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Opening Essay for GTI Forum Can Human Solidarity Globalize?

Richard Falk

The Imprisoned Imagination

As the COVID-19 pandemic slowly subsides, it is not clear what lessons will be drawn by political leaders and publics around the world. Entrenched power, wealth, and conventional wisdom have demonstrated the overwhelming resilience of the global order even while the virus continues to ravage many national societies. Despite some notable exceptions revealing extremes of solidarity or discrimination, efficient competence or irresponsible partisanship, this reversion to the status quo occurred at all levels of social organization from the village to the world, especially the sovereign state.

For the most part, rich and powerful governments used their leverage to corner the vaccine market, allowing a draconian market-driven logic to drive distribution that privileged intellectual property rights and technical knowhow, leading to grotesque disparities in vaccine access between the peoples of the North and those of the South. It has become a truism to observe that no country will be safe from the virus, or its variants, until the entire world is vaccinated. Never had the self-interest of the species so vividly and concretely coincided with an ethos of global solidarity. And yet such an ethos did not materialize. We must search for explanations and correctives.

A people-first approach to the global health emergency would have transcended statist and profit-making domains at all phases of COVID prevention and treatment, and situated them within a global commons framework. Such an approach might have dramatically heightened prospects for the social transformation at the heart of the Great Transition and would at least have restored some confidence that the human species, at least in an emergency, is capable of meeting the challenges of the Anthropocene. As the pandemic instead revealed the resounding strength of statist structures and private sector interests, it seems necessary to acknowledge this tragic interlude as but one more lost opportunity for the human species to awaken from its prolonged slumber before it is too late.

To some extent, the failure has been masked by the newfound generosity of some countries as the sense of a world health emergency receded and such countries' virus supplies exceeded national demands. In a spirit of philanthropy rather than solidarity, shipments of the virus to countries in need were made, recipients often selected on the basis of pragmatic diplomatic advantage. Perhaps charity towards those less fortunate can be considered a weak form of solidarity, even if filtered by political leaders motivated by selfish national interests.

More than ever, we must face the question: can the peoples of Earth, doomed to share a ravaged planet, learn to live together in ways that encourage our species to flourish in an emergent future? The concept of a Great Transition invites us to reimagine such a future by exploring what might be possible, which requires an initial willingness of the imagination to let go of the trappings of the present without engaging in wishful thinking. Such a balancing act is not as straightforward as it sounds. What was science fiction a generation ago is increasingly entering the realm of the possible, and even the feasible in the near future. It is an opportune time to explore the seedlings of possibility sprouting around us, inscribing a more hopeful mapping of the human future in the prevailing collective consciousness.

On What is Possible

“ Some men see things as they are and say ‘why?’ I dream of things that never were and ask ‘why not? ’” — George Bernard Shaw

We must start by rejecting conventional foreclosures of the imagination. We cannot accept that politics is “the art of the possible” if the “possible” remains circumscribed by the play of current forces of stasis, confining the idea of change to policy shifts at the margin or—at the most ambitious—elite-driven national revolutions. The structures of state and market remain essentially untouched and continue to run the show. As long as these constraints are not removed, the Great Transition will be stymied. The first challenge is to find effective ways to subvert and transform these primordial structures. Meeting this challenge starts with liberating the mind from ingrained conventions that solidify the ideological biases of modernity.

If we carefully consider our own lives, we are likely to appreciate how many epochal public happenings had been previously deemed “impossible,” or only seemed possible after the fact. A potent illustration of the tyranny of a status quo bias is Winston Churchill’s derisive attitude toward Gandhi during the early stages of the rise of Indian nationalism. Dismissive of any threat to Indian colonial rule, Churchill described Gandhi as a “malignant subversive fanatic” and “a seditious Middle Temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well known in the East, striding half-naked up the steps of the Viceregal palace.” The great British war leader displayed his attachment to a Western understanding of power that had little insight into historical circumstances vulnerable to anti-colonial nationalism.

Similar patterns of the seemingly impossible happening are evident in contemporary history, such as the peaceful ending of the Cold War followed by the collapse of the Soviet Union; the American defeat in the Vietnam War despite overwhelming military superiority; China’s half-century rise from mass impoverishment and backwardness to prime geopolitical challenger, including threatening Western mastery of innovative technology such as AI, G5 connectivity, robotics, and genetic engineering; and the abandonment of apartheid by South Africa in the face of nonviolent resistance from within and anti-apartheid solidarity from without.

What these examples demonstrate is that our understanding of the scope of the possible has been artificially circumscribed in ways that protect the interests of various elites in the maintenance of the status quo, making it seem reckless and futile to mount structural challenges however justified they may be morally or bio-politically. Such foreclosures of imagined futures have been key to the protection of institutions like slavery, discrimination, and warfare but often remain limited in scope to specific locales or policy areas. The uniqueness of the Anthropocene is to restrict the possible to unsustainable and dysfunctional structures and modes of behavior, while bringing to a head the question of finding more viable ways of organizing life on the planet and living together in a manner that protects future generations.

Such foreclosures of the imagination inflict damage both by shortening our temporal vision and by constraining our understanding of useful knowledge. Despite what science and rationality tell us about the future, our leaders—and, indeed, most of us—give scant practical attention to what is needed to preserve and improve the life prospects for future generations. Given the scope and depth of the challenges, responsible anthropocentrism in the twenty-first century should incorporate a sense of urgency to temporal axes of concern. We now need a “politics of the impossible,” a necessary utopianism that stands as an avowal of the attainability of the Great Transition. We must begin by interrogating the semantics of the possible as a cultural, political, economic, and ideological construct binding humanity to a system that is increasingly bio-politically self-destructive for the species and its natural habitat.

Closely connected to this foreclosure of our temporal vision has been a scientifically conditioned epistemology asserting the limits of useful knowledge. Within the most influential epistemic communities, an Enlightenment ideology prevails that sets boundaries limiting productive intellectual inquiry. The positive legacies of the Enlightenment in grounding knowledge on scientifically verified evidence rather than cultural superstitions and religiously guided prejudice and dogma are real and important, but there have been costs as well. Notably, a bias against subjectivity discourages normative inquiry and advocacy, which is dismissed as “non-scientific.” The noted Confucian scholar Tu Wei-Ming has powerfully criticized the impact of what he calls “instrumental rationalism” on the capacity of Western civilization to embrace the value of empathy, which he views as integral to human dignity and humane governance.

We need a moral epistemology to achieve responsible anthropocentrism, exploring right and wrong, and distinguishing between desirable and diminished futures, not as matters of opinion, but as the underpinnings of “normative knowledge.” Universities, split into specialized disciplines and privileging work within the Enlightenment paradigm, are largely oblivious to the need for a holistic understanding of the complexities and solidarities with which we must grapple in order for humanity to extricate itself from present structures that divide and fragment the human experience, strangling possibilities.

It may be helpful to distinguish “the feasible,” “the necessary,” and “the desirable” to further illuminate “the pursuit of the impossible.” In short, “the feasible” from the perspective of the status quo seems incapable, under the best of circumstances, of achieving “the necessary” and “the desirable.” We will need to pursue “the desirable” to mobilize the capabilities needed to engage effectively in realizing “the necessary.”

If existing conditions continue, the bio-political destiny of the human species seems destined for dark times. In the past, before the Nuclear Age, we could ignore the future and address the material, security, and spiritual needs of bounded communities, and success or failure had no ramifications for larger systems. Now we must find ways to attend to the whole, or the parts will perish and likely destroy one another in the process. St. Francis found some fitting words for such an emancipatory path: “Start by doing what is necessary, then what is possible, and suddenly you are doing the impossible.”

Traditional Worldviews

When seeking alternative worldviews not defined by states, empires, or markets, many have turned toward the pre-modern realities and cosmologies of native peoples. Recovering that pre-modern worldview might be instructive in certain respects, but it is not responsive to the practical contours of contemporary liberation. Retreat to the pre-modern past is not an option, except as a result of a planetary calamity.

Instead of the realities of localism and tribal community, our way forward needs to engage globalism and human community, and to affirm that such strivings fall within the realm of possibility. We must reimagine a sense of our place in the cosmos so that it becomes our standpoint: a patriotism for humanity in which the whole becomes greater than the part, and the part is no longer the dominant organizing principle of life on the planet. Understanding the interplay of parts and wholes is a helpful place to begin this transformative journey. Parts are not only enclaves of space on world maps, but the separate identities of race, gender, class, belief, and habitat. An ethos of human solidarity would not eliminate differences but would complement them with a sense of commonality while sustaining their separate and distinctive identities. Such an ethos would generate new modes of being for addressing the challenges of transition.

For this to happen, a sense of global solidarity must take over the commanding heights of the imagination rather than continue to inhabit echo chambers hidden in underground hiding places far from the domains of policy formation.

Global Solidarity Must Rise as the Great Transition Unfolds

Without global solidarity, the structural features of the status quo will remain too deeply entrenched to allow a more cooperative, peaceful, just, and ecologically mindful world to emerge. Such a benevolent future is blocked by the prevailing consciousness in government and corporate board rooms, a paralyzing blend of ignorance, denial, incrementalism, and most of all, an unconscious respect for and deference to fragmenting boundaries that make global solidarity seem “impossible” to achieve. Assuming the paralysis has been overcome by an enhanced conception of the possible, then what?

Global solidarity would benefit humanity functionally, ethically, ecologically, and spiritually. Its functional role is most immediately obvious from a problem-solving perspective. Whether we consider vaccine diplomacy, climate change, or nuclear weapons, it becomes clear that only on the basis of human solidarity will we treat vaccines in the midst of epidemics or pandemics as part of the global commons rather than as a source of national diplomacy, international property rights, and pharmaceutical profits. With climate change, whether we will manage a displacement of national and financial interests on the basis of general global well-being depends on achieving an unprecedented level of global solidarity. Similarly, with nuclear weapons, will we find the courage to live without such weaponry within a security framing that represents the well-being of people rather than the shortsighted hegemony of a few governments and their self-regarding societal elites?

Higher measures of global solidarity would enhance the quality and nature of global governance. Even if the defining unit of solidarity remained the sovereign state rather than the human being, a sense of global citizenship could underpin a much more robust United Nations whose membership sought shared goals proclaimed by its Charter rather than the competition that has been its dominant experience, especially on issues of peace and security. The world economy would become much less tied to militarized forms of security, freeing resources for peace-building processes. From a broadening sense of global identity we could also expect a much more effective approach to biodiversity, preserving, for example, the rainforests and polar regions as indispensable aspects of our common heritage. And as heightened empathy would accompany global solidarity, there would be a greater tendency to take human suffering seriously, including poverty, displacement, and the victimization that follows from natural disasters and political strife.

Perhaps the greatest benefits of global solidarity would be felt ethically and spiritually. We can presume that the collective self of a world exhibiting high levels of global solidarity would shift loyalties and identities. The enmities of difference (race, nation, religion, gender, class) would lose their primacy, replaced by a different calibration of “otherness”—perhaps with the cosmos regarded as the great other of the earth. It seems reasonable to anticipate the emergence of a less metaphysical religious consciousness inspired by the greater harmonies on earth and a growing experience of cosmic awe as knowledge of this larger realm spreads and is reinforced by mind-broadening experience such as space tourism.

Do We Have the Time?

An ethos of global solidarity led an idealistic group of jurists in 1976 to draft the Declaration of the Rights of People to be implemented by a Permanent Peoples Tribunal, and many inquiries have been carried out since to hold states and their leaders symbolically accountable for violations of international law. People throughout the world have organized many civic initiatives in defense of nature and of peace.

Recently, Bolivia and Ecuador enacted a text devoted to the Rights of Mother Nature. New Zealand passed a law recognizing that animals are sentient beings with a legal entitlement to decent treatment. A movement is underway to regard “wild rivers” as subjects of rights, prohibiting the construction of hydro-electric dams. Civil society groups in Europe and South America have formed the International Rights of Nature Tribunal to protect various natural habitats from predatory human behavior.

Within the wider orbit of UN activities, many quiet undertakings involving health, children, food, cultural heritage, and environment proceed in an atmosphere of global solidarity interrupted by only occasional intrusions from the more conflictual arenas of the Security Council and General Assembly. There are no vetoes, and partisanship is kept at a minimum.

Gestating within the cultural bosom of world civilizations and world religions have been subversive ideas of global solidarity. Philosophic and religious affirmations of unity in ideas of “cosmopolitanism” have garnered increasing numbers of adherents. Growing attachments to nature proclaimed in many forms gives rise to loyalties that find no place on world maps or national boundaries. Fears of future catastrophe by way of nuclear war and ecosystem collapse expand awareness that present arrangements are not sustainable, thereby making many persons receptive to creating other more inclusive forms of organizing life on the planet.

Transition is not off in the distance or only in dreamscapes or science fiction imaginaries; it is happening around us if we only learn to open our eyes and hearts to the possibilities now emerging.

Concluding Thoughts

We cannot know the future, but we can know that the great enhancement of global solidarity would underpin the future we need and desire. Although this enhancement may currently seem “impossible,” we know that the impossible can happen when the historical moment is conducive. This century of interdependent risks and hopes has germinated the possibility of human solidarity globalizing. We know what is to be done, the value of struggling on behalf of our beliefs, and the urgency of the quest. This is the time to dedicate our hopes and indeed our lives to making the Great Transition happen, that is, learning to live in accord with the ethical and ecological precepts of responsible anthropocentrism .

Richard Falk

Can Human Solidarity Globalize?

Global Solidarity Forum

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As an initiative for collectively understanding and shaping the global future, GTI welcomes diverse ideas. Thus, the opinions expressed in our publications do not necessarily reflect the views of GTI or the Tellus Institute.

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UN: Why global solidarity is necessary for a resilient recovery

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The global community must come together to protect and support the most vulnerable during this crisis. Image:  REUTERS/Temilade Ade

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Stay up to date:, davos agenda.

  • The COVID-19 pandemic inflicted the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.
  • The least developed countries face the greatest risk of long-term consequences.
  • The global community must come together to protect and support the most vulnerable populations.

In less than one year, the COVID-19 pandemic has turned the world upside down. While vaccines give us some comfort, we are far from a decisive victory. The path ahead is no less perilous as we face an uncertain recovery.

“ The World Economic Situation and Prospects 2021 ” – the flagship publication of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs – says the pandemic inflicted the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.

It also warns us that the devastating economic impacts of the crisis – permanent job losses, decline in potential outputs, and rising poverty and inequality – will be felt for years.

Have you read?

How to follow the davos agenda.

Having absorbed enormous short-term economic and social costs, all countries – but especially the developing ones – now face even more significant long-term consequences unless we take bold and forward-looking measures to put the world on track towards sustainable development.

The crisis has laid bare many fault lines in our societies: differences in exposure to the virus and access to health care, inequities and inadequacies in social protection coverages and, more importantly, gnawing disparities in the economic response. In both developed and developing countries, low-skilled, low-wage workers, many of them women, were disproportionately affected by lockdown measures as their jobs – where they continued – did not allow for remote work. Furthermore, they could not fall back on savings to avoid exposure to the virus.

But the crisis also exposed the stark disparities in the fiscal response. We cannot ignore the fact that 46 least developed countries (LDCs) – with a population of more than 1 billion – collectively managed to cobble together only $17.3 billion of fiscal stimulus to respond to the crisis. In the LDCs, this is a mere $17 per person. In contrast, the developed economies spent nearly $10,000 for every citizen. This means the rich countries managed to spend nearly 580 times more per person for every dollar that the LDCs spent. For context, the average per capita income of the rich countries is only 30 times higher than that of the LDCs.

Global fiscal response - share of GDP

In these critical times, the developing countries – especially the LDCs and other vulnerable countries – badly needed international support. But little came their way.

The path to recovery will remain a bridge too far if the global community fails to support those most in need. We cannot just afford to help people within our national boundaries. This is the time for demonstrating global solidarity. This is the time for us to rise to the occasion and see people, planet and prosperity as a whole, and not through the prism of narrow national interests. We must protect and support the most vulnerable billions worldwide – and give them a fighting chance – if we are serious about an inclusive, robust and sustainable recovery. This will require us to take a fresh look at the root causes of vulnerabilities and rethink resilience, not only at the national level but also at the global level.

COVID-19 has shown us the true extent of global inequality. In 2021, let's commit to ending it

It is critical that we quickly stimulate trade to create jobs and fight back economic vulnerabilities. As “World Economic Situation and Prospects 2021” underscores, global trade was already facing significant risks and challenges against the backdrop of rising trade tensions as well as digitalization, automation and servicification of trade. These trends disadvantaged many developing countries, especially those facing digital and infrastructure constraints. It will be hard, if not impossible, for the developing countries – especially the most vulnerable ones – to stimulate recovery without stimulating exports. Creating even playing fields with a revitalized, rules-based and non-discriminatory multilateral trading system, and making sure that the developing countries can rely on trade as their engine of growth, will remain critical to both accelerate recovery and achieve sustainable development objectives. Renewed global solidarity and a reinvigorated spirit of multilateralism based on mutual respect and understanding are musts for reviving global trade.

Volume of exports of goods and services in selected regions

While international cooperation will remain critical for stimulating trade, we will also need to rethink strategies for strengthening social protection systems to support the most vulnerable population groups. It is a tragedy that nearly 55% of the world population – as many as 4 billion people worldwide – lack formal social protection, which is a critical safeguard against systemic shocks like the one we suffered in 2020. In Africa, 80% of the population has no formal social protection. Social protection is not just a moral imperative, it is also an economic necessity as it can act as an automatic stabilizer that helps build the resilience of countries and people to the impacts of a shock. Ensuring social protection for everyone will require international support and cooperation, not only in the form of financial support, but also technical assistance to developing countries on how such schemes can be put in place to protect the most vulnerable in times of crisis.

During the last 50 years there has been unprecedented progress in human indicators – life expectancy has increased to record levels; infant- and maternal mortality has fallen; more girls are staying in school; more people have been lifted out of poverty than ever before; and inequality between nations has narrowed. The market system has served us well.

But deep fractures are beginning to show: gaping inequality within almost all countries; record environmental degradation and species loss; and the broader impacts of irreversible climate change. Our markets are unsustainable – and we need a new economic model.

To tackle these challenges, Transforming Markets is one of four focus areas at the World Economic Forum's 2019 Sustainable Development Impact summit. A range of sessions will bring stakeholders together to take action that places human and environmental health at the core of market systems and value chains. These include building sustainable markets, responsible supply chains, moving beyond disposability, circularity and scaling solutions of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, among others.

The international community will also need to muster the will and courage to prevent a debt crisis that will disproportionately affect many developing countries and derail their recovery prospects. As many as 35 low- and lower middle-income countries are facing significant debt distress. Many are facing the looming risks of debt overhangs, which means that servicing their already high debt burdens will prevent them from making the much needed investments – in their people, in sustainable and productive infrastructure and in climate adaptation and mitigation efforts – that are essential for sustainable growth and prosperity in the future. A debt crisis will be too costly, and it would undoubtedly exacerbate poverty and inequality in many developing countries.

There needs to be an immediate breakthrough and concrete commitment to reduce the debt burden of the most vulnerable countries, with meaningful debt relief and debt restructuring. This is a must if we are to steer the world towards the path of resilient and sustainable recovery.

It is time for the international community – including private sector creditors – to come together to make debt sustainable for the most vulnerable countries. The cost of delay and disunity will be too high for us all.

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The Im/Possibility of Global Solidarity

By Catherine Keller

global solidarity possible essay

Recently I found myself part of a conversation about the question: “Can Human Solidarity Globalize?” At first, political philosopher Richard Falk’s question sounds straightforward. But as one attempts to frame an answer, it takes on the hint of a Zen koan. An answer of “yes” is barraged by its “but…but…but” so quickly as to empty into impossibility—which leaves us no better off than a blunt “no.” But politics, with wide impact on people’s lives, can’t settle for “no.” As Falk writes, politics is “the art of the impossible,” and the purpose of this art is to liberate the possible.

I would start here: inasmuch as human solidarity does not globalize, it fails to exist. A solidarity of the human is by definition global, for this species has long been spread around the globe. Human solidarity—not divisible into colored fragments denoting countries on a world map or into solidifications of one human collective over against another—is necessarily planetwide. And that is the case even before we take on the ecological meaning of globe as planet .  If there is to be human solidarity, the solidarity of a species across its differences, it would be global solidarity. Which hardly exists. Nor therefore does human solidarity.

So in order to globalize, we face the possible impossibility of the challenge that now confronts us: the challenge to take responsibility for our failure of solidarity not just with each other but with all other planetary species. And to acknowledge that the planet can no longer abide this failure. “Code Red for Humanity,” announces the latest United Nations IPCC report . So the urgency of the contemporary global crisis of climate and therefore of the human itself does mount toward the impossible.

Not accidentally, this epoch comes philosophically framed  as “the impossible possibility of the im/possible” (Jacques Derrida). That slash means to break through the paralysis of merely unrealizable possibilities and merely hopeless impossibilities. Might it crack the impossible open and point the way to  “The Great Transition”? That is the name of a blog focused on the unprecedented levels of change and cooperation now required for a livable human future. It featured the recent month-long conversation with Falk on the possibility of a global solidarity.

Note, though, how even the language needed to express such a “great transition” struggles to capture the requisite global solidarity. The notion of the global must constantly be distinguished from neoliberalism, the globalism that drives the individualism of capitalism.  At the same time, a progressive, planet-embracing globality must be distinguished from modern universalisms that unify an empowered “we” against some not-quite-human race, gender, or nationality, or that homogenize human differences.

We struggle for language that makes clear that the needed globality is pitted against individualism, not individuality, that solidarity thrives on the diversity not just of groups but of persons, and that globalization of solidarity, far from reducing difference, vastly enhances it.

For difference itself is relation: we exist only in and through the interrelations of our differences. And we thrive only in recognizing and strengthening our entangled differences . And then—without fear of our humanity being reduced—we can embrace our entanglement with the multiple layers of the nonhuman world.

In the interest of an ecosocial sustainability, Falk argues for a “responsible anthropocentrism.” Yet here also language, if we get it wrong, can weaken solidarity. I, like most ecotheologians, argue that anthropocentrism is at the root of our irresponsibility—right back through the history of misreadings of human “dominion” (Genesis 1:28).  So I think any appeal to a human-centered universe will backfire ecologically. Yet reading Falk, I certainly can imagine  the strategic value of appeal to an anthropos in whose center all the layers of our evolution and all the tangles/connections with our material ecology meet.

The point is that at the heart of our–human–reality, self-knowledge demands global responsibility. The responsible anthropos then becomes a portal into solidarity and to a “great transition” that may for the foreseeable future seem still impossible.

I wrote The Cloud of the Impossible : Negative Theology and Planetary Entanglement (Columbia, 2015) in recognition of how the density of the challenges we face occlude a vision whereby we might address them. The title is a citation of the fifteenth century polymath Nicolas of Cusa, who is speaking precisely of vision. “And the more that cloud of impossibility is recognized as obscure and impossible, the more truly the necessity shines forth and the less veiled it appears and draws near” ( On Learned Ignorance , 1440, in The Cloud of the Impossible , 99].

Cusa’s cloud floats directly from the ancient tradition of negative theology and its “luminous darkness.” There glow in the darkness of the cloud im/possibilities opened by that very “necessity.” Cusa does not mean the necessity of divine control or intervention. Rather, he means the deepest truth of our shared creaturely cosmos. As that truth remains “obscure” and “impossible,” it renders literal notions of divine revelation and causation too simplistic: if they were literally true, they would not be obscure. Might Cusa’s necessary truth today be the necessity of enough of us across the world bonding in great enough solidarity to make the needed difference? Might our mindfulness of the glowing darkness not shed its unwhite light on the necessities we face? Even now, as burning forests cast clouds across the landscape thousands of miles away from the blaze?

Cusa’s “cloud of the impossible” (and therefore mine) is of theological origin. Given the way that religious exclusivisms and supernaturalisms feed the politics of international right wings, can theology also help to strengthen the solidarities against those right wings and towards a political “art of the impossible”? A few political thinkers do gesture toward religion or spirituality in quest for a language and practice of solidarity. Falk encourages a sense of “cosmic awe” that moves between, through, and beyond any particular religion. For as he says, “gestating within the cultural bosom of world civilizations and world religions have been subversive ideas of global solidarity.”

As one of many examples, The Parliament of World Religions earlier this summer sent out word of a new virtual application of their 1993 “Declaration Toward a Global Ethic.” The Parliament, which over the years has been opened by the Dalai Lama, Nelson Mandela and UN Messenger of Peace Jane Goodall,  advocates across the world religions for social, political, and ecological justice. The Parliament will this year use its new virtual platform to explore and enact the  activist potential of its pluralist and planetary commitments.

In other examples of religion’s potential role: even secular thinkers and activists have some familiarity with Pope Francis’s Laudato Si , the encyclical responding to “the cry of the poor, the cry of the earth.” The decades of efforts by liberation theologians in Latin American and by U.S. Black, Asian, feminist, womanist, and ecological theologies have had insufficient but immense impact. They work in deep solidarity with secular movements. The current work of the Institute for Ecological Civilization , based in Los Angeles and working internationally (with, for example, remarkable influence in China) grows out of process theology , based on the relational cosmology of mathematician Alfred North Whitehead.

Such global movements—broadly ecumenical, social, and ecological—inhabit a universality of the universe, a cosmopolitanism of the cosmos. Its universals of solidarity do not work to homogenize the human. Its cosmic breadth honors the interrelated diversities of all creatures.

Religious institutions are thereby mobilized by those who work not against religion itself but against the conservative narrowings and right-wing deployments of religion. The U.S. Christian right has been particularly galvanized, and dangerously politicized, by its reading of the biblical prophecy of apocalypse.  It fosters an aggressive, use-it-up indifference to the materialities of “this world.” But the secular left be paralyzed by its own  End-of-the-World scenario. For the portal of possibility to global solidarity really may soon slam shut.

But if it has not yet closed, to ignore present possibilities is to betray them.  In the interest of these barely possible possibilities, I recently wrote Facing Apocalypse: Climate, Democracy and Other Last Chances (Orbis, 2021). It deploys the ancient imaginary of apocalypse against contemporary cultures of both climate change denialism and defeatist, fatalistic nihilism (it’s happening; there is nothing we can do….). The surreal metaphors of the biblical Apocalypse rage against global imperialism and global economics, promising against all odds the eco-urban utopia of the New Jerusalem. The word apokalypsis , after all, means not “end of the world” but “unveiling.” Dis/closure, not closure: eye-opening. Dis-closure, seeing Cusa’s “necessary” truths about the planet at present is what enables the possibility of addressing them.

The crisis itself presses possibility out of impossibility. The possibility of a Great Transition? A chance, perhaps, but nothing like a guarantee. Falk—with no biblical inflection—renders the global opening thus: “Transition is not off in the distance or only in dreamscapes or science fiction imaginaries”—or, I add, in archaic apocalyptic visions. “It is happening around us if we only learn to open our eyes and hearts to the possibilities now emerging.”

May I say “amen”?

Catherine Keller is George T. Cobb Professor of Constructive Theology in The Graduate Division of Religion of Drew University. She teaches and lectures across a broad spectrum of pluralist, ecofeminist, process, and political theology. Her most recent book is Facing Apocalypse:  Climate, Democracy and Other Last Chances. Other books include:  Apocalypse Now & Then: a Feminist Approach to the End of the World;  Face of the Deep: a Theology of Becoming; On the Mystery;  Cloud of the Impossible: Negative Theology and Planetary Entanglement; and Political Theology of the Earth: Our Planetary Emergency and the Struggle for a New Public. She has co-edited several volumes of the Drew Transdisciplinary Theological Colloquium, most recently Entangled Worlds: Religion, Science and the New Materialism

Counterpoint blogs may be reprinted with the following acknowledgement: “This article was published by Counterpoint Navigating Knowledge on 8 September 2021.”

The views and opinions expressed on this website, in its publications, and in comments made in response to the site and publications are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of Counterpoint: Navigating Knowledge, its founders, its staff, or any agent or institution affiliated with it, nor those of the institution(s) with which the author is affiliated. Counterpoint exists to promote vigorous debate within and across knowledge systems and therefore publishes a wide variety of views and opinions in the interests of open conversation and dialogue.

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An earlier version of this blog appeared in “Can Human Solidarity Globalize?,”  Great Transition Initiative ,  https://greattransition.org/gti-forum/global-solidarity-keller .

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Solidarity: Why we need it and how to get it

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Solidarity is an important value for any society, as well as for the entire global community. This idea of ​​community — essential in the Christian tradition — means finding an area of unity amidst the diversity that characterizes human societies, and the recognition of a set of common, universal values that characterize us as human beings with dignity.

In order for this to become a reality, it’s necessary to establish a consensus about fundamental values, work to extend the principles of peace, equity, and well-being, and establish a basic principle of mutual recognition and reciprocity.

Solidarity as a value

Solidarity is a value par excellence, characterized by mutual collaboration between individuals which makes it possible to overcome the most terrible disasters, such as wars, plagues, diseases, etc. This applies as well to helping relatives, friends and acquaintances who find themselves in difficult situations, so that they can overcome obstacles and move forward.

Solidarity allows us to overcome the adversities that present themselves throughout life. A person who practices solidarity does not hesitate to collaborate and support all those who are in disadvantaged situations, in contrast to people who are indifferent to the needs of others and more self-centered.

We must encourage an attitude of solidarity in the young, since solidarity can be seen as the basis of many other human values. ​​In a special way it helps one develop valuable friendships in family and social settings, based on virtues such as kindness, support, respect, and tolerance.

Solidarity and sociology

From the perspective of sociology, solidarity can be described as the adherence of each one of the members of a human community to the same values. According to French sociologist Emile Durkheim, solidarity can be seen in three ways:

  • Community solidarity is a feeling of unity based on common interests or goals, shared by many individuals, which makes them belong to the same social group, work together towards achieving the same goals, or fight together for the same cause.
  • Organic solidarity , seen in a company, is the interdependence that exists among the various individuals due to the strong specialization of each one of them and the division of technical labor in different functions.
  • In contrast to the previous kinds, mechanical solidarity is characterized by a total competence and independence of each individual in most of the jobs, in which case the individuals have no need of the others.

In conclusion, solidarity is knowing how to behave with people; it’s a form of social behavior for the purpose of creating cohesion and social ties that unite the members of a partnership with each other.

Christian solidarity

Solidarity is part of the social doctrine of the Catholic Church , and as such is defined as the consideration of the set of characteristics or aspects that relate or unite people, and the mutual help, interaction, collaboration and service that this set of relationships promotes and encourages. This collaboration and interaction must contribute to the development, growth, and progress of all human beings based on Christian and gospel values.

The great value of this vision lies in its foundation. We do not practice solidarity simply because there’s a social convenience; rather, we are supportive because every human being enjoys a unique and unrepeatable dignity that is given by God.

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global solidarity possible essay

What is solidarity? During coronavirus and always, it’s more than ‘we’re all in this together’

global solidarity possible essay

Professor of Curriculum & Pedagogy, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto

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Rubén A. Gaztambide-Fernández does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Medical researchers around the world are involved in an unprecedented collaboration to test experimental treatments for COVID-19. When Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the director-general of the World Health Organization, announced the initiative in mid-March, he called it the “ solidarity trial .”

Across the globe, local expressions of solidarity appear to be spreading as individuals take it upon themselves to act on behalf of others in need.

From the WHO to government leaders and citizen actions , expressions of solidarity may appear to be a good and common-sense response to the crisis . Yet, as American author Barbara Ehrenreich suggests, fascists, religious zealots or nations at war also unite in solidarity to advance their agendas. Some groups can mobilize solidarity for destructive purposes .

While solidarity may be a fundamental human need, the meaning of solidarity and what it requires of us is elusive. In my work, I explore how realizing solidarity depends on education. Teaching for solidarity requires relationships, intentions and actions grounded in explicit ethical and political commitments . I am interested in how the values that underpin these commitments define the differences between “us” and “them.”

Whether we are confronting a pandemic, global warming, income inequality, racism or gender-based violence, solidarity depends on how we come together. It is defined by how we understand and enact our responsibilities to, and relationships with, each other.

global solidarity possible essay

Equally responsible for a debt

The word solidarity has its roots in the Roman law of obligation that held a group of people bound together — in solidum — as equally responsible for a debt. The contemporary uses of the concept go back to the French Revolution and the ideal of human solidarity articulated by philosopher and “ champion of socialism ,” Pierre Leroux.

Read more: Crimes of solidarity: liberté, égalité and France’s crisis of fraternité

For Leroux, solidarity was necessary for human well-being and flourishing. But in their 1848 Communist Manifesto , Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels conceptualized solidarity as an expression of the shared experience and specific political needs of the working class.

Solidarity has also been a central concept in Catholic social teachings since the end of the 19th century. It figures prominently in liberation theology, in which solidarity and communion with the poor is a fundamental spiritual commitment .

This brief history illustrates that solidarity depends on some idea of what it means to be “us.” In my forthcoming book, I explore the educational challenges that arise when people invoke solidarity in colonial societies.

I examine what happens when solidarity is contingent on others being more like us, thinking more like us and believing what we believe.

Universalistic solidarity

German philosopher Kurt Bayertz points to four uses of the concept of solidarity .

The first, universalistic solidarity, suggests all human beings have a moral duty to work together for the benefit of all. This is implied whenever someone says “ we’re all in this together .”

While compelling, this view of solidarity ignores differences and potential conflict between the needs and values of different groups. It overshadows how the impact of a crisis isn’t equal among different groups .

Civic solidarity

The essence of civic solidarity is that we don’t necessarily have a personal relationship with those on whose behalf we take action. Civic solidarity involves an indirect commitment through taxes or charity contributions . Practising physical distancing is also an act of civic solidarity.

Lacking a personal sense of connection to and reciprocity with those who benefit from civic solidarity can undermine solidarity efforts , which may lead to the need for legal enforcement .

Social solidarity

Bayertz’s third use, social solidarity, refers to how societies stick together, but also to how certain groups act together as a community to protect their interests.

Maclean’s magazine contributing editor Stephen Maher suggests that in the United States, Donald Trump supporters’ acceptance of the president’s early response to the virus, which downplayed its possible impact, reflected low levels of social solidarity .

But this is misleading. Trump’s right-wing conservative supporters don’t lack social solidarity. Rather, their sense of solidarity coheres around a commitment to ideals of freedom from restrictions and protecting their financial resources and investments as a way to ensure their own well-being.

Likewise, there is a strong sense of solidarity among conservative religious groups that rely on Christian faith over science to protect themselves .

A strong sense of social solidarity is crucial for advancing all kinds of political agendas and values.

global solidarity possible essay

  • Political solidarity

Political solidarity revolves around issues of inequality related to class, racism, sexism and other forms of discrimination. Political solidarity usually involves one group acting in support of another, even though groups may not be affected equally by injustices .

Political solidarity raises questions about identification, privilege and reciprocity , as expressed, for example, through the hashtag #solidarityisforwhitewomen .

Yet the concept of political solidarity is crucial for addressing how pandemics exacerbate existing social inequalities . Ignoring this actually undermines other forms of solidarity.

Read more: How Covid-19 breaks down solidarity with migrants

Three critical aspects of solidarity

Whatever form we invoke, it’s helpful to remember three aspects of solidarity:

Solidarity is always about relationships. We cannot be in solidarity alone. Who are we in solidarity with and what defines that relationship?

Solidarity always requires us to be intentional about our commitments. What is the aim of our solidarity and where do those commitments come from?

Solidarity requires actions that also change us, perhaps even a sacrifice. What am I willing to do and give up in order to ensure the well-being of others, whether they are like or unlike me?

Toward creative forms of solidarity

Acknowledging the ethical and political commitments that we bring to solidarity is crucial. Otherwise, solidarity can “turn against us,” as Barbara Ehrenreich suggests.

For instance, some solutions, such as physical distancing, become impossible for communities that are already under-resourced, such as the homeless . Otherwise allied nations like Canada and the U.S. find themselves in conflict as both seek to ensure the supply of personal protective equipment for health-care workers.

global solidarity possible essay

Being explicit about ethical and political commitments will become increasingly important as governments ask us to compromise our personal freedoms and civil liberties to contain the spread of the virus.

Such compromises and the global character of the current crisis demand that we also think of solidarity as creative .

As the “crisis blows open the sense of what is possible,” in the words of journalist Naomi Klein , we are forced to imagine new ways of being with one another. We also have the opportunity to rethink our values and intentions , and to re-narrate the stories we tell about who we are, where we belong and with and to whom we share a debt.

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  1. Global Solidarity: Toward a Politics of Impossibility

    Global Solidarity Must Rise as the Great Transition Unfolds. Without global solidarity, the structural features of the status quo will remain too deeply entrenched to allow a more cooperative, peaceful, just, and ecologically mindful world to emerge. Such a benevolent future is blocked by the prevailing consciousness in government and corporate ...

  2. UN: Why global solidarity is necessary for a resilient recovery

    We cannot ignore the fact that 46 least developed countries (LDCs) - with a population of more than 1 billion - collectively managed to cobble together only $17.3 billion of fiscal stimulus to respond to the crisis. In the LDCs, this is a mere $17 per person. In contrast, the developed economies spent nearly $10,000 for every citizen.

  3. The Im/Possibility of Global Solidarity

    But politics, with wide impact on people's lives, can't settle for "no.". As Falk writes, politics is "the art of the impossible," and the purpose of this art is to liberate the possible. I would start here: inasmuch as human solidarity does not globalize, it fails to exist. A solidarity of the human is by definition global, for ...

  4. The importance of solidarity

    Solidarity as a value. Solidarity is a value par excellence, characterized by mutual collaboration between individuals which makes it possible to overcome the most terrible disasters, such as wars ...

  5. INCREASED SUPPORT FOR GLOBAL SOLIDARITY AS PEOPLE ...

    New UN research shows a surge in support for strengthened solidarity across the world. The research is published as hundreds of civil society and community organisations come together for a 'Global Day of Solidarity' to call for greater global cooperation in the fight against Covid-19 and to share the acts of kindness and mutual support springing up all over the world.

  6. What is solidarity? During coronavirus and always, it's more than 'we

    Universalistic solidarity. German philosopher Kurt Bayertz points to four uses of the concept of solidarity. The first, universalistic solidarity, suggests all human beings have a moral duty to ...

  7. Is Global Solidarity Possible?

    Global solidarity can very possible whenever you manage to get rid for naivety and dysfunctional economic ideas. Today we are in a reform where we are moving away starting Globalism, which is a fine term for on mistreat economic structure in where almost all nations and people have their percentage by and wealth generated,

  8. Essay: 1. How is global solidarity possible? (1

    Answer: Global solidarity is possible truly; but it is not an easy task. In order to establish global solidarity, people in all parts of the world will have to discard their parochialism and adopt cosmic outlook. The truth is all mankind has originated from ONE SOURCE. However, the ignorance present in human hearts does not let them see the ...

  9. Essay About Global Solidarity Possible

    Essay About Global Solidarity Possible, Trees-our Real Friends Essays, Receptionist Resume Objective, Medical Records Clerk Correcrions Resume, Sample Research Paper With Sources, Ipr Research Paper Topics, College Essay Dungeons And Dragons 1513 Orders prepared ...

  10. Example Of Argumentative Essay About Is Global Solidarity Possible

    Example Of Argumentative Essay About Is Global Solidarity Possible, Financial Plan Section Of A Business Plan Samples, Curriculum Vitae Wzr Word, Promotion Justification Letter Resume, Descriptive Essay On A Person Outline, Informative College Level Essay, Essay Writing Worksheets For Adults. beneman. 4.6 stars - 1456 reviews.

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