipulated cognitive demands during an interaction. Automatic self-presentations were presumed to have occurred under conditions in which participants were instructed to engage in congruent self-presentations in both the high- and low-cognitive-load conditions. One can readily imagine adding another condition in which participants under both cognitive load conditions received no explicit self-presentation instructions. The results from such a condition should mirror the data from the presumed automatic self-presentation condition because participants in either cognitive load condition who received no self-presentation instructions would have no particular reason or motivation to behave in a manner other than the one they are most familiar with—extraverts would act extraverted and introverts would act introverted. If this no-instruction condition replicated the automatic self-presentation condition, it would provide additional support for an automatic component to the self-presentation process. It would also provide much needed evidence to demonstrate that automatic self-presentations emerge spontaneously during interpersonal interactions, in the absence of any direct instructional prompts.

At the start of this chapter, we argued that characterizing self-presentation in terms that predominantly evoke controlled and strategic efforts is not only theoretically challenging but also empirically problematic. It serves to foster an exclusionary research perspective, severely limiting research attention, leading to a paucity of work examining automatic self-presentations. Following a conceptual approach that positions self-presentation as occurring primarily in limited situations has fundamentally shaped the fabric of most self-presentation research designs, in that participants are often explicitly provided with self-presentation instructions, essentially bypassing the issue of context cuing.

Although the scarcity of empirical work became apparent in the evidence sections, the studies that are available offer some promising avenues for future work. Pontari and Schlenker’s (2000) extravert-introvert studies suggest an empirical direction and offer results to build and expand upon. The cued activation and priming studies not only provide the strongest evidence to date for automatic self-presentations, but they also provide a solid empirical foundation with which to design additional work. Nonetheless, the evidence remains very limited, underscoring a palpable and substantive need for further research. Considerable work remains to be done in order to determine empirically whether self-presentations are actually triggered nonconsciously by cues in the social environment, in that people are unaware of the initiation, flow, or impact of their self-presentational efforts.

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  • Open access
  • Published: 13 March 2024

Descriptive feedback with targeted education to improve telephonic escalation of care: a simulation-based study

  • Aster Kuriakose 1 ,
  • Subodhini Puhambugoda Arachchige 1 ,
  • Theophilus I Emeto 2 ,
  • Matthew I Hiskens 3 &
  • Gopakumar Hariharan 1  

BMC Medical Education volume  24 , Article number:  281 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

Awareness of communication failures in healthcare has necessitated the implementation of standardized, validated handover tools such as Identification, Situation, Background, Assessment, Recommendation (ISBAR). Although educational sessions improve communication, the effectiveness of individualized care escalation communication training is unknown. The primary aim was to conduct a simulation-based study to assess individualized one-on-one communication training for junior medical doctors for improving care escalation in pediatric emergencies. The secondary aim was to assess the evaluation of the training.

The prospective observational study assessed participants pre- and post-intervention. In Session One, participants presented a written case scenario telephonically to two senior pediatricians. Fifty participants were scored using an 18-item checklist based on the ISBAR tool and “free text” responses. Immediately following case presentations, participants completed individualized one-on-one 30-minute educational sessions regarding self-reflection, didactic teaching, and constructive feedback based on the ISBAR. Session Two included a second case presentation and reassessment. We conducted qualitative analysis of supervisor’s feedback on performance and trainee doctor’s evaluation of the training.

There was significant improvement in 8 of the 18 components of the ISBAR checklist. All elements of care escalation were significantly improved, and overall communication was higher post-intervention ( P < 0.001 ); however, no improvement was noted in participants’ explorations of differential diagnoses ( P = 0.263 ). The qualitative analysis identified themes of improved urgency in seeking senior support and conversational clarity from supervisors, and improved intervention quality and self-confidence from participants.

Conclusions

Individualized communication training may improve pediatric emergency care escalation and communication among junior doctors.

Peer Review reports

Early recognition of patient deterioration and prompt responses by adequately trained medical personnel are fundamental to preventing adverse pediatric outcomes [ 1 ]. Australian hospitals have implemented system-level interventions, including universal observation charts, electronic medical records, and patient deterioration guidelines, to support nurses in recognizing pediatric patients’ deterioration [ 2 ]. Junior medical doctors are often the first responders to deterioration notification; however, they may lack experience in deterioration management, and most adverse outcomes are caused by missing or misinterpreted patient information. Thus, junior doctors require supervision in acute settings to prevent adverse incidents [ 3 ].

Communication failures are frequent causes of adverse events in a pediatric care [ 4 , 5 ]. Effective communication of the patient’s condition is often lacking among team members, and the transfer of information frequently falls short in conveying clinical information or goals [ 6 ]. Currently, junior medical doctors in Australia receive a group orientation session followed by sporadic training at work. They do not receive targeted, individualized feedback sessions before entering the clinical environment, and there is no existing system in place for the early identification of poor performers.

The use of standardized handover instruments improves the transfer of information between clinicians and improves patient outcomes [ 7 ]. One of the most well-studied and well-utilised instruments is the ISBAR (Introduction, Situation, Background, Assessment, and Recommendation), which is endorsed by the World Health Organisation and based on the SBAR. In Australia, medical personnel are encouraged to use the ISBAR with all handovers [ 2 , 8 , 9 ]. However, providing an ISBAR form to trainees without formal educational sessions on using the tool does not ensure their competency in communicating critical information [ 8 ]. Previous interventional studies focused on group and individual didactic educational sessions using communication tools and reported mixed outcomes [ 10 , 11 , 12 ]. Thus, empirical evidence remains limited concerning the most effective method of teaching appropriate communication tools to allow effective escalation of care. A constructivist approach, including applying knowledge, skills, and behaviors to novel situations, is required to develop the complex skill of synthesizing critical information in a wide variety of scenarios.

Simulation is a valuable educational modality, offering an approach for exploring complex and less common medical scenarios, as well as the dynamic interactions among medical personnel in these situations, all without compromising patient safety [ 13 ]. These studies reveal a prevalent issue of suboptimal communication, including the dissemination of erroneous information, during medical emergencies. The findings underscore the critical need for enhancing communication training in healthcare settings. Moreover, the efficacy of medical simulation extends beyond crisis scenarios, demonstrating its utility in diverse situations for performance training and evaluation.

To the best of our knowledge, no existing study has combined an individual didactic session with an individualized constructive feedback session to improve an individual’s communication regarding escalation of care. Therefore, the primary aim of this simulation-based study was to assess the influence of an individualized communication training session (a one-on-one didactic session based on the ISBAR communication technique followed by individualized constructive feedback on participant’s performance) on the improvement in the escalation of care in simulated pediatric emergencies. We hypothesize that individualized training sessions will improve completion of elements of the ISBAR, improve the conversation duration, and improve the global rating score achieved by participants. The secondary study aim was to assess the trainees evaluation of the utility of training.

Materials and methods

The prospective mixed-method pre-post interventional study was conducted over six months (September 2019–February 2020) at Mackay Base Hospital, a regional teaching hospital in Queensland, Australia. Participants included medical students and junior medical officers, including first-year hospital medical officers, second- or third-year post-graduate residents, fourth-year and higher post-graduate principal house officers, and registrars (doctors in an accredited training program). All eligible doctors meeting this criteria were invited to participate in the study, and all doctors invited consented to participate. Written informed consent to participate was obtained from the participants prior to commencement of the study. This study was approved by the Townsville University Hospital Human Ethics Research Committee (HREC/2019/QTHS/6007).

We conducted the research over two separate sessions to assess participants’ abilities to escalate care in a simulated pediatric emergency scenario before and after the intervention (Fig.  1 ). Three common pediatric emergency scenarios were chosen for assessment: an 18-month-old child with sepsis, a 5-year-old child with severe respiratory distress, and a 20-month-old child with suspected non-accidental injury (see the Supplementary Table 1 for full details of the scenarios). In all three scenarios, patients exhibited a period with stable vital signs followed by a sudden deterioration. These detailed, unstructured written scenarios were reviewed and approved for complexity by two pediatric consultants.

figure 1

Flow diagram detailing the study method

Each assessment was undertaken by the lead author and one of two pediatric consultants who were randomly assigned to either the first or the second case presentation and were blinded to the intervention status of the participant. To ensure inter-rater reliability the lead author and pediatric consultants undertook a training session on the use of the assessment tool and referred to a standardized check list to direct their ratings. To maintain confidentiality, the participants were deidentified using code names for communications with assessing pediatric consultants.

In Session One, participants selected at random one of the three written case scenarios from an envelope. The participant studied the scenario for up to 10 min and presented it telephonically to a pediatric consultant located in a remote location while the lead author was in the room with the participant. The phone conversation was on speaker so that the lead author could hear the entire conversation. The pediatric consultant and lead author utilized an 18-item score sheet to identify the presence or absence of each component of the ISBAR tool (Table  1 ), record the duration of the conversation, and provide a global rating score. This ISBAR checklist was the main outcome variable of the study. The overall communication was rated using a 5-point global rating scale (Table  2 ). The feedback form completed by the pediatric consultants also included “free text” response options. The evaluation tool was adapted from a previous study, in which it was formally used for final-year medical students’ end-of-year assessments [ 11 ]. The assessment was performed in real time as the information was being presented via telephone. The consultants were allowed to ask open-ended clarifying questions during the assessment.

Immediately following the case presentation, all participants completed an individualized one-on-one educational session with the lead author, including self-reflection, didactic teaching, and constructive feedback based on the standardized communication tool, over a 30-minute period. During the educational session the lead author used both sets of scoring sheets to inform teaching content. During this session participants were informed of the items they did not complete, the duration of the telephone conversation, and their global rating scale.

In Session Two, participants selected at random from an envelope one of the two remaining scenarios. The participant then undertook a second case presentation and assessment in a similar format, between 24 h to two weeks after Session One. The duration varied between the two sessions to accommodate the logistics of all participants completing their study during the rostered work hours. Participants completed a Likert-type feedback form with “free text” options at the end of Session Two (Fig.  2 ). In addition to the scoring tools, we undertook qualitative analysis of the pediatric consultants perceptions of the participant’s handover before and after the intervention, and the participant feedback on the training.

figure 2

Likert scale responses to question 1–8

Data analysis

Quantitative data analysis.

Statistical analysis of the quantitative data was conducted using SPSS version 25.0 (IBM, Chicago, IL, USA) and R software version 3.6.2 (R Core Team, 2019). Categorical data are presented using frequencies and percentages; we analyzed numerical data using descriptive statistics (mean or median values). The differences between pre- and post-intervention scores for each item of the ISBAR checklist and the duration of conversation were analyzed using the McNemar’s test. The Global rating scale was assessed using Wilcoxon signed-rank test. All statistical tests were two-tailed; 95% confidence intervals were reported, and P  < 0.05 was considered significant.

Qualitative data analysis

Qualitative data were analyzed with NVivo 12 (QSR International Pty Ltd. Vic, Australia), which was used to analyze codes and track themes from the pediatric consultants’ and participants’ free-text responses. For this purpose, the conventional content analysis approach [ 14 ] was adopted to analyse the qualitative data. The content analysis is appropriate for analysing semi-structured interviews and attempts to elicit participants’ views on their lived experiences [ 15 ]. The data was analysed by AK and TE following [ 16 ] four-stage thematic analysis: (i) decontextualization, (ii) recontextualization, (iii) categorization, and (iv) compilation. First the decontextualization of the data was done through reading of the text and breaking the text into meaningful units and groups. The second state, recontextualization was achieved through re-reading the original text alongside the final list of meaning units, reviewing, and identifying unrelated texts, and excluding them from the analysis. In the third stage, categorization of the units was done to derived themes and sub-themes from the data. These themes were discussed between the lead author and pediatric consultants until consensus was reached and were later shared with the entire research team for discussions and approval to represent the meanings they conveyed in the data. Finally, the themes were compiled and verbatim quotes were used to represent participants experiences in the main report (Bengtsson, 2016).

The study participants included 50 junior medical officers (eight medical students, 31 residents, eight registrars, and three principal house officers), including 33 (66%) female doctors and 17 (34%) male doctors. A total of 19 (38%) participants had worked in a general pediatric inpatient unit within the last year, and nine (18%) had over five years of professional experience.

Post-intervention, significant improvement was noted in eight of the 18 components of the ISBAR checklist, as summarized in Table  3 . The ‘identification’ component of ISBAR was the only domain where no components improved following individualized communication training, reflecting that participants performed well pre- and post-intervention in all eight components of this domain.

We also did not see any significant improvement in participants’ abilities to explore differential diagnoses ( P  = 0.263). Notably, most participants performed poorly both pre- and post-intervention in this area. However, pediatric trainees were more likely to present differential diagnoses since five of the six of them presented good overall communication and were able to provide differential diagnoses pre-intervention.

Escalation of care involves four components of the ISBAR that were significantly improved post-intervention– states if the call was urgent ( P < 0.001 ); states relevant vital signs ( P = 0.03 ); states if deteriorating or stable ( P = 0.004 ); and asks for help or advice clearly ( P  < 0.001). Further analysis showed that this improvement was associated with improvement in overall communication as measured by the global rating scale (Fig.  3 , P  < 0.001).

figure 3

Comparison of pre- and post-intervention global communication scores: Good (score 4 or 5), Fair (score 3), Poor (score 0–2)

Participant feedback suggested overall improvement in self-confidence when presenting post-intervention with the ISBAR format (Fig.  2 ). In addition, most of the participants (98%) reported that individualized communication training was a valuable experience (Fig.  2 ). Overall, 34 (68%) participants strongly agreed that the intervention improved their communication skills (Fig.  2 ).

A total of 13 pre-intervention and 14 post-intervention pediatric consultant feedback forms and 32 participant feedback forms were returned without any free text response. Using data from the remaining 73 and 18 responses, respectively, authors identified thematic categories for each stage. The post-intervention main themes were [ 1 ] “improved urgency for assistance from senior doctors” and [ 2 ] ”conversational clarity”.

The two major themes from the participants’ descriptions were [ 1 ] intervention quality (e.g., “I think it is helpful for people starting up. A video presentation of a clinical scenario may be something to look at in the future to make the scenario closer to reality”), and [ 2 ] confidence (e.g., “I feel more confident presenting to a consultant with the ISBAR format”).

Our study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of individualized one-on-one communication training for junior medical doctors in the context of pediatric emergencies. Our findings reveal substantial improvements in several components of the ISBAR checklist, enhancing overall communication during care escalation. These insights underscore the importance of tailored training in optimizing emergency communication.

Previous simulation-based studies have examined group and individual didactic training regarding communication tools among medical, nursing, pharmacy students, and junior medical doctors [ 10 , 11 , 12 ]. The outcomes of these studies indicate that training in the use of ISBAR is both feasible and effective. For example, Marshall and colleagues demonstrated that such training is likely to yield improvements in communication within the clinical environment, particularly among junior clinicians when making telephone referrals [ 11 ]. These findings underscore the potential impact of targeted educational interventions in enhancing communication skills among healthcare professionals. However, previous studies with junior medical doctors have reported mixed results regarding the best mode for providing communication skills education [ 10 , 11 , 12 ].

A randomized control study with interns by Cunningham et al. showed no improvement in telephonic transfer of critical data post-exposure to a 10-minute one-on-one didactic training session on SBAR [ 10 ]. It was hypothesized that telephone referral skills are influenced by a combination of factors, including problem recognition, feedback, and the availability of targeted skill teaching using SBAR or other communication strategies [ 10 ]. In this study, we combined a didactic communication training session with self-evaluation and feedback and found a positive effect on the transfer of critical data confirmed by significant improvement in eight out of 18 components of the ISBAR checklist. Despite some similarities between the two studies, it is important to note the significant differences in methodology and participant skill level between the previous study and the present study. The study by Cunningham and colleagues was limited to a 10-minute didactic educational intervention with an “emotion-centered” debriefing, not focused on clinical or performance issues. In contrast, the present study implemented a longer intervention (30 min) focused on self-evaluation and feedback regarding participants’ performance.

However, problem recognition, as identified in previous studies, is a skill that requires “higher-order thinking” and “experience” [ 10 , 18 ]. Our results demonstrated that, despite having a format to consider different possibilities for the clinical presentation, there was no statistical improvement in participants’ ability to state differential diagnoses. Participants with experience in pediatric presentations were more likely to suggest differential diagnoses and management options. Thus, it may be that junior medical doctors require more pediatric-focused simulations, real-life bedside teaching, and pediatric experience to present differential diagnoses. Theoretically, the diagnostic process improves the understanding of patient management and prognosis. Thus, improving care management for deteriorating patients requires critical data transfer; it also requires junior doctors to be able to clearly communicate their needs for urgent senior staff supervision.

The reasons for junior medical doctors’ failure to escalate their concerns about a deteriorating patient are often complex. Callaghan and colleagues undertook a previous integrative review of 33 articles exploring junior medical doctors’ skills in managing critically ill or deteriorating patients, indicating there is substantial room for improvement in junior medical doctors’ capacity to manage these situations [ 3 ]. Increased senior supervision and training in communication skills for junior medical doctors have been hypothesized as essential; thus, improving junior doctors’ ability to escalate care is important in managing deteriorating patients [ 3 ]. We found that the mean performance for escalation of care for both medical students and junior medical doctors were significantly higher in the simulated environment after the one-on-one individualized, constructive feedback communication training intervention. Future studies should determine if this result can be replicated in the clinical environment. Additional research is also needed to explore ways to support poor performers, such as with repeated interventions.

Additionally, communication is one of the most common “procedures” practiced in medicine [ 19 ], and conversational clarity when discussing a deteriorating pediatric patient is much more challenging without visual and nonverbal cues [ 20 ]. Our study identified individual areas in which the participants struggled, and support with focused assistance was effective in improving conversational clarity in a simulated setting. Moreover, we evaluated participants’ self-confidence post-intervention. Consistent with previous studies, our participants reported feeling more confident with referrals post-intervention [ 17 ].

Our study has several strengths. (1) Unlike previous one-on-one communication studies with brief didactic teaching, this study combined teaching with self-evaluation and individualized feedback. (2) This was a mixed-method study, which generated evidence regarding the effectiveness of the training. (3) The participant drop-out rate was zero. (4) The participants were deidentified, and the pediatric consultants were unaware of whether the participant was presenting pre- or post-intervention. (5) We recruited a sample of junior medical officers with diverse experience levels in terms of specialty and exposure to the Australian healthcare system.

Despite these strengths, our study had several limitations. The study comprised a heterogeneous group of junior medical doctors; thus, we could not obtain standardized baselines prior to the commencement of the study, and it was difficult to generalize the results to a specific year of training. Generalization is easier with a homogeneous population but recruiting a homogeneous population is difficult in practice because trainees come from different backgrounds and have different levels of training; some also possess overseas experience. The findings represent a single institution, and caution is needed when generalizing how they apply to other services. Although participants were deidentified, some of the junior doctors were well known to the pediatric consultants and likely identified via voice recognition. All participants attended two separate sessions, which were a minimum of 24 h and a maximum of two weeks apart. This limitation may be due to the time constraints and logistical constraints that also prevented us from conducting a longitudinal study with ongoing serial measurements to assess decay in retained knowledge.

Our study reported that individualized, targeted communication training (didactic with self-evaluation and feedback) for junior medical doctors was beneficial for improving pediatric escalation of care, overall communication, and junior medical doctors’ confidence level within a simulated environment. Thus, institutions should consider individualized communication training with targeted constructive feedback from senior medical officers to improve communication about the escalation of care.

Future studies should explore the use of this model with various training levels, examined separately, to assess the full benefits of the intervention and determine if positive findings are sustained over the longer term. Furthermore, studies should explore the impact of such targeted interventions on regular clinic work and their effects on reducing adverse clinical events.

Data availability

Data pertaining to the results of the study is available from the corresponding author upon request.

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Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Dr Stuart Marshall for approving the use of the ISBAR Assessment tools and statisticians Jayakumar Parameswaran Pillai and Farah Zahir for supporting us with analysis of the data. We would also like to acknowledge paediatricians Dr Clara Menezes, Dr Olwen Gilbert, and Dr Jacinta Tobin as well as junior doctors Dr Noemi Lie (resident) and Dr Gabriella Sarah (resident) for their advice on research methodology and assistance with data collection respectively.

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Department of General Paediatrics, Mackay Base Hospital, 4740, Mackay, QLD, Australia

Aster Kuriakose, Subodhini Puhambugoda Arachchige & Gopakumar Hariharan

Public Health & Tropical Medicine, College of Public Health, Medical & Veterinary Sciences, James Cook University, 4811, Townsville, QLD, Australia

Theophilus I Emeto

Mackay Institute of Research and Innovation, Mackay Base Hospital, 475 Bridge Road, 4740, Mackay, QLD, Australia

Matthew I Hiskens

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Contributions

G.H. conceived the study and developed study methodology. A.K. conducted the investigation and drafted the manuscript. S.P.A., T.I.E. and M.I.H. revised the manuscript for important intellectual content. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

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Correspondence to Matthew I Hiskens .

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This study was approved by the Townsville University Hospital Human Ethics Research Committee (HREC/2019/QTHS/6007). Informed consent to participate was taken from all participants participating in the study.

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Informed consent to publish was taken from all participants in the study under the approval of the Townsville University Hospital Human Ethics Research Committee.

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Kuriakose, A., Arachchige, S.P., Emeto, T.I. et al. Descriptive feedback with targeted education to improve telephonic escalation of care: a simulation-based study. BMC Med Educ 24 , 281 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12909-024-05260-1

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