essay on future of pakistan

Essay on Future of Pakistan...

Published by admin on 27th September 2022

essay on future of pakistan

Essay on Future of Pakistan

Pakistan, a country that is always a crucial part of world affairs. a place that is known for global Jihad and is the second largest Muslim population. from the day it has been separated and became an independent country until now there is a lot ups and down which has it has faced.

Pakistan is a hub of natural resources but require useful utilization of these resources. besides its greatness it has faced a lot of trouble in these previous years. however, the current prime minister of Pakistan is thought to eliminate all the bigger issues but again people of Pakistan are waiting for all these betterment to take place.

The thing is that relationship with the global world matters a lot when any country is developing or moving towards development. here, it is always confusion and thing is never the same. countries like America, Russia, China, turkey and other states that have always supported us in making things well but still Pakistan face hurdle on the critical situation that which side needs to be chosen and to whom we support at the time of difficulty. Writers from thesis writing services in Pakistan has written a lot of article regarding these issues.

The most worrisome thing is that Pakistan situation is diluted with billions of dollar loan. There is a lot of time to overcome this heavy burden that each person of Pakistan has. Moreover, Pakistanis should now stop compromising over things that bother them. they should not act as separate party and work together to enforce the government wrong decisions.

Most of the people thinks that Pakistan’s alliances with two powerful nations that are America and China can make a bright future. deeply analysis this situation so Pakistan has already staked its current situation by depending on these two nations. It should had made relationship with other international countries to strengthen its basis. however, even now powerful steps can be taken but it seems too difficult and sacrificial.

According to World bank report, what should Pakistanis do for brighter future till 2047 has some intriguing points. It advice Pakistan to start making the wiser decision now. comparing to other countries like South Korea and china they have amazingly transformed their economies so why not Pakistanis.

In this report, Pakistan is suggested, to invest in people, caring for the environment, using the resources efficiently and support its growth by implementing difficult reforms. The more any nation contributes to its nation the more it can be beneficial for them in future. A productive population is the most aspiring thing a nation can have. Government should focus on quality of life of people, easing the transportation system and increasing the number of facilities, education, business and all other areas.

The point that is the most fundamental besides all these discussion is Pakistan’s future can only be shaped by its people. As a nation its people should get united to make things better and make this country a better place with love, peace, and harmony.

United States Institute of Peace

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The Current Situation in Pakistan

A USIP Fact Sheet

Monday, January 23, 2023

Publication Type: Fact Sheet

Pakistan continues to face multiple sources of internal and external conflict. Extremism and intolerance of diversity and dissent have grown, fuelled by a narrow vision of Pakistan’s national identity, and are threatening the country’s prospects for social cohesion and stability.   

The inability of state institutions to reliably provide peaceful ways to resolve grievances has encouraged groups to seek violence as an alternative. The country saw peaceful political transitions after the 2013 and 2018 elections. However, as the country prepares for anticipated elections in 2023, it continues to face a fragile economy along with deepening domestic polarization. Meanwhile, devastating flooding across Pakistan in 2022 has caused billions in damage, strained the country’s agriculture and health sectors, and also laid bare Pakistan’s vulnerability to climate disasters and troubling weaknesses in governance and economic stability.

Regionally, Pakistan faces a resurgence of extremist groups along its border with Afghanistan, which has raised tensions with Taliban-led Afghanistan. Despite a declared ceasefire on the Line of Control in Kashmir in 2021, relations with India remain stagnant and vulnerable to crises that pose a threat to regional and international security. The presence and influence of China, as a great power and close ally of Pakistan, has both the potential to ameliorate and exacerbate various internal and external conflicts in the region.

USIP Pakistan program "by the numbers"

USIP’S Work

The U.S. Institute of Peace has conducted research and analysis and promoted dialogue in Pakistan since the 1990s, with a presence in the country since 2013. The Institute works to help reverse Pakistan’s growing intolerance of diversity and to increase social cohesion. USIP supports local organizations that develop innovative ways to build peace and promote narratives of inclusion using media, arts, technology, dialogues and education.

USIP works with state institutions in their efforts to be more responsive to citizens’ needs, which can reduce the use of violence to resolve grievances. The Institute supports work to improve police-community relations, promote greater access to justice and strengthen inclusive democratic institutions and governance. USIP also conducts and supports research in Pakistan to better understand drivers of peace and conflict and informs international policies and programs that promote peace and tolerance within Pakistan, between Pakistan and its neighbors, and between Pakistan and the United States.

USIP’s Work in Pakistan Includes:

Improving police-community relations for effective law enforcement

The Pakistani police have struggled with a poor relationship with the public, characterized by mistrust and mistreatment, which has hindered effective policing. USIP has partnered with national and provincial police departments to aid in building police-community relationships and strengthening policing in Pakistan through training, capacity building and social media engagement.

Building sustainable mechanisms for dialogue, critical thinking and peace education.

Nearly two-thirds of Pakistan’s population is under the age of 30. Youth with access to higher education carry disproportionate influence in society. However, Pakistan’s siloed education system does not allow interactions across diverse groups or campuses, leading to intolerance, and in some cases, radicalization. To tackle growing intolerance of diversity on university campuses, USIP has partnered with civil society and state institutions to support programs that establish sustainable mechanisms for dialogue, critical thinking and peace education.

Helping Pakistanis rebuild traditions of tolerance to counter extremists’ demands for violence

USIP supports local cultural leaders, civil society organizations, artists and others in reviving local traditions and discourses that encourage acceptance of diversity, promote dialogue and address social change. USIP also supports media production — including theater, documentaries and collections of short stories — which offer counter narratives to extremism and religious fundamentalism.

Support for acceptance and inclusion of religious minorities

Relations between religious communities in Pakistan have deteriorated, with some instances of intercommunal violence or other forms of exclusion. USIP supports the efforts of local peacebuilders, including religious scholars and leaders, to promote interfaith harmony, peaceful coexistence and equitable inclusion of minorities (gender, ethnic and religious) in all spheres of public life.

Supporting inclusive and democratic institutions

To help democratic institutions be more responsive to citizens, USIP supports technical assistance to state institutions and efforts to empower local governments, along with helping relevant civil society actors advocate for greater inclusion of marginalized groups. Gender has been a major theme of this effort and across USIP’s programming in Pakistan. These programs empower women in peacebuilding and democratic processes through research, advocacy and capacity building.

In a September 2022 visit to Washington DC, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari speaks to an audience of U.S. officials and policy experts. In his speech, Bhutto Zardari discussed the 2022 flooding that displaced 33 million in Pakistan and resulted in one-third of the country being underwater. The foreign minister called for a global response to the flooding that could build a system that would support the developing countries most vulnerable to climate disasters.

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Pakistan at 75: Learning from history to chart a better future

By Uzair Younus and Ilhan Niaz

Pakistan at 75: Learning from history to chart a better future

As it celebrates seventy-five years of independence, Pakistan today “requires a change in political thinking across the political class,” especially if the country is to chart a better future towards a hundred years of independence, says historian and author Dr. Ilhan Niaz. The alternative, he warns, may result in the “liquidation of the country” from which the elite political class draws their resources and identity. 

Dr. Ilhan Niaz, chair of the history department at Quaid-i-Azam University and author of The State During the British Raj: Imperial Governance in South Asia 1700-1947 has extensive experience studying the long history of South Asia and the legacy of the British Raj on the Indian subcontinent.

In this interview with Uzair Younus , Director of the South Asia Center’s Pakistan Initiative, Niaz discusses the role of the political class and Pakistan’s long historical trajectory into what he denotes a “decaying orbit.” He showcases that the crisis in Pakistan is fundamentally a crisis of identity—in terms of modernity versus Islam and democracy versus authoritarianism. 

Here are some key takeaways from the interview:

The struggle between modernity and religion 

  • According to Niaz, the struggle for Pakistan and the creation of a separate Muslim homeland is rooted in a modernist discourse that argued Muslims failed to keep up with the knowledge, science, military arts, and the ideological and political developments that had swept through the western world. 
  • However, after independence, he notes, the struggle for “Muslim modernism” as an approach to governance and organizing society withered away at an intellectual, administrative, social, and economic level.    
  • As such, Niaz argues that the history of Pakistan since 1947 is “an amalgam of a kind of regression towards primordial identities” that attempts to pack together elements of modernity in a religious discourse. Ultimately, “this crisis of our world view,” he notes, is the source of many of Pakistan’s problems since 1947. 

Pakistan’s great tragedy 

  • Throughout Pakistan’s history there have been many key inflection points that shaped its trajectory. According to Niaz, this led Pakistan to a situation where even though Pakistani leaders have been well advised by their advisors or civil servants, the short-term goals of the political class—which consists of politicians, judges, military officers, and bureaucrats—have led to “unwise decisions” that continue to overshadow and overpower decisions that would have been better for the country in the long-term. 
  • Ultimately, he argues, this is “Pakistan’s great tragedy.” The current trajectory was avoidable, especially considering that countries which started off in a worse position than Pakistan—and “inherited far worse from their colonial masters”—have done much better.

Military bureaucracy: A legacy of British colonial rule  

  • The dominance of military elites in Pakistan did not start with colonial rule, but rather goes back to the Mughal empire and other smaller and less successful kingdoms. However, Pakistan did disproportionately inherit a large military class from the British. 
  • This military class in Punjab and partly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Niaz adds, remains a “very strong source of support not only for military rule, but also for other types of authoritarian tendencies and experiments” that civilian leaders have opted for from time to time. In this regard, he argues that while the “authoritarian constituency” as a social group was something Pakistan inherited from the British, authoritarian tendencies in the region go back hundreds of years.  

The situation today is as grim as it seems 

  • While elite Pakistanis would like to believe that the country’s current situation is not as bad as it seems, that Pakistan has survived much worse, and that it will come out “alright” on the other side, Niaz showcases that this view is highly limited and flawed. 
  • He argues that Pakistan survived Partition, the mass migration, and war with India over Kashmir because those crises were met with effective responses. The idea that Pakistan was “alright” after the 1971 crisis with East Pakistan is simply unimaginable. The impact of that loss left a chronic set of political, economic, and administrative problems that Pakistan continues to tackle to today.
  • Ultimately it is essential to realize that while there is no doubt Pakistan deserves credit for having staggered through seventy-five years, “Pakistan is running out of countries to fall behind,” says Niaz. 

Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan’s governance structure 

  • Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan’s founder and first governor-general, envisioned Pakistan as a parliamentary democracy with a relatively strong central government that would implement reforms necessary to modernize the country.  
  • Pakistan, Niaz adds, has “paid an enormous price” for its continued attempts to tamper with the basic understanding of a parliamentary democracy. He argues that this debate surrounding Pakistan’s governance structure has produced a “very toxic political competition” where political elites spend the majority of their time with “unconstructive political conflicts” while the rest of the population, and their needs, remain neglected.  

Silver linings and hope for the future 

  • Looking back on the past seventy-five years, one source of pride and inspiration is Pakistan becoming a nuclear power. According to Niaz, the nuclear program gave Pakistan “a strategic weight” which continues to go well beyond what the country’s economic indicators otherwise merit. 
  • Regarding hope for the future, he contends that it lies with the youth. Whether it is the athletes that succeed without any government support or students in universities, the youth of Pakistan is no longer waiting for the government’s support to make things better in the country. And, this desire of the people is perhaps why Pakistan continues to function and, to some extent, have any social and economic stability.   

Watch the full interview below: 

essay on future of pakistan

The South Asia Center (SAC) is the hub for the Atlantic Council’s analysis of the political, social, geographical, and cultural diversity of the region. ​

At the intersection of South Asia and its geopolitics, SAC cultivates dialogue to shape policy and forge ties between the region and the global community.

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Published on End Poverty in South Asia

Shaping a brighter future for pakistan, illango patchamuthu, this page in:.

Pakistan needs to think big on investing in its people

Any country wanting economic growth to be sustained and fair needs to ensure it has a productive population. Nutrition, education, jobs, and skills are all key in a country where 23 million children are out of school and well over a third of its population is stunted  . And as importantly, Pakistan needs to make some big decisions on its growing population. Women in Pakistan have many more children than women elsewhere in South Asia or many peer countries.  Pakistan’s population could soon double to 400 million, overwhelming education and health services, and increasingly straining Pakistan’s natural resources.  Reducing the birthrate will also be good for the country’s development and allow women to work outside the home if they so wish. Female labor force participation in Pakistan is one of the lowest in the world, reducing the economic contribution that half of Pakistan’s population can make.  Pakistan’s people are its greatest asset, but only if the country is able to invest a lot more and a lot better in its children. The future Pakistan will need to manage its economy in a completely different way  . Today, Pakistan’s growth story is one of boom and bust. A few years of strong growth are always followed by a crisis. We are in the middle of such a crisis. To avoid such crises in the future, both the state’s revenue collection and its private sector must be strengthened. Efforts to broaden the tax net and bolster tax administration will permanently increase tax revenues without continuing to increase the burden on those already paying taxes. The country’s private sector needs to be made more competitive through an improved business environment, increased openness to trade and investment, and reforms in the energy sector  . Caring for the environment is a key concern. Water needs to be better managed. Today, more than 80% of Pakistan’s water irrigates crops that generate less than 5% of the economy, and much is wasted.  Better infrastructure, management, and pricing that reflects the cost of service and water’s scarcity will go a long way toward improving water efficiency. Efforts will also be needed to tackle air and water pollution, including how we use plastics. All of these will have to be underpinned by a governance framework that is transparent and fosters accountability in how Pakistan is run. Politicians and public leaders should be more aligned with citizen needs. Too often, we have seen policies being implemented that do not necessarily benefit the general population, but just a few. Some of the reforms, particularly those that redistribute rents from elites to the general population, will be difficult and encounter opposition. But, over the past three and a half years that I have been the World Bank’s Country Director for Pakistan, I have seen many things that make me hopeful: Committed and capable politicians and civil servants that have the interest of Pakistan’s people in their hearts; Strong institutions that have withstood turbulent times  ; A curious, dynamic and impatient youth population that wants to conquer the world; Families that work hard to give their children a better future; A private sector that can be world-class under the right circumstances; A courageous and charitable population that comes together as the need arises. The need is arising now to chart a new direction for the country. My most sincere hope is that when Pakistan looks back in 2047 when it turns 100 years old, it sees the years ahead of us as the years that enabled a bright future  . This article was originally published in Dawn Newspaper on March 18, 2019.

Illango Patchamuthu's picture

Country Director

Our aim is to build in collaboration with World Bank Of Pakistan,a fully financed "Global Business Incubation Center" facility covering all talents for identified Industrial/Business Segments where highly driven teams of Entrepreneurs can deliver for Businesses Globally. We have a facility of around 1,50,000 sq.ft High Tech Modern Tailor made Finishers for Showcase of Talent. We will provide a very conducive environment for Research and Business Development skills of Entrepreneurs while keeping their Small Scale Organization technically and financially backed by our Upstream Organizations from abroad. Warm regards Rana Usman Ali

How will Pakistan’s new government manage the US-China rivalry?

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif will need to play a delicate balancing game to secure desperately needed economic support from both powers amid their deepening strategic rivalry.

Sitara Noor

On March 3, Pakistan’s National Assembly elected Shehbaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) as prime minister for a second time, and tasked him with forming a new coalition government, following one of the most controversial elections in the country’s history.

The February 8 election was marred by allegations of large-scale rigging and military influence as well as delayed results. Such allegations and irregularities surrounding national votes are not unusual in Pakistan’s chequered democratic history, but this election cycle marked a new low as almost all political parties, albeit to different degrees, have raised rigging allegations, calling into question the legitimacy of the entire election process.

Going forward, the new government is going to face immense political pressure at home. Former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-I-Insaf (PTI) party, which was forced to field its candidates as independents after losing its election symbol, had emerged as the largest group in the National Assembly with 93 seats and is expected to continue agitating in parliament as well as the streets. The ruling PMLN’s primary coalition partner, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), meanwhile, made the calculated decision to abstain from taking a position within the government, leaving Prime Minister Sharif and his party solely accountable for the many challenges looming on the horizon.

With numerous domestic issues, including a faltering economy , unprecedented inflation and internal security, high on the agenda, the new government will be  likely have no time to waste on the foreign policy front. 

Of various urgent and important foreign policy challenges, the most significant and consequential challenge the new Sharif government will face is going to be maintaining Pakistan’s strategic autonomy, and balancing relations with the United States and China amid their escalating rivalry.

In his inaugural speech in the parliament, Sharif pledged that the country will not be part of any great game, implying that Pakistan will not align exclusively with either the US or China in their ongoing friction. Nonetheless, it is easier said than done, as the manoeuvring space for balancing relations with both global powers is fast shrinking.

The signs of troubled times were visible for quite some time, especially with consistently growing US criticism of Chinese investment projects in Pakistan under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project of China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The tensions stemming from efforts to strike a balance between relations with the US and China had reached a peak last year when Pakistan opted out of the virtual Democracy Summit co-hosted by US President Joe Biden after participating in the International Forum on Democracy in Beijing just a week earlier.

At the moment, the bilateral relationship between Pakistan and the US is on a downward spiral. The amount of American military and economic support to Pakistan is rapidly declining, especially since the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. Regardless of the shallow and seemingly transactional nature of bilateral relations , however, the US remains the largest export market for Pakistani goods. As such, the direction of the Pakistan-US relations has material consequences for Islamabad, especially with regard to the timely approval of the crucial next loan programme of the International Monetary Fund. In this context, the new Pakistani government is likely eager to improve this relationship and carry it beyond surface-level interactions.

The Biden administration’s apparent disinterest in alleged election irregularities in Pakistan serves as a tacit acknowledgement of its willingness to collaborate with the new government. Nevertheless, the Pakistan-US relationship is expected to remain at this current level for some time, as with the presidential elections now so close, Washington is unlikely to change direction or significantly alter its policies towards the region in the next few months.

This period of stagnation, however, could be an opportunity for the new Sharif government to prepare for the future, and devise a strategy that would allow the two countries to move their relationship to the next level, find new areas to collaborate and move past the transactional state of affairs.

All this does not mean Pakistan can afford to neglect its equally important bilateral relationship with China.

While assistance from the US is crucial for securing the next IMF deal, Pakistan also requires immediate financial support from China to stabilise its struggling economy. With mounting inflation, dwindling foreign exchange reserves, and the PMLN’s ambitious election pledge of achieving 5 percent gross domestic product (GDP) growth by the end of 2026, Pakistan’s need for Chinese aid and investment is increasingly urgent.

This is why many expect Sharif to make the first foreign trip of his second term in power to China. During his time in the opposition, Sharif severely criticised the PTI government for slowing work on projects tied to the China-led initiative. Therefore, his new government is likely to focus on reinvigorating these projects and securing additional Chinese investment into special economic zones (SEZs) for the successful culmination of the second phase of CPEC.

In addition to economic support, Pakistan relies on Chinese military assistance to fulfil its mounting defence needs. As the Indo-US strategic partnership continues to expand, Pakistan is poised to further deepen its defence and security ties with China. Chinese help is also crucial for Islamabad in managing relations with its western neighbours, Afghanistan and Iran.

However, the challenge for Pakistan’s new government lies in avoiding alignment with China at the expense of its equally important relationship with the US. Maintaining a delicate balance between the two is imperative for Pakistan’s diplomatic and strategic interests.

Many in Islamabad contend that Pakistan can still serve as a bridge between Washington and Beijing. Nonetheless, the deepening strategic rivalry between the US and China makes significant diplomatic successes, like Henry Kissinger’s Pakistan-facilitated secret visit to Beijing in 1971, much more difficult to achieve. Back then, Pakistan was successful in convincing the US secretary of state to get on a plane because Washington needed to stop China from getting closer to the Soviet camp in an already fraught Cold War environment. Today, in the eyes of the most important political players in Washington, China appears to have replaced Russia as the primary threat to the US. Thus, chances for Pakistan to facilitate a positive reconciliation between the two global powers, let alone a transformation of relations like the one it achieved in 1971, are almost nonexistent. Moreover, achieving such a diplomatic feat would necessitate political and economic stability at home, which is something the Sharif government definitely does not have at the moment.

For now, Islamabad’s foreign policy priority will be to play a balancing game and deepen relations with each global power as much as possible without upsetting the other.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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The Future Of Pakistan

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