domestic abuse social work dissertation

Social Workers' Conceptualisations of Domestic Violence and Abuse Against People with Learning Disabilities

Robb, Megan (2021) Social Workers' Conceptualisations of Domestic Violence and Abuse Against People with Learning Disabilities. Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) thesis, University of Kent,. (doi: 10.22024/UniKent/01.02.87150 ) ( KAR id:87150 )

Domestic violence and abuse (DVA) is a critical social, cultural and legal problem in the UK and worldwide. It is known that disabled people, both men and women, are twice as likely to experience DVA as their non-disabled peers. Since disabled people, including people with learning disabilities, may require care and support, it is likely that social work professionals working with adults will encounter people with learning disabilities who are victims of DVA. However, there is a paucity of empirical research studies in this area, leaving social workers with little to draw upon to inform their practice. Therefore, this thesis aims to explore how social workers practising with adults with learning disabilities understand and respond to DVA in their work. A qualitative research project was undertaken with 15 social workers practising with adults with learning disabilities. Semi-structured interviews, alongside vignette interviews, were utilised to gather data which was analysed using thematic analysis. The findings of the study indicate that social workers view victims with learning disabilities as vulnerable due to their individual life experiences, including how perpetrators responded to their disability. Yet the social workers in the sample did not routinely identify structural issues of oppression and how these impacted each victim's position within abusive relationships. Furthermore, the study suggests that social workers are often the professionals tasked with managing risk in cases of DVA where both the victim and perpetrator have a learning disability. The social workers questioned did not feel confident in this role. The conclusion of this study presents recommendations for social workers to improve their interventions with this service user group, suggesting that social workers should be given more support to manage these cases, including specialist training in the area of DVA to enable them to explore how issues of marginalisation impact the experiences of abuse. Finally, the study recommends that policy development should focus on developing pathways and guidance for working with vulnerable perpetrators, to assist social workers, and other professionals, to more effectively work with perpetrators who have a learning disability.

University of Kent Author Information

Robb, megan..

• Link to SensusAccess
• EPrints3 XML
• Depositors only (login required):

Total unique views for this document in KAR since July 2020. For more details click on the image.

Domestic violence & abuse: prevention, intervention and the politics of gender

This thesis foregrounds data from a survivor-led, qualitative study on domestic violence and abuse (DVA) prevention and intervention, set against the backdrop of UK austerity and the increasingly prominent political endorsement of a gender-neutral conceptualisation of DVA. The study charts how DVA prevention, victimhood and perpetration discourses might be productively reworked to shift the pervasive victim-blaming narratives patterning public understandings and intervention responses to DVA and violence against women (VAW). A key feature of this work entails expanding the scope of responsibility assigned to men for reducing DVA and men’s violence towards women, including within the context of the family. Using feminist, participatory based methods, the study elaborates a triangulated analysis of data from three participant groups: (i) women victim-survivors, (ii) women DVA practitioners, and (iii) ‘engaged men’ involved in efforts to address men’s violence. With analysis critically organised through the lens of the diverse lived experiences of victim-survivors, policy and practice implications are discussed in relation to four sociological domains: women’s lived experience of DVA; mothers and the family in which DVA is a feature; DVA, welfare reform and austerity; and men’s participation in the field of DVA or VAW. Analysis substantiates the imperative of earnestly listening to victim-survivors, and of recognising their experiences as a crucial component in the design of policy and sector responses to DVA. Accounts signal how typically gendered notions of ‘authentic victimhood’ are both routinely mobilised and fundamentally challenged, as victim-survivors engage in complex resistance work even in highly constrained and unsafe environments. Analysis also reveals the various ways in which welfare austerity exacerbates the harms associated with DVA, particularly for those living more marginal lives, closing down vital routes and opportunities for help-seeking and leave-seeking. The UK government’s commitment to tackling DVA is therefore severely undermined in this context. An examination of mothers’ experience of DVA further demonstrates how they are routinely failed by dominant (statutory) responses to DVA, cementing the urgent need for culture change and greater accountability and responsibility to be allocated to fathers who perpetrate DVA. Finally, data from across all three participant groups substantiates that men do and should have a role to play in addressing men’s violence towards women, at various scales, while also foregrounding the complexities associated with this work.

--> Final eThesis - complete (pdf) -->

Filename: WILD J._thesis_27Dec2020-correctversion.pdf

Embargo Date:

You do not need to contact us to get a copy of this thesis. Please use the 'Download' link(s) above to get a copy. You can contact us about this thesis . If you need to make a general enquiry, please see the Contact us page.

Domestic abuse and child protection: women’s experience of social work intervention

• Domestic abuse is rooted in gender inequality.
• Women are most often seen as primarily responsible for child safety, despite the perpetrators responsibility for harm and abuse.
• The social attitudes that fuel domestic abuse and attribute blame to women for men’s violence can also be present in social work practice.
• The context of abuse, and of coercive control, is often not understood by practitioners, resulting in inappropriate demands being placed on women by social workers.
• Women do not feel listened to and do not have their needs met appropriately by social workers.
• The threat of having children removed by social workers is acutely felt by women. Often this threat denies the efforts women have made to protect their child from abuse, and does not take into account the challenges and the increased risk of violence faced by women when leaving their abuser partner.
• A failure by social workers to recognise the context of women’s lives and respond appropriately can re-traumatise women who have already experienced abuse and trauma.

Introduction

This Insight examines how women’s narratives of their experience of domestic abuse and social work intervention in cases of child protection could inform practice in Scotland. While acknowledging that domestic abuse is experienced by both men and women, in all types of relationship, this review focuses on mothers experiencing abuse perpetrated by men. The literature suggests that women become more constrained and are under tighter surveillance in these cases. Practice assumptions by social workers can mirror the action of abusive male partners and the oppression of women in society. This review has drawn on both UK and international research. It evolved from the author’s final year dissertation for the social work degree course at the University of the West of Scotland.

Context for practice

The context for domestic violence in Scotland can be described as a society of systemic gender inequality. Inequality and gender stereotyping are reinforced through media, sports, education, pornography, legislation and religious teachings (McVey, 2015). Gender inequality is recognised as the significant context for domestic abuse:

Violence against women and girls can best be understood as a cause, and a consequence, of structural gender inequality. The framing of violence against women in terms of male privilege and power, and in terms of women’s economic inequality and lack of political representation is essential. (Women’s Aid, 2014)

This understanding of violence against women as being closely linked to structural gender inequality has been adopted by the Scottish Government through policy initiatives such as Equally Safe: Scotland’s Strategy for Preventing and Eradicating Violence against Women and Girls report (Scottish Government, 2014a). Scottish Government guidance suggests that, contained within gender inequality and assumptions about women’s roles, are the tactics of control used by men to strip away women’s freedoms within abusive relationships (Scottish Government, 2015a).The attitudes fuelling domestic abuse appear to run deep in society. One in four women will experience domestic abuse in their lifetime (Scottish Government, 2014a), while research shows that 50% of women with a disability will experience domestic abuse across the UK as a whole (Mogowan, 2004, cited in Gill, Thiara and Mullander, 2011).

Between 2014 and 2015, the Scottish Children’s Reporter received referrals regarding 2,742 children nationwide, on grounds they had a close connection to a perpetrator of domestic abuse. This was the third most reported ground for referral, following ‘lack of parental care’ and ‘offence related’ referrals (Scottish Children’s Reporter Administration, 2015). Children’s social work statistics for Scotland show that 2,882 children were recorded on local authority child protection registers in July 2014. The most common concerns for these children raised at case conference were parental substance misuse, emotional abuse and domestic abuse (Scottish Government, 2014).

Domestic abuse and child protection

The best interests of the child is a central consideration in practice with children. This approach is reflected in Scottish Government child protection guidance, ‘where a child is thought to be at risk of significant harm, the primary concern will be for their safety’ (Scottish Government, 2014b, p15). Clearly the focus is on children. However, this position becomes problematic where parents are held to account for childcare in a society characterised by gender inequality. Literature suggests that within a child protection context, women are most often seen as primarily responsible for protecting children, despite their partner’s responsibility in perpetrating abuse (Humphreys and Absler, 2011).

Social workers appear to struggle to find a balance between ensuring child safety and empowering women, while meeting the legal frameworks and local procedures for child protection (Keeling and Wormer, 2012). Research suggests practitioners initially related to women as victims, however, as time progressed and abuse continued workers made increasing demands of women to ensure child safety (Jenney and colleagues, 2014). The construction of mothers as being primarily responsible for childcare sets women up for blame for the perpetrator’s abusive actions, and renders the abusive partner’s behaviour invisible to social services (Mandel, 2010).

There have been significant developments in Scottish policy, policing and legislation regarding domestic abuse. The Equally Safe national strategy prioritises early and effective intervention for preventing violence. Highlighting the important role that third sector organisation such as Scottish Women’s Aid, ASSIST and Rape Crisis Scotland play in developing and providing services for women, the strategy also highlights the importance of partnership working between third sector and statutory agencies, for example, through Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conferences, or MARACs (Scottish Government, 2014a). The development of a single national police force, Police Scotland, has brought with it the establishment of the National Rape Task Force and the Domestic Abuse Task Forces (Scottish Government, 2015a). The introduction of the Abusive Behaviour and Sexual Harm (Scotland) Act 2016 includes provision for a specific aggravator for abusive behaviour toward a partner or ex-partner.

As part of its legislative program for 2016-17, the Scottish Government plans to introduce the Domestic Abuse Bill. This bill aims to develop new legislation which ‘will ensure that psychological abuse, such as coercive and controlling behaviour, can be effectively prosecuted under the criminal law’ (Scottish Government, 2016, p11). The hope of many respondents to government consultation on criminal law reform is that the creation of a specific offence could help end a victim blaming culture (Scottish Government, 2015b).

The experience of domestic abuse

Coercive control.

Domestic abuse is often described as a pattern of violence and coercive control. Coercive control is used as a strategy to gain the service of women and reinforce male dominance. Tactics of control most often target the default roles assigned to women as homemakers, sexual partners and mothers, in order to establish a regime of dominance over women (Stark, 2013).

This theory of control shifts attention away from characteristics of abuse as solely physical, and helps dispel the myth that women have sufficient autonomy to end abusive relationships between conspicuous episodes of violence. Wiesz and Wiersma (2011) found that nearly two thirds of respondents to their survey agreed that if mothers experienced domestic violence more than once and did not find a way to stop the violence, then this was neglectful to children. This denies the difficulties women experience in leaving their partners.

Coercive control comprises four main tactics: violence, intimidation, isolation and control. Control and isolation are used to limit resources and supports for women and to micro-manage women’s behaviour. Often involving the dictation of rules and behaviours that women must follow, coercive control can mean that women feel watched and controlled at all times, even when the perpetrator is not present (Stark, 2013). The women in Kelmendi’s (2015) study described physical and emotional violence, intimidation, threats against children and other family members, insults, isolation and name-calling. The Duluth model of power and control is a useful illustration of the characteristics of coercive control (Domestic Abuse Intervention Programs, 2011) [fig. 1 & 2 below].

The impact of abuse

Women often described how their experience of abuse impacted on their wellbeing and ability to live full lives. Many of the women in the research described mental health issues that developed as a result of the abuse they experienced, often resulting in depression, anxiety and suicidal thoughts. Many women were afraid that their abusers would use knowledge of their mental health difficulties against them (Sullivan and Hagen, 2005). Women often discussed how the impact of abuse had led to engaging in substance misuse. These women often felt overwhelmed and depressed and felt unable to change their situations without support (Hughes, Chau and Poff, 2011). Despite women consistently aiming to put the care of their children first, women often felt they had lost control of their mothering due to the impact of abuse (Lapierre, 2010). However, practitioners should be cautious of viewing women only as helpless victims. Stark (2013) suggests that a reframing of social work intervention can develop a strength perspective that recognises and builds on the courage it takes to survive coercive control.

The process of leaving

Women’s narratives highlight competing issues compelling women either to stay or to leave abusive relationships. Many reported leaving their partners multiple times before making the final decision to end the relationship. Women stated that a desire to keep the family together, the best interests of their children; and a lack of social and financial support as reasons why they stayed in abusive relationships (Kelmendi, 2015). Themes of love and loss were also discussed in the literature. Messing, Mohr and Durfee (2015) examined women’s experiences of leaving through the adaptation of models of grief, where women experienced stages of denial, isolation, anger, indecision, depression and acceptance, as they went through the process of leaving.

Many women in the literature identified that leaving, and seeking support to leave, greatly increased the risk of harm from the perpetrator. Research has shown that 76% of women killed by their partner were killed in the first year following separation (Brennan, 2016). Asking women to leave their partner can increase the risk of violence. In the first few years post-separation, women faced three main barriers to recovery: post-separation violence; continued control through contact visits between children and abusive perpetrators; and the lack of safe, secure accommodation (Katz, 2015).

The experience of social work intervention

A small proportion of women in the literature found social work intervention helpful (for example, Ghaffar, Manby and Race’s, 2012) and several interlinking themes emerged to help inform practice. However, Hughes, Chau and Poff (2011) found that only three out of sixty-four women spoke positively about intervention, stating that social workers listened to them and provided appropriate supports.

Women’s needs

Women found social work to be unhelpful during intervention in a number of areas. Women found that the long-term impact of abuse, such as mental health and substance misuse difficulties, were not recognised by workers (Ghaffar, Manby and Race, 2012). Despite social work involvement, often women did not receive support for substance misuse (Hughes, Chau and Vokrri, 2015). Women who had a disability reported that social workers often focused on their disability and failed to recognise abusive behaviour, unless the women herself made a disclosure (Gill, Thiara, and Mullander, 2011). Researchers have also suggested that the complex nature of black and ethnic minority women’s experiences of racial, gendered and sexual oppression, is often not fully considered in policy or practice (Gill, 2013).

Women often felt blamed by social work, reporting that they had been told that it was them who had put children at risk by continuing to stay with an abusive partner (Keeling and Wormer, 2012). Women’s narratives reveal a complex relationship with blame. Some women felt that their own background of being in care was used against them during child protection considerations (Hughes, Chau and Poff, 2011). Many others found that the lack of social work intervention with abusive partners implicitly placed blame of harm to children on women themselves (Jenney and colleagues, 2014).

Women stated that social workers did not take the context of their abuse into account and were told that they must leave their partners or their children would be removed (Hughes Chau and Poff, 2011). In many cases, mothers became too angry or too paralysed with fear and emotion to move forward (Bundy-Fazioli, Brair-Lawson and Hadrian, 2009). Women demonstrated that the interventions they received fundamentally missed what they needed: recognition of their strengths in mothering, and time and support to help them make the changes required (Hughes, Chau and Vokrri, 2015).

Women appreciated workers who took time to understand the context of their lives and assessed the ‘real story’ (Jenney and colleagues, 2014). However, researchers also found that few women felt listened to or understood, and subsequently did not feel supported. (Hughes, Chau and Poff, 2011). Women also struggled with how much of the truth to provide, sometimes fearful of the consequences of intervention, and often presenting an appearance of cooperation, while not fully disclosing violence (Jenney and colleagues, 2014). This suggests several levels of discourse for women; personal narratives that acknowledge the ‘truth’ while constructing the self, the desired future self, and protecting themselves against violence.

Micro-aggressions

Responding to those who have experienced trauma with denial, minimisation or stigmatisation can compound the original experience of trauma. A failure to respond to women appropriately can lead to re-traumatisation. Micro-aggressions are subtle forms of verbal and non-verbal communication that intentionally or unintentionally reinforce structural disadvantage and oppression of marginalised individuals (Balsam and colleagues, 2011; cited in Liegghio and Caragata, 2016). Researchers have considered micro-aggression as an invisible form of interpersonal violence. Examples of micro-aggressions perpetrated by professionals include: minimising the issues affecting individuals, failing to consider the role of gender, reinforcing stereotypical roles, and making inappropriate recommendations that deny the realities of the service user. An understanding of this subtle action of values and language can help practitioners respond in a more helpful way [fig. 3].

Intersectionality

Nixon and Humphreys (2010) suggest that a reframing of domestic violence should draw on interlocking patterns of class, race, gender, disability and sexuality. They argue that by drawing on intersectional theory, workers can challenge violence against women while developing a culturally and historically sensitive understanding of individual women’s different experiences. Women’s narratives suggest that intersecting issues and oppressions relating to domestic abuse affect their stress and ability to cope with parenting (Hughes, Chau and Vokrri, 2015). Intersectionality is a useful tool to develop a fuller understanding of the situation faced by women and identify their needs [fig. 4 & 5].

Implications for practice

The research suggests that workers should listen to women, avoid threats and blame, focus on perpetrators behaviour, meet women’s needs and work to increase women’s capacity for safety, freedom and child care.

Avoid normative assumptions that reproduce the oppression of women

Social workers should develop an understanding of coercive control and explore the misconceptions surrounding domestic abuse. Social workers may need training and guidance in order to develop appropriate responses to women (Wiesz and Wiersma, 2011). Liegghio and Caragata (2016) recommend training and education in a safe environment where social workers can have the opportunity to reflect on prejudices and assumptions, so that micro-aggression can be made visible.

Develop a shared narrative with women

The research highlights the importance of listening to women and developing a clear picture of women’s own understanding of their situation. Holland and colleagues (2014) suggest promoting change through motivational interviewing; perhaps acknowledging that many women will be experiencing the process of change or loss and struggle with denial or ambivalence (Messing, Mohr and Durfee, 2015). When the assessment of women’s strengths in parenting are more inclusive, identifying and validate their efforts, better partnership working is ensured (Mandel, 2010).

Meeting women’s needs better protects women and children

The literature suggests a complex interplay of factors that make up women’s experiences. Practitioners should examine the intersecting oppressions and issues women experience, and work to address women’s needs, such as addictions and mental health issues, financial difficulties and the need for safety. As national guidance for child protection suggests, the most effective way to protect children is to support the non-abusing parent (Scottish Government, 2014b). Practitioners could consider a staged approach for engagement with women [fig. 6].

Avoid blame and focus on the perpetrator’s harmful behaviour

Mandel (2010) advocates using the framework of coercive control to inform assessment, by examining the perpetrator’s pattern of coercive control and the actions he has taken that have harmed women and children. By explicitly addressing perpetrators behaviour, workers may help women to address any sense of blame that has been placed upon them (Jenney and colleagues, 2014).

Assess the impact of coercive control on families and parenting

A framework for child assessment is well established in Scotland in the form of the GIRFEC National Practice Model (Scottish Government, 2016). A complementary framework, such as the Safer and Together model (Mandel, 2010) or the assessment tools developed by the Saver Lives charity (Safer Lives, 2016) might help to identify the impact of coercive control on women’s parenting. These approaches can inform existing child assessment frameworks, such as the My World Triangle, which assesses parents’ ability to meet the needs of the child (Scottish Government, 2016) [fig. 7].

Avoid threats and coercion

Practitioners should avoid making demands that deny the challenges faced by women and that could increase the risk of harm. While planning for intervention, workers should consider the risks that women might identify in terms of the consequences of any proposed action or intervention (Jenney and colleagues, 2014). Social workers may face many dilemmas while working in partnership with women and following statutory responsibilities to protect children. Mandel (2010) suggests that in most cases, risk posed to children by an abusive partner can be mitigated by intervention with the perpetrator and working in partnership with women. However, he suggests that in some cases the risk from the perpetrator remains so high that social work services must take action to protect the child. He also suggests that it may be difficult to collaborate with women if they deny, or do not recognise, the risk posed by the perpetrator towards the child.

Social workers have a role to play in helping women to recognise abuse. Once this recognition has taken place, work can begin to reconnect women to the resources, supports and opportunities needed to overcome coercive control (Stark, 2013).

The experiences of women highlight multiple layers of oppression and unmet need, difficult power-relationships and a general misunderstanding of the issues facing women experiencing domestic abuse. The literature suggests that practice that is sensitive to women’s needs and focuses on perpetrator behaviour can better protect women and children, and empower women to recognise abuse and work towards change. Women’s narratives of their experiences suggest that such an approach is possible with relatively small changes to the language and behaviour of social work services. However, a deeper more challenging shift may need to take place in training and awareness development, which might challenge the assumptions and beliefs of social workers.

• Brennan, D (2016) Femicide census, profiles of women killed by men: redefining an isolated incident
• Bundy-Fazioli, K, Brair-Lawson, K and Hardiman, E (2009) A qualitative examination of power between child welfare workers and parents, British Journal of Social Work , 39, 144–1474
• Domestic Abuse Intervention Programs (2011) Duluth Wheel Gallery
• Gill, A, Thiara, R and Mullander, A (2011) Disabled women, domestic violence and social care: the risk of isolation, vulnerability and neglect, British Journal of Social Work , 41,148–165
• Gill, A (2013) Intersecting inequalities: implications for addressing violence against black and minority ethnic women in the United Kingdom. In: Lombard, N and McMillan, L, Violence against women: current theory and practice in domestic abuse, sexual violence and exploitation , London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers
• Ghaffar, W, Manby, M and Race, T (2012) Exploring the experiences of parents and carers whose children have been subject to child protection plans, British Journal of Social Work , 42, 887–905
• Holland, S, Forrester, D, Williams et al (2014) Parenting and substance misuse: understanding accounts and realities in child protection contexts, British Journal of Social Work , 44, 1491–1507
• Hughes, J, Chau, S and Poff, D (2011) “They’re not my favourite people”: what mothers who have experienced intimate partner violence say about involvement in the child protection system, Children and Youth Services Review , 33, 1084–1039
• Hughes, J, Chau, S and Vokrri, L (2015) Mothers’ narratives of their involvement with child welfare services , Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work , 31, 3
• Humphreys, C and Absler, D (2011) History repeating: child protection responses to domestic violence, Child and Family Social Work , 16, 464–473
• Jenney, A et al (2014) Doing the right thing? (Re) Considering risk assessment and safety planning in child protection work with domestic violence cases, Children and Youth Services Review , 47, 92–101
• Katz, E (2015) Recovery-promoters: way in which children and mother support one another’s recoveries from domestic violence, British Journal of Social Work , 45, 1, 153–169
• Keeling, J and Wormer, K (2012) Social worker interventions in situations of domestic violence: what we can learn from survivors’ personal narratives, British Journal of Social Work , 42, 1354–1370
• Kelmendi, K (2015) Domestic violence against women in Kosovo: a qualitative study of women’s experiences, Journal of Interpersonal Violence , 30, 4, 680–702
• Lapierre, S (2010) More responsibilities less control: understanding the challenges and difficulties Involved in mothering in the context of domestic violence, British Journal of Social Work , 45(1), 153–169
• Liegghio, M and Caragata, L (2016) “Why are you talking to me like I’m stupid?”: the micro-aggressions committed within the social welfare system against lone mothers, Affilia: The Journal of Women and Social Work , 31, 1, 7–23
• Mandel, D (2010) Child welfare and domestic violence: tackling the themes and thorny questions that stand in the way of collaboration and improved child welfare practice, Violence Against Women , 16, 5, 530–536
• McVey, G (2015) Responding to violence against women
• Messing, J, Mohr, R and Durfee, A (2015) Intimate partner violence and women’s experience of grief, Child and Family Social Work , 20, 30–39
• Nixon, J and Humphreys, C (2010) Marshalling the evidence: using intersectionality in the domestic violence frame, Social Politics , 17, 2, 137–158
• Safe Lives (2016) Knowledge Hub
• Scottish Children’s Reporter Administration (2015) Online statistics 2014–15
• Scottish Government (2014) Children’s social work statistics Scotland, 2012–13
• Scottish Government (2014a) Equally Safe: Scotland’s strategy for preventing and eradicating violence against women and girls
• Scottish Government (2014b) National guidance for child protection in Scotland 2014
• Scottish Government (2015a) Equally Safe – reforming the criminal law to address domestic abuse and sexual offences. Scottish Government Consultation Paper
• Scottish Government (2015b) Reforming the criminal law to address domestic abuse and sexual offences: analysis of consultation responses
• Scottish Government (2016) A plan for Scotland: the government’s program for Scotland 2016–17
• Scottish Government (2016) National practice model
• Stark, E (2013) Coercive control. In: Lombard, N and McMillan, L (eds.), Violence against women: current theory and practice in domestic abuse, sexual violence and exploitation , London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers
• Scottish Parliament (2016) Abusive Behaviour and Sexual Harm (Scotland) Act 2016, Asp 22
• Sullivan, C and Hagan, L (2005) Survivors’ opinions about mandatory reporting of domestic violence and sexual assault by medical professionals, Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work , 20, 3, 346–361
• Weisz, A and Wiersma, R (2011) Does the public hold abused women responsible for protecting children?, Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work , 26, 4, 419–430
• Women’s Aid (2014) Scottish NGO briefing for UN special rapporteur on violence against women

Acknowledgements

The content of this Insight was reviewed by Lyndsey Byrne (East Lothian Health and Social Care Partnership, Children’s Service), Neil MacLeod (Scottish Social Services Council), Louise Moore (Women and Children First, Renfrewshire Council), Lesley O’Donnell, (NHS Education for Scotland), Marsha Scott (Scottish Women’s Aid) and colleagues from Scottish Government. Comments represent the views of reviewers and do not necessarily represent those of their organisations. Iriss would like to thank the reviewers for taking the time to reflect and comment on this publication.

Featured in the collection: Domestic abuse

Using evidence for change: domestic abuse

Working with domestic abuse in families with children

Service response to domestic abuse during COVID-19

ESSS Outline

Adolescent to parent violence and abuse

Language and service provision surrounding abuse in Scotland

Safe and Together approach

Iriss on...Safe and Together approach

Related resources.

Room 130, Spaces 1 West Regent Street Glasgow G2 1RW

[email protected]

• Hannah Martin
• Ian Phillip
• Jeanette Sutton
• Jon Dimmick
• Kerry Musselbrook
• Louise Bowen
• Stuart Muirhead
• Our governance
• Be an associate
• Job vacancies
• Our priority areas
• Our innovation model
• Partner with us
• Current work
• Iriss podcast
• Case studies
• Learning materials
• Student research

Edinburgh Research Archive

•   ERA Home
• Social and Political Sciences, School of
• Social Work

Social Work thesis and dissertation collection

By Issue Date Authors Titles Subjects Publication Type Sponsor Supervisors

Search within this Collection:

Copyright and all rights therein are retained by authors or by other copyright holders. All persons copying this information are expected to adhere to the terms and constraints invoked by each author's copyright. In most cases, these works may not be reposted without the explicit permission of the copyright holder.

Recent Submissions

Critiquing the presence and absence of children and young people's participation in policies for looked after children in scotland , interrogating the ethics of telecare services: a conceptual framework for dementia home care professionals , forever home the complexity of adoption breakdown in scotland , exploring experiences of children who migrate to delhi: understanding gender and space , looking after grandchildren: the motivation, pattern, and the impact of intergenerational engagements on grandparents in rural china , topping up the tank: enhancing the emotional resilience of social workers in local authority adult services , intergenerational transmission of the effects of maternal childhood adversities via poor infant outcomes , contributing to the development of social pedagogy in the uk: a case study at 'santiago 1' residential care home in spain , helping the 'problem child' become loveable again a discourse analysis on childhood adhd in switzerland and implications for social work , health needs and services for refugee women and children in uganda’s settlements: articulating a role for social work , unpicking social work practice skills: an interactional analysis of engagement and identity in a groupwork programme addressing sexual offending , turkish fathering today: an enquiry and discussion arising from the views of turkish fathers and turkish young people , twenty first century contact: young people in care and their use of mobile communication devices and the internet for contact , quickening steps: an ethnography of pre-birth child protection , low income employment in dhaka: women’s lives, agency and identity , partnership, power and policy: a case study of the scottish partnership on domestic abuse , feedback systems, interaction analysis, and counselling models in professional programmes , the participation of looked after children in permanency planning , everyday social work practice: listening to the voices of practitioners , quality of life experiences of parents of children with autism in scotland .

Home » Blog » Dissertation » Topics » Domestic Violence » Domestic Violence Dissertation Topics (29 Examples) For Research

Domestic Violence Dissertation Topics (29 Examples) For Research

Mark Jun 15, 2020 Jun 13, 2020 Domestic Violence No Comments

Domestic violence affects millions of people around the world and creates an unsafe and toxic environment at home. It has long-lasting psychological, physical, and emotional effects on the victim. The students willing to carry out research on domestic violence have visited the right site. We have a list of some of the most interesting domestic […]

Domestic violence affects millions of people around the world and creates an unsafe and toxic environment at home. It has long-lasting psychological, physical, and emotional effects on the victim. The students willing to carry out research on domestic violence have visited the right site. We have a list of some of the most interesting domestic violence dissertation topics.

Selecting the right topic from the list of research topics on domestic violence is the first step. We can help you in writing a proposal and dissertation on your selected project topic on domestic violence. We offer the right resources to conduct academic research.

List of Domestic violence dissertation topics

Studying the effects of domestic and societal violence on the health and wellbeing of women.

A literature review on males of different age groups facing domestic violence.

Investigating the psychological effects of sexual and domestic violence on young children.

Exploring the key triggers of domestic violence in the United States.

To study the laws and regulations to protect people against domestic violence in developing countries.

A literature review on intimate partner violence.

Conceptualising domestic violence for working women.

Can psychiatric treatment help in overcoming the trauma of domestic violence.

Studying the emotional factors associated with domestic violence.

A literature review on the theoretical perspectives and concepts related to domestic violence.

Comparing child abuse and elder abuse.

Evaluating the impact of domestic violence on young children in the family.

Exploring the relationship between domestic violence in young age and growing up as criminals.

Analysing the concept of batter women syndrome in the context of domestic violence.

Analysing domestic violence in the light of human rights.

To what extent law and order can reduce the rate of domestic violence – a theoretical analysis.

Evaluation of the role of the police system in protecting people against domestic violence.

Impact of racial and ethnic background on domestic violence.

Investigating the recent initiatives taken by the government of the UK to suppress domestic violence.

Analysing domestic violence faced by older adults in the family.

A comparative analysis of domestic violence in rural and urban families.

Studying and comparing the different types of domestic violence.

Identifying the effective measures to eliminate domestic violence based on an analysis of the current laws in different countries proven to provide stability.

Exploring the common patterns and identifying the gaps in legislation in the context of domestic violence.

To study the role of media in creating awareness of domestic violence.

Implications of domestic violence during pregnancy on the mother and the child.

Evaluation of male domestic violence in developed countries.

Impact of women financial empowerment on domestic violence taking a global perspective.

A systematic review of a survivor of domestic violence recovering from trauma – a case study approach.

Topic With Mini-Proposal (Paid Service)

Along with a topic, you will also get;

• An explanation why we choose this topic.
• 2-3 research questions.
• Key literature resources identification.
• Suitable methodology with identification of raw sample size, and data collection method
• View a sample of topic consultation service

Get expert dissertation writing help to achieve good grades

• Writer consultation before payment to ensure your work is in safe hands.
• Free topic if you don't have one
• Draft submissions to check the quality of the work as per supervisor's feedback
• Free revisions
• Complete privacy
• Plagiarism Free work
• Guaranteed 2:1 (With help of your supervisor's feedback)
• 2 Instalments plan
• Special discounts

Other Posts

Message Us On WhatsApp

• [email protected]

Home » Blog » Dissertation » Topics » Domestic Violence » 80 Domestic Violence Research Topics

80 Domestic Violence Research Topics

FacebookXEmailWhatsAppRedditPinterestLinkedInAre you a student searching for impactful research topics on domestic violence? Look no further. Domestic violence is a critical societal issue that affects individuals and families worldwide. Conducting research in this field is not only essential for raising awareness but also for developing effective strategies and interventions to address this pervasive problem. Whether you […]

Are you a student searching for impactful research topics on domestic violence? Look no further. Domestic violence is a critical societal issue that affects individuals and families worldwide. Conducting research in this field is not only essential for raising awareness but also for developing effective strategies and interventions to address this pervasive problem.

Whether you are pursuing a degree in social sciences, psychology, criminology, or gender studies, exploring domestic violence research topics can provide you with valuable insights into the causes, consequences, and prevention of intimate partner violence. From examining the role of cultural factors to investigating the impact of intervention programs, the list of potential research topics is extensive. By selecting a topic aligned with your interests and expertise, you can make a meaningful contribution to the field of domestic violence research while promoting social change and advocating for the rights and safety of survivors.

This post highlights the importance of domestic violence research, its impact on society, and the potential for students to contribute to the field. It also emphasizes the diverse range of research topics available and the opportunity to make a positive difference in addressing this critical issue.

A List Of Potential Research Topics In Domestic Violence:

• Examining the role of police responses and policies in domestic violence cases.
• The influence of social class and inequality on domestic violence rates in the UK.
• The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on domestic violence rates and support services.
• Analyzing the effectiveness of legal and justice system responses to domestic violence.
• Examining the role of trauma-informed care in supporting domestic violence survivors.
• Investigating the role of faith-based organizations in supporting domestic violence survivors.
• The impact of economic factors on domestic violence rates and dynamics.
• Investigating the impact of domestic violence on housing instability and homelessness.
• Analyzing the experiences of domestic violence survivors from diverse cultural backgrounds.
• Examining the effectiveness of community-based programs in preventing domestic violence.
• How has the COVID-19 pandemic affected the effectiveness and availability of intervention programs for domestic violence?
• How has the shift to remote work and increased time spent at home affected domestic violence incidents?
• Examining the role of restorative justice in healing and rehabilitation for domestic violence offenders.
• What lessons can be learned from the pandemic to improve future responses and interventions for domestic violence?
• Exploring the experiences of male perpetrators in domestic violence intervention programs.
• How has the shift to online platforms and technology impacted domestic violence, including cyber abuse?
• Exploring the experiences of domestic violence survivors in accessing support services.
• How has the COVID-19 pandemic impacted the prevalence and dynamics of domestic violence?
• Examining the role of social support networks in domestic violence situations.
• What are the challenges faced by domestic violence survivors in accessing support services during the pandemic?
• Analyzing the long-term consequences of domestic violence on survivors’ physical health.
• Investigating the role of technology and cyber abuse in domestic violence incidents.
• Examining the impact of gun control policies on domestic violence rates and severity.
• What are the effects of lockdown measures on domestic violence rates and patterns?
• What are the experiences and needs of domestic violence survivors in a post-COVID-19 world?
• Exploring the relationship between domestic violence and animal abuse.
• Examining the experiences of immigrant women as victims of domestic violence in the UK.
• Examining the role of substance abuse in domestic violence incidents.
• Exploring the role of gender norms and stereotypes in domestic violence incidents in the UK.
• Examining the experiences of children exposed to domestic violence in the UK context.
• Analyzing the impact of domestic violence on parenting practices and child-rearing strategies.
• Exploring the experiences and needs of individuals with disabilities as victims of domestic violence.
• Analyzing the impact of domestic violence on reproductive health and family planning.
• Exploring the experiences and needs of male victims of domestic violence in the UK.
• Analyzing the effectiveness of civil protection orders and restraining orders in domestic violence cases.
• Analyzing the impact of austerity measures on domestic violence support services in the UK.
• Exploring the experiences of male victims of domestic violence and their help-seeking behaviors.
• How has the economic impact of the pandemic influenced domestic violence rates and severity?
• Exploring the experiences of older adults as victims or perpetrators of domestic violence.
• Exploring the link between domestic violence and mental health disorders.
• How has the COVID-19 pandemic impacted the intersectionality of domestic violence, including race, ethnicity, and socio-economic status?
• Exploring the effectiveness of prevention and awareness campaigns in combating domestic violence in the UK.
• Exploring the effectiveness of online counseling and support services for domestic violence survivors.
• Investigating the role of community education and awareness campaigns in preventing domestic violence.
• The influence of drug and alcohol abuse on domestic violence incidents in the UK.
• Investigating the role of faith-based organizations in supporting domestic violence survivors in the UK.
• Examining the role of healthcare professionals in identifying and responding to domestic violence.
• Analyzing the impact of social housing policies on domestic violence survivors in the UK.
• How has the pandemic shaped societal attitudes and responses towards domestic violence?
• Analyzing the experiences and needs of immigrant survivors of domestic violence.
• Investigating the role of technology-facilitated abuse in domestic violence cases in the UK.
• Analyzing the role of religious or cultural beliefs in perpetuating or challenging domestic violence.
• What are the long-term mental health consequences for domestic violence survivors in the aftermath of the pandemic?
• The impact of domestic violence on children’s mental health and development.
• Investigating the impact of domestic violence on academic achievement and educational outcomes.
• How have the strained healthcare systems during the pandemic affected the identification and support of domestic violence victims?
• Exploring the intersectionality of domestic violence and race/ethnicity.
• What are the unique risks and vulnerabilities for domestic violence victims during the post-COVID recovery phase?
• What role can technology and innovative solutions play in preventing and addressing domestic violence in the post-COVID era?
• The influence of cultural norms and attitudes on domestic violence in different societies.
• Analyzing the effectiveness of restorative justice approaches in domestic violence cases.
• Examining the experiences and needs of marginalized communities in domestic violence situations.
• Investigating the impact of domestic violence on the workplace and employee well-being.
• Exploring the impact of childhood exposure to domestic violence on future relationship patterns.
• Exploring the prevalence and patterns of domestic violence among LGBTQ+ individuals.
• The influence of coercive control in intimate partner violence relationships.
• Analyzing the role of masculinity and gender norms in intimate partner violence.
• Investigating the impact of economic empowerment programs on domestic violence survivors’ financial independence.
• Analyzing the effectiveness of multi-agency collaborations in addressing domestic violence in the UK.
• Investigating the role of social media in perpetuating or combating domestic violence.
• The impact of COVID-19 on domestic violence rates and responses in the UK.
• The influence of social and economic empowerment on domestic violence prevention.
• Examining the role of bystander intervention in preventing domestic violence.
• The effectiveness of domestic violence legislation and policies in the UK.
• Investigating the effectiveness of trauma-focused therapies for domestic violence survivors.
• Exploring the intersectionality of domestic violence in the UK, considering race, ethnicity, and social identity.
• Investigating the impact of early intervention and prevention programs in schools.
• What are the impacts of disrupted education and social support systems on domestic violence dynamics?
• Investigating the effectiveness of intervention programs for domestic violence offenders.
• Examining the role of social workers in providing support and advocacy for domestic violence survivors.

These topics cover various aspects of domestic violence research, including its causes, consequences, prevention, intervention, and the experiences of different populations. They provide ample opportunities for students to delve into this important field of study and contribute to understanding and addressing domestic violence.

Order Domestic Violence Dissertation Now!

External Links:

• Download domestic violence dissertation sample for your perusal

Research Topic Help Service

Get unique research topics exactly as per your requirements. We will send you a mini proposal on the chosen topic which includes;

• Research Statement
• Research Questions
• Key Literature Highlights
• Proposed Methodology
• View a Sample of Service

Ensure Your Good Grades With Our Writing Help

• Talk to the assigned writer before payment
• Get topic if you don't have one
• Multiple draft submissions to have supervisor's feedback
• Free revisions
• Complete privacy
• Plagiarism Free work
• Guaranteed 2:1 (With help of your supervisor's feedback)
• 2 Installments plan
• Special discounts

Other Posts

WhatsApp us

• International edition
• Australia edition
• Europe edition

We won’t stop violence against women with conversations about respect. This is not working. We need to get real

Victims and their families are at their wits’ end. We owe it to them to throw everything at this national crisis

It’s happening again.

Another run of alleged domestic violence homicides has horrified the nation, and the media is again searching for answers.

The specific cases remain subject to ongoing investigation. Speaking generally, when the questions turn to prevention, the answers from politicians and prevention agencies are almost uniform:

“We need to have better conversations with our boys about respect.”

“We need men to step up.”

“We need to change harmful gender norms and attitudes so that we can stop this violence before it starts.”

“Everyone has a role to play in ending gendered violence.”

Hearing these messages I’m struck by a nauseating sense of cognitive dissonance. In one breath we are facing a national crisis, and in the next our solution is to call out “disrespect” and challenge harmful gender norms.

But these aren’t just stock answers or platitudes. They articulate our national prevention strategy, which focuses on changing the underlying social drivers of gendered violence by addressing harmful attitudes.

The problem with this strategy is that it outsources its results to future generations. Even the major prevention agencies driving this work say we can’t expect to see results anytime soon. Indeed, in the most recent national community attitudes survey , there had been no improvement in attitudes towards domestic violence since 2017.

We’re not getting this right. When it comes to prevention, we owe more to victims and their families – past, present and future.

For the past five years, I’ve toured across Australia speaking on coercive control at hundreds of events for communities, frontline workers, health workers, magistrates, police and lawyers. I’ve listened to the fears and frustrations of thousands of victim-survivors and frontline workers in places such as Darwin, Wagga, Shepparton and Hobart. The frontline workers consistently say that sexual violence and coercive control cases are becoming more complex and severe. They are clear about the connections between harmful, unregulated industries like mainstream porn and gambling, and they are desperate for more resources to work with children.

Victim-survivors are at their wits’ end. They’re trying to restart their lives, find housing and help their kids heal from the trauma inflicted by the perpetrator, even as he continues to torment, stalk and dominate them though systems such as child support and the family law courts. They wonder how on earth they can prevent their kids becoming victims or perpetrators themselves. But what can they do? Support for child survivors is inadequate, especially in regional areas.

They need us to do better at prevention. They need us to throw everything we’ve got at it.

Over the past year, I have worked with Prof Michael Salter on a white paper called Rethinking Primary Prevention . In it we argue that prevention (or “primary prevention”, as it’s officially known) cannot and should not be limited to whole-of-population strategies. We simply cannot rely on a prevention strategy that is not expected to show results for decades.

Instead, we recommend that state and federal government prioritise innovative, results-based prevention strategies that will be accountable for reducing violence over the short, medium and long term.

In our white paper, we identify four missing pieces of the prevention puzzle.

1. Accountability and consequences – for perpetrators and systems that enable them – is prevention

We need to stop violent and controlling people from continuing to use violence and coercive control against their current partner, their next partner and their next partner. There is a lot to do to make police and the courts protective for victim-survivors. But accountability and consequences are not solely the domain of the justice system; in many cases, other consequences will be more meaningful and effective. For example, when the major banks detect persistent financially abusive behaviour, they are now suspending, cancelling or denying the offender access to their account. There are so many opportunities to introduce accountability and consequences across the systems weaponised by perpetrators, from child support to Centrelink and the family courts. Abusers should be identified by these systems and face consequences, instead of being allowed to carry on with impunity.

2. Recovery is prevention

Child abuse and neglect – including growing up with coercive control, being physically or sexually abused and being shamed or neglected by parents – are accelerants to adult victimisation and perpetration. The work done on preventing child abuse, preventing violence against women, and healing from trauma and abuse all needs to be linked. We need to properly resource the frontline to work with child survivors so they can properly heal.

3. Regulating damaging industries (including porn, gambling, alcohol and social media) is prevention

We all have a role to play in ending gendered violence, but those roles and responsibilities are not equal. For example, 14-year-old boys do not have the same responsibility for ending gendered violence as, say, the owners of TikTok or PornHub. We know young people feel that pornography is normalising sexual practices that girls and women describe as painful or unpleasant, and mainstreaming dangerous practices such as non-fatal strangulation.

The sexual violence sector is seeing this in their caseloads: services often say victims are getting younger and showing up with more severe injuries. We should not be afraid of regulating these industries, and the federal government should advance the eSafety commissioner’s strong recommendation to set age verification limits for online porn.

In our current prevention approach, the private sector is predominantly engaged in terms of education and training to create safe and respectful workplaces. That’s important, but there is no mention of business models that are actually causing or exacerbating gendered violence. We need to get serious about the impact of certain industries – particularly gambling and alcohol – on the severity and impact of perpetration. Even if we don’t consider problem gambling or alcohol to be the cause of family violence or coercive control and simply see them as exacerbating factors, isn’t it incumbent on us to tackle exacerbating factors, especially those that lead to more severe physical injuries? Our leaders say they want men to step up. Let’s see them take on these vested interests and show the country what “stepping up” really looks like.

4. Structural improvements to gender equality, such as the single parenting payment, is prevention

About 60% of single mothers have escaped domestic abuse. Even after they leave a controlling partner, our systems make it almost impossible for them to be safe. We need to reform our systems – from family law to child support and child protection – to vouchsafe their freedom, safety and independence.

Education and efforts to change social attitudes is also prevention. We should properly fund the excellent school programs teaching students about consent and respectful relationships. But we should also acknowledge that this work has long-term change in its sights.

Perhaps the Albanese government’s commitment to ending violence against women and children in a single generation is unrealistic and unattainable.

But I say let’s take this government at its word. Let’s see them match their stated ambition with world-leading actions to stop perpetrators in their tracks.

In Australia, the national family violence counselling service is on 1800 737 732. In the UK, call the national domestic abuse helpline on 0808 2000 247, or visit Women’s Aid . In the US, the domestic violence hotline is 1-800-799-SAFE (7233). Other international helplines may be found via www.befrienders.org .

• Violence against women and girls
• Law (Australia)

Most viewed

Victor Mukhin

• Scientific Program

Title : Active carbons as nanoporous materials for solving of environmental problems

However, up to now, the main carriers of catalytic additives have been mineral sorbents: silica gels, alumogels. This is obviously due to the fact that they consist of pure homogeneous components SiO2 and Al2O3, respectively. It is generally known that impurities, especially the ash elements, are catalytic poisons that reduce the effectiveness of the catalyst. Therefore, carbon sorbents with 5-15% by weight of ash elements in their composition are not used in the above mentioned technologies. However, in such an important field as a gas-mask technique, carbon sorbents (active carbons) are carriers of catalytic additives, providing effective protection of a person against any types of potent poisonous substances (PPS). In ESPE “JSC "Neorganika" there has been developed the technology of unique ashless spherical carbon carrier-catalysts by the method of liquid forming of furfural copolymers with subsequent gas-vapor activation, brand PAC. Active carbons PAC have 100% qualitative characteristics of the three main properties of carbon sorbents: strength - 100%, the proportion of sorbing pores in the pore space – 100%, purity - 100% (ash content is close to zero). A particularly outstanding feature of active PAC carbons is their uniquely high mechanical compressive strength of 740 ± 40 MPa, which is 3-7 times larger than that of  such materials as granite, quartzite, electric coal, and is comparable to the value for cast iron - 400-1000 MPa. This allows the PAC to operate under severe conditions in moving and fluidized beds.  Obviously, it is time to actively develop catalysts based on PAC sorbents for oil refining, petrochemicals, gas processing and various technologies of organic synthesis.

Victor M. Mukhin was born in 1946 in the town of Orsk, Russia. In 1970 he graduated the Technological Institute in Leningrad. Victor M. Mukhin was directed to work to the scientific-industrial organization "Neorganika" (Elektrostal, Moscow region) where he is working during 47 years, at present as the head of the laboratory of carbon sorbents.     Victor M. Mukhin defended a Ph. D. thesis and a doctoral thesis at the Mendeleev University of Chemical Technology of Russia (in 1979 and 1997 accordingly). Professor of Mendeleev University of Chemical Technology of Russia. Scientific interests: production, investigation and application of active carbons, technological and ecological carbon-adsorptive processes, environmental protection, production of ecologically clean food.   

Quick Links

• Conference Brochure
• Tentative Program

• {{region.title}}
• Others (a full list)

{{region_detail.title}} back

{{region_detail.text}}

• {{person.title}}
• {{organization.title}}

{{person_detail.title}} back

{{person_detail.text}}

{{organization_detail.title}} back

{{organization_detail.text}}

coming soon

{{series.title}}.

{{series.description | limitTo:140}}

March 27, 2024

Russian offensive campaign assessment, march 27, 2024.

March 27, 2024, 5:10pm ET

Click here to see ISW’s interactive map of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This map is updated daily alongside the static maps present in this report.

Click here to see ISW’s 3D control of terrain topographic map of Ukraine. Use of a computer (not a mobile device) is strongly recommended for using this data-heavy tool.

Click here to access ISW’s archive of interactive time-lapse maps of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. These maps complement the static control-of-terrain map that ISW produces daily by showing a dynamic frontline. ISW will update this time-lapse map archive monthly.

Note: The data cut-off for this product was 2:15pm ET on March 27. ISW will cover subsequent reports in the March 28 Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment.

The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU) released its 38th report on the human rights situation in Ukraine on March 26, confirming several of ISW’s longstanding assessments about Russia’s systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in occupied territories and towards Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs). [1] The HRMMU report details activities between December 1, 2023 and February 29 2024, and includes new findings about Russia’s abuse of Ukrainian POWs during this timeframe, based on interviews with 60 recently released male POWs. [2] Nearly all of the POWs that HRMMU interviewed detailed how they were tortured by Russian forces with beatings and electric shocks and threatened with execution, and over half of the interviewees experienced sexual violence. HRMMU also reported that it has evidence of Russian forces executing at least 32 POWs in 12 different incidents during the reporting period and independently verified three of the executions. ISW observed open-source evidence of several POW executions during this reporting period: the execution of three Ukrainian POWs near Robotyne, Zaporizhia Oblast on December 27, 2023; the execution of one Ukrainian POW near Klishchiivka, Donetsk Oblast on February 9, 2024; the executions of three Ukrainian POWs near Robotyne, the execution of six Ukrainian POWs near Avdiivka, Donetsk Oblast, and the executions of two Ukrainian POWs near Vesele, Donetsk Oblast on or around February 18, 2024; and the execution of nine Ukrainian POWs near Ivanivske, Donetsk Oblast, on February 25. [3] The summary execution and mistreatment of POWs is a violation of Article 3 of the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War. [4] The HRMMU report also details the forced Russification of Ukrainian populations in occupied areas, including the imposition of Russian political, legal, and administrative systems onto occupied Ukraine in violation of Russia’s international legal obligations as an occupying power. [5] ISW has reported at length on the specifics of Russia’s illegal occupation of Ukraine, consistent with the findings of the UN HRMMU report. [6]

Russian officials are tying the US and the West to a broader set of “terrorist” attacks against Russia following the Crocus City Hall attack, likely to intensify rhetoric about alleged Western and Ukrainian threats to generate greater domestic support for the war in Ukraine. The Russian Investigative Committee and Prosecutor General’s Office stated on March 27 that they will consider an appeal from the Russian State Duma to investigate American and Western financing and organization of terrorist attacks against Russia. [7] The Russian Investigative Committee, Prosecutor General’s Office, and the Duma Deputies that made the appeal did not explicitly reference the Crocus City Hall attack. [8] Kremlin officials have previously tied Ukraine and the West to the Crocus City Hall attack but have yet to make a formal accusation, and the Kremlin may refrain from issuing an official accusation as all available evidence continues to show that the Islamic State (IS) is very likely responsible for the attack. [9] Russian officials routinely describe Ukrainian military strikes against legitimate military targets in occupied Ukraine and Russia as terrorism and consistently claim that Western actors help organize these strikes. [10] The Kremlin likely aims to seize on wider Russian social fears and anger following the Crocus City Hall attack by portraying Ukraine, the US, and the West as immediate terrorist threats. The Kremlin likely hopes that perceptions of Ukrainian and Western involvement in the Crocus City Hall attack will increase domestic support for the war in Ukraine, and Russian officials will likely invoke a broader view of what they consider terrorism to further cast Ukrainians as terrorists and the West as a sponsor of terrorism. [11] The Kremlin may still formally accuse Ukraine of conducting the Crocus City Hall attack if it believes that these other informational efforts are insufficient to generate the domestic response it likely desires. [12]

Russian authorities are increasing legal pressure against migrants in Russia following recent Russian officials’ proposals for harsher, measures against migrant communities in response to the March 22 Crocus City Hall attack. BBC News Russian Service stated that there has been a significant increase in the number of cases related to violations of the rules of entry for foreign citizens into Russia following the Crocus City Hall attack. [13] BBC News Russian Service reported on March 27 that 784 such cases have been registered since the morning of March 25, as compared with 1,106 during the entire previous week. A Russian lawyer who often works with Tajik citizens reportedly told BBC News Russian Service that over 100 people waited for a Moscow district court to hear their cases on March 25 alone and that Russian authorities are especially targeting migrants from Tajikistan during searches. BBC News Russian Service reported that representatives of the Tajik diaspora in Russia are expecting Russian authorities to conduct a large wave of deportations following the Crocus City Hall attack. A Russian insider source claimed on March 27 that unspecified actors gave the Moscow Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) an “unspoken” order to “not spare” migrants and for MVD employees to use their own judgement in the field. [14] The insider source claimed that a source suggested that Russian authorities are not preparing to conduct raids on migrant communities but will apply the “strictest measures” to migrants in “controversial situations.” Kremlin newswire TASS stated on March 27 that Russian police and Rosgvardia conducted a raid at the Wildberries warehouse in Elektrostal, Moscow Oblast to check the documents of migrant workers, and Russian opposition outlet Baza reported that Russian authorities detained 21 people during the raid. [15] Several Russian ultranationalist milbloggers complained that the way Russian-language schools in Tajikistan are teaching about Russia’s historical imperial occupation of Tajikistan is discouraging Tajik migrants from integrating into Russian society, essentially blaming migrants for the alienation that Russian society subjects them to. [16] Select Russian officials recently called for the introduction of several anti-migrant policies, which Russian authorities are unlikely to enact given Russia’s reliance on migrants for its force generation and labor needs. [17] Russian authorities may continue the practice of raiding migrant workplaces and increase crackdowns at border crossings to temporarily placate emotional cries for retribution following the March 22 attack as the Kremlin continues to develop a cogent and practical response.

Key Takeaways:

• The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU) released its 38th report on the human rights situation in Ukraine on March 26, confirming several of ISW’s longstanding assessments about Russia’s systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in occupied territories and towards Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs).
• Russian officials are tying the US and the West to a broader set of “terrorist” attacks against Russia following the Crocus City Hall attack, likely to intensify rhetoric about alleged Western and Ukrainian threats to generate greater domestic support for the war in Ukraine.
• Russian authorities are increasing legal pressure against migrants in Russia following recent Russian officials’ proposals for harsher, measures against migrant communities in response to the March 22 Crocus City Hall attack.
• Russian forces recently made confirmed advances near Avdiivka and southwest of Donetsk City on March 27.
• Russian Storm-Z personnel continue to complain about their poor treatment by the Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) as the MoD tries to posture efficacy in its force generation and social benefit allocation system.

We do not report in detail on Russian war crimes because these activities are well-covered in Western media and do not directly affect the military operations we are assessing and forecasting. We will continue to evaluate and report on the effects of these criminal activities on the Ukrainian military and the Ukrainian population and specifically on combat in Ukrainian urban areas. We utterly condemn Russian violations of the laws of armed conflict and the Geneva Conventions and crimes against humanity even though we do not describe them in these reports.  

• Russian Main Effort – Eastern Ukraine (comprised of two subordinate main efforts)
• Russian Subordinate Main Effort #1 – Capture the remainder of Luhansk Oblast and push westward into eastern Kharkiv Oblast and encircle northern Donetsk Oblast
• Russian Subordinate Main Effort #2 – Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast
• Russian Supporting Effort – Southern Axis
• Russian Air, Missile, and Drone Campaign
• Russian Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts
• Russian Technological Adaptations
• Activities in Russian-occupied areas
• Ukrainian Defense Industrial Base Efforts

Russian Information Operations and Narratives

• Significant Activity in Belarus

Russian Main Effort – Eastern Ukraine

Russian Subordinate Main Effort #1 – Luhansk Oblast (Russian objective: Capture the remainder of Luhansk Oblast and push westward into eastern Kharkiv Oblast and northern Donetsk Oblast)

Positional engagements continued along the Kupyansk-Svatove-Kreminna line on March 27, but there were no confirmed changes to the frontline in this area. Ukrainian and Russian sources stated that positional engagements continued northeast of Kupyansk near Synkivka and Lake Lyman; southeast of Kupyansk near Ivanivka; west of Kreminna near Terny and Yampolivka; and south of Kreminna near Bilohorivka. [18] Russian milbloggers claimed that Russian forces advanced near Terny, but ISW has not observed visual confirmation of this claim. [19] Chechen Republic Head Ramzan Kadyrov stated that elements of the Chechen Akhmat Spetsnaz “Aida” detachment are operating near Bilohorivka. [20]

Ukrainian officials reported that Russian forces struck Kharkiv City with a D-30 universal joint glide munition (UMPB), a guided glide bomb, on March 27. [21] Ukrainian officials noted that the strike was the first Russian glide bomb strike against Kharkiv City since the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022. [22] Ukrainian Kharkiv Oblast Military Administration Head Oleh Synehubov stated that the UMPB D-30 has a range of up to 90 kilometers and that Russian forces can launch the bomb from aircraft or ground-based Smerch multiple rocket launch systems (MLRS). [23] Russian forces struck Myrnohrad, Donetsk Oblast with three UMPB D-30SN guided glide bombs on March 10. [24]

Russian Subordinate Main Effort #2 – Donetsk Oblast (Russian objective: Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast, the claimed territory of Russia’s proxies in Donbas)

Russian forces reportedly advanced west of Bakhmut, although there were no confirmed changes to the frontline in the area on March 27. Russian milbloggers claimed that Russian forces advanced west of Bakhmut along a railway line and a section of the O0506 (Khromove-Chasiv Yar) highway by 1.15 kilometers in depth and 1.85 kilometers in width. [25] A Russian milblogger claimed that elements of the 98th Airborne (VDV) Division are advancing near Ivanivske and are within 500 meters of the city limits of Chasiv Yar (west of Bakhmut). [26] Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu credited elements of the Russian 102nd Motorized Rifle Regiment (150th Motorized Rifle Division, 8th Combined Arms Army [CAA], Southern Military District [SMD]) with seizing Ivanivske on March 24, although ISW has yet to observe visual evidence confirming that Russian forces have seized Ivanivske. [27] Positional fighting continued northeast of Bakhmut near Vesele; northwest of Bakhmut near Bohdanivka; west of Bakhmut near Ivanivske; southwest of Bakhmut near Klishchiivka and Andriivka; and south of Bakhmut near Shumy and Pivdenne. [28] A Ukrainian military observer reported that Russian forces have intensified transfers of equipment and personnel along ground lines of communication (GLOCs) through Kadiivka, Pervomaisk, and Popasna (all east of Bakhmut), but did not specify the destination of these transfers. [29] Kadiivka, Pervomaisk, and Popasna all lie along the T0504 Luhansk City-Bakhmut highway that runs directly from the Russian rear in occupied Luhansk Oblast into Bakhmut, however.

Russian forces recently advanced west of Avdiivka amid continued positional fighting in the area on March 27. Geolocated footage published on March 27 indicates that Russian forces recently advanced within Berdychi (northwest of Avdiivka) and in Orlivka (west of Avdiivka). [30] Russian milbloggers claimed that Russian forces entered Semenivka (northwest of Avdiivka) and are attacking Ukrainian positions within the settlement but that Ukrainian forces are actively counterattacking in the area. [31] A Russian milblogger claimed that Russian forces advanced 200 meters west of Orlivka on the western bank of the Durna River, 200 meters west of Tonenke (west of Avdiivka), 200 meters in the direction of Umanske (west of Avdiivka), 300 meters south of Tonenke towards Pervomaiske (southwest of Avdiivka), and 100 meters south of Nevelske (southwest of Avdiivka). [32] ISW has not observed visual confirmation of these claims. Positional fighting continued northwest of Avdiivka near Berdychi and Semenivka; west of Avdiivka near Orlivka, Tonenke, and Umanske; and southwest of Avdiivka near Vodyane, Nevelske, and Pervomaiske. [33]

Russian forces recently advanced southwest of Donetsk City amid continued positional fighting west and southwest of Donetsk City on March 27. Geolocated footage published on March 27 indicates that Russian forces recently advanced within central Novomykhailivka (southwest of Donetsk City). [34] Positional fighting continued west of Donetsk City near Heorhiivka and Krasnohorivka and southwest of Donetsk City near Novomykhailivka and Pobieda. [35] Elements of the Russian 5th Motorized Rifle Brigade (1st Donetsk People’s Republic [DNR] Army Corps [AC]) are reportedly operating near Krasnohorivka. [36]

Positional engagements continued south of Velyka Novosilka near Staromayorske and Urozhaine in the Donetsk-Zaporizhia Oblast border area on March 27. [37]

Russian Supporting Effort – Southern Axis (Russian objective: Maintain frontline positions and secure rear areas against Ukrainian strikes)

Positional engagements continued in western Zaporizhia Oblast on March 27, but there were no confirmed changes to the frontline. Positional engagements continued near Robotyne, near Mala Tokmachka (northeast of Robotyne), northeast of Novoprokopivka (south of Robotyne), and northwest of Verbove (east of Robotyne). [38] Elements of the Russian 71st Motorized Rifle Regiment (42nd Motorized Rifle Division, 58th Combined Arms Army [CAA], Southern Military District [SMD]) reportedly continue operating within Robotyne. [39]

Positional engagements continued in east (left) bank Kherson Oblast, including near Krynky, on March 27. [40]

Russian Air, Missile, and Drone Campaign (Russian Objective: Target Ukrainian military and civilian infrastructure in the rear and on the frontline)

Russian forces conducted a series of drone and missile strikes against Ukraine on the night of March 26 to 27 and on March 27. The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Russian forces launched 13 Shahed-136/131 drones from Kursk Oblast and that Ukrainian forces shot down 10 drones over Kharkiv, Sumy, and Kyiv oblasts on the night of March 26 to 27. [41] Ukrainian officials reported that Russian drones struck civilian infrastructure in Izyum, Kharkiv Oblast. [42] Ukrainian Kharkiv Oblast Head Oleh Synehubov stated that a Russian Kh-35U subsonic anti-ship cruise missile struck Kharkiv City on the morning of March 27. [43] Ukraine’s Eastern Air Command reported that Ukrainian forces shot down an unspecified Russian cruise missile over Dnipropetrovsk Oblast on March 27. [44] Ukrainian officials stated that Russian forces struck an industrial enterprise in Mykolaiv City with an Iskander-M ballistic missile on the afternoon of March 27. [45]

Ukraine’s Southern Operational Command Spokesperson Colonel Nataliya Humenyuk stated that Russian forces have stored “several dozen” Zircon missiles in military facilities in occupied Crimea. [46] Ukrainian Air Force Spokesperson Major Ilya Yevlash stated that Ukrainian air defense systems, such as Patriot and SAMP/T systems, can intercept Zircon missiles when they slow down to about 3,700 kilometers per hour on approach to a target. [47]

Russian Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts (Russian objective: Expand combat power without conducting general mobilization)

Russian Storm-Z personnel continue to complain about their poor treatment by the Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) as the MoD tries to present the efficacy of its force generation and social benefit allocation system. Russian opposition outlet Mobilization News posted a video appeal from Storm-Z fighters from Kaluga Oblast on March 27 wherein one fighter claimed that after signing contracts with the Russian MoD, Russian command sent a Storm-Z unit of 230 people to the frontline, of whom only 38 survived combat. [48] The Storm-Z fighter complained that he has been unable to receive combat veteran status or promised payments from the Russian authorities for his service. [49] Mobilization News released another video on March 27 wherein relatives of killed and wounded Storm-Z fighters complain to Russian President Vladimir Putin that Russian authorities have not issued the Storm-Z fighters combat status or granted payments in the event of their death or injury in Ukraine. [50] The relatives of the Storm-Z fighters blamed the Russian MoD and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu for the poor treatment and lack of benefits for Storm-Z fighters. The Russian MoD relies heavily on Storm-Z recruits from penal colonies to carry out costly infantry-led frontal assaults against Ukrainian positions and is very unlikely to address complaints concerning their poor treatment. The Russian MoD claimed on March 27 that it is issuing electronic combat veteran certificates and streamlining and digitizing the process for veterans to obtain payments and social benefits — but these privileges evidently do not apply evenly to all personnel who have signed contracts with the Russian MoD. [51]

Russian news outlet Vedemosti reported that US-sanctioned Russian company Baikal Electronics is struggling to domestically package semiconductor chips to produce processors and that over half of its domestically produced processors are defective. [52] Vedemosti reported that Baikal Electronics began to experiment with domestically packaging chips in Russia at the end of 2021 and that outdated equipment and a lack of experienced employees caused the large amount of processor defects.

Russian Technological Adaptations (Russian objective: Introduce technological innovations to optimize systems for use in Ukraine)

Russian drone developer Albatross LLC told Kremlin newswire TASS that Russian forces used the Albatross M5 long-range reconnaissance drones to guide aviation and artillery strikes while repelling recent pro-Ukrainian Russian raids into Belgorod Oblast. [53] Albatross LLC noted that the modernized Albatross M5 drone has a maximum range of 60-80 kilometers.

Russian state news outlet RIA Novosti reported that Russian T-72B3, T-72B3M, T-80BVM, and T-90M tanks operating in Ukraine use Reflex-M guided weapon systems with the Invar-M/M1 anti-tank guided missiles to strike Ukrainian and Western-made vehicles. [54]

Ukrainian Defense Industrial Efforts (Ukrainian objective: Develop its defense industrial base to become more self-sufficient in cooperation with US, European, and international partners)

ISW is not publishing coverage of Ukrainian defense industrial efforts today.

Activities in Russian-occupied areas (Russian objective: Consolidate administrative control of annexed areas; forcibly integrate Ukrainian citizens into Russian sociocultural, economic, military, and governance systems)

ISW is not publishing coverage of activities in Russian-occupied areas of Ukraine today.

Russian officials are weaponizing international responses to the Crocus City Hall attack to accuse the West of espousing Russophobic policies and to baselessly blame Ukraine of involvement in the attack. Russian Ambassador to Austria Dmitry Lyubinsky claimed on March 27 that while the Austrian government reacted to the Crocus City Hall attack, it did not use the words “terrorist attack” or condemn the attack. [55] Lyubinsky accused Austria of having “taken a very special position in its hypocrisy” and a “daze of permissiveness” towards Ukraine and reiterated the Kremlin narrative baselessly connecting Ukraine to the attack. Russian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Maria Zakharova reported that Russia has received 24-hour non-stop words of support from around the globe following the attack, but immediately pivoted to accuse Ukraine of involvement in the attack and blame NATO members of monopolizing the global fight against terror. [56]

Significant activity in Belarus (Russian efforts to increase its military presence in Belarus and further integrate Belarus into Russian-favorable frameworks and Wagner Group activity in Belarus)

Nothing significant to report.

Note: ISW does not receive any classified material from any source, uses only publicly available information, and draws extensively on Russian, Ukrainian, and Western reporting and social media as well as commercially available satellite imagery and other geospatial data as the basis for these reports. References to all sources used are provided in the endnotes of each update.

[1] https://ukraine.un.org/sites/default/files/2024-03/2024-03-26%20OHCHR%2038th%20Periodic%20Report.pdf

[2] https://ukraine.un.org/en/264368-un-says-russia-continues-torture-execute-ukrainian-pows

[3] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-february-20-2024 ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-february-18-2024 ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-february-10-2024 ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-january-3-2024 ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-february-20-2024 ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-december-27-2023

[4] https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/geneva-convention-relative-treatment-prisoners-war

[5] https://ukraine.un.org/sites/default/files/2024-03/2024-03-26%20OHCHR%2038th%20Periodic%20Report.pdf

[6] https://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/24-210-01%20ISW%20Occupation%20playbook.pdf

[7] https://t.me/tass_agency/240300 ; https://t.me/astrapress/52521 ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240322

[8] https://ria dot ru/20240327/rassledovanie-1936142056.html ; https://meduza dot io/news/2024/03/27/deputaty-gosdumy-potrebovali-ot-sk-rassledovat-akty-terrorizma-kotorye-ssha-sovmestno-so-stranami-nato-i-spetssluzhbami-ukrainy-osuschestvlyayut-v-rossii

[9] https://isw.pub/UkrWar032324 ; https://isw.pub/UkrWar032424 ; https://isw.pub/UkrWar032524 ; https://isw.pub/UkrWar032624

[10] https://t.me/tass_agency/239253%C2%A0;%C2%A0https://isw.pub/UkrWar020624%C2%A0;%C2%A0https://isw.pub/UkrWar031824%C2%A0 ; https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/putin-calls-ukrainian-attack-belgorod-terrorism-promises-more-strikes-2024-01-01/ ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-march-23-2024 ; https://isw.pub/RusCampaignOct10

[11] https://isw.pub/UkrWar032324

[12] https://isw.pub/UkrWar032324

[13] https://t.me/bbcrussian/62850

[14] https://t.me/vchkogpu/47045

[15] https://t.me/bazabazon/26432 ; https://t.me/bazabazon/26440 ; https://meduza dot io/news/2024/03/27/politsiya-i-rosgvardiya-priehali-s-reydom-na-sklad-wildberries-v-podmoskovnoy-elektrostali-u-rabotnikov-proveryayut-dokumenty-nekotoryh-uvozyat-v-voenkomat ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240303 ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240290

[16] https://t.me/rybar/58588 ; https://t.me/notes_veterans/16295 ; https://t.me/historiographe/12011 ; https://t.me/voenacher/63252

[17] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-march-26-2024 ; https://understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-march-24-2024

[18] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4XDTQiRjiVX25K4Tmx6tT6GCypPhjw8tmKBZAmRa5jaETbGl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89ixKbv1WzZE2LqsgMcXwngSeHHpRjAXoaR3esPk1eCxZiZ8l ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37036 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025 ; https://t.me/luhanskaVTSA/17835 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025

[19] https://t.me/dva_majors/38313 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8702

[20] https://t.me/RKadyrov_95/4620

[21] https://suspilne dot media/714544-zelenskij-zminiv-sekretara-rnbo-zvit-oon-sodo-stracenih-ukrainskih-polonenih-763-den-vijni-onlajn/?anchor=live_1711553688&utm_source=copylink&utm_medium=ps ; https://armyinform dot com.ua/2024/03/27/boyeprypas-yakym-rosiyany-vdaryly-po-harkovu-mozhe-letity-na-vidstan-do-90-km-oleg-synyegubov/

[22] https://suspilne dot media/714544-zelenskij-zminiv-sekretara-rnbo-zvit-oon-sodo-stracenih-ukrainskih-polonenih-763-den-vijni-onlajn/?anchor=live_1711553688&utm_source=copylink&utm_medium=ps; https://armyinform dot com.ua/2024/03/27/boyeprypas-yakym-rosiyany-vdaryly-po-harkovu-mozhe-letity-na-vidstan-do-90-km-oleg-synyegubov/

[23] https://armyinform dot com.ua/2024/03/27/boyeprypas-yakym-rosiyany-vdaryly-po-harkovu-mozhe-letity-na-vidstan-do-90-km-oleg-synyegubov/

[24] https://isw.pub/UkrWar031024

[25] https://t.me/RVvoenkor/64758; https://t.me/basurin_e/10068 ; https://t.me/rusich_army/13845

[26] https://t.me/rusich_army/13845

[27] https://t.me/mod_russia/37029 ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-march-23-2024

[28] https://t.me/mod_russia/37044 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37051 ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4kHDoHuABYPPUB5vnfakuyQw21x2MKXQ1fcsLqAgYeuSQVWl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4XDTQiRjiVX25K4Tmx6tT6GCypPhjw8tmKBZAmRa5jaETbGl; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89ixKbv1WzZE2LqsgMcXwngSeHHpRjAXoaR3esPk1eCxZiZ8l ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8702 ; https://t.me/negumanitarnaya_pomosch_Z/16170 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025 ; https://t.me/rusich_army/13845 ;

[29] https://t.me/samotniyskhid/4868

[30] https://t.me/creamy_caprice/4888; https://t.me/kultshturmovika_ukraine/1773 ; https://t.me/creamy_caprice/4889; https://t.me/c/1595839251/3625; https://x.com/GeoConfirmed/status/1772981767139430744?s=20

[31] https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8702 ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38373 ; https://t.me/negumanitarnaya_pomosch_Z/16183 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8724 ; https://t.me/rybar/58575

[32] https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8720

[33] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4XDTQiRjiVX25K4Tmx6tT6GCypPhjw8tmKBZAmRa5jaETbGl; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89ixKbv1WzZE2LqsgMcXwngSeHHpRjAXoaR3esPk1eCxZiZ8l ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4kHDoHuABYPPUB5vnfakuyQw21x2MKXQ1fcsLqAgYeuSQVWl ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37044 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37051 ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38313 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8720 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8702 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025 ; https://t.me/voenkorKotenok/55225

[34] https://t.me/tivaz_artillery/3650; https://t.me/creamy_caprice/4893

[35] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4kHDoHuABYPPUB5vnfakuyQw21x2MKXQ1fcsLqAgYeuSQVWl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4XDTQiRjiVX25K4Tmx6tT6GCypPhjw8tmKBZAmRa5jaETbGl; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89ixKbv1WzZE2LqsgMcXwngSeHHpRjAXoaR3esPk1eCxZiZ8l ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38313 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025 ; https://t.me/boris_rozhin/118101 ; https://t.me/voenkorKotenok/55225

[36] https://t.me/boris_rozhin/118105

[37] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4XDTQiRjiVX25K4Tmx6tT6GCypPhjw8tmKBZAmRa5jaETbGl; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89ixKbv1WzZE2LqsgMcXwngSeHHpRjAXoaR3esPk1eCxZiZ8l ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37044 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37052 ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4kHDoHuABYPPUB5vnfakuyQw21x2MKXQ1fcsLqAgYeuSQVWl

[38] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4kHDoHuABYPPUB5vnfakuyQw21x2MKXQ1fcsLqAgYeuSQVWl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4XDTQiRjiVX25K4Tmx6tT6GCypPhjw8tmKBZAmRa5jaETbGl; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89ixKbv1WzZE2LqsgMcXwngSeHHpRjAXoaR3esPk1eCxZiZ8l ; https://t.me/SJTF_Odes/7591 ; https://t.me/rybar/58575 ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38313 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8715 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8692 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025

[39] https://t.me/batalyon15/4045

[40] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4XDTQiRjiVX25K4Tmx6tT6GCypPhjw8tmKBZAmRa5jaETbGl; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89ixKbv1WzZE2LqsgMcXwngSeHHpRjAXoaR3esPk1eCxZiZ8l ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38313

[41] https://t.me/kpszsu/12330

[42] https://t.me/pgo_gov_ua/22717 ; https://armyinform.com dot ua/2024/03/27/vijska-rf-atakuvaly-izyum-shahedamy-poshkodzheno-gimnaziyu-poraneno-ohoronczya/ ; https://t.me/synegubov/8827?single

[43] https://t.me/synegubov/8827

[44] https://www.facebook.com/pvkshid/posts/pfbid0LGmUtBDdzmxud8zZ23FDoN8eKarYJkLS6YrsSUzB62HVo7uSrXWhxPxnnzAhuSUyl

[45] https://t.me/mykolaivskaODA/8840 ; https://t.me/dsns_mykolaiv/4948 ; https://t.me/SJTF_Odes/7600

[46] https://armyinform.com dot ua/2024/03/27/u-sylah-oborony-povidomyly-pro-kilkist-rosijskyh-czyrkoniv-u-krymu/

[47] https://armyinform.com dot ua/2024/03/27/u-povitryanyh-sylah-povidomyly-pro-sposoby-zbyttya-rosijskyh-czyrkoniv/

[48] https://t.me/mobilizationnews/18111

[49] https://t.me/mobilizationnews/18111

[50] https://t.me/mobilizationnews/18114

[51] https://t.me/mod_russia/37031

[52] https://www.severreal.org/a/bolshe-poloviny-rossiyskih-protsessorov-baykal-okazalis-brakovannymi/32879476.html ; https://www.vedomosti dot ru/technology/articles/2024/03/26/1027924-razrabotchik-protsessorov-baikal-lokalizuet-odin-iz-etapov-proizvodstva

[53] https://t.me/tass_agency/240240 ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240241 ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240268

[54] https://ria dot ru/20240327/rakety-1936068479.html

[55] https://t.me/RusBotWien_RU/4869

[56] https://t.me/MID_Russia/38112

Reading List

{{currentView.title}}

{{nextView.title}}

Get Notified

Currently receiving 0 of 2 possible notifications for this sort of content.

• LOCATION Ukraine
• LOCATION Russia