NEB Plus 2 Notes

Power and Politics Exercise : Question Answers and Grammar

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Power and Politics

Ways with words

A. choose the correct meaning of the underlined word., b. guess the meanings to these words from the text and make sentences of your own..

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Class 11 English Notes

Comprehension

Answer these questions., a. where was napoleon from, b. why did poor and middle-class people declare france a republic, c. when did napoleon declare himself emperor of france, d. what did he do when he ruled france, e. which countries did he rule when he was the emperor, f. what was the main cause of his destruction, g. how did his rule as emperor end in europe, h. how could napoleon have been an even greater ruler, critical thinking, a. what can be the qualities of a great leader can a great leader remain in power for long in a country discuss., b. the 16th president of the usa, abraham lincoln said democracy is government of the people for the people and by the people. do you think it is perfectly applicable in the present context of nepal explain., a. write an essay on power and politics in about 500 words., b. write a couple of paragraphs about a national hero who fought bravely in the anglo-nepal war..

Balbhadra Kunwar Chhetri

B. Fill in the blanks with may, must or can’t.

C. rewrite the following sentences using may/might, must or can’t., a. i’m sure he’s not going to the cinema today., b. perhaps she knows the answer., c. i’m sure he has a car., d. i doubt if it rains later on., e. perhaps she wants to be alone., f. i’m sure harina is in her office., don't miss our nepali guide.

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Power and Politics Relations Essay

Introduction, power and politics, conclusions.

In the world of the permanently developing international relations and competition in all the possible markets, it is of crucial importance for an organization to be able to control and supervise its growth and influence increase. Scholars argue that for this purpose an organization should have the considerable power and the ability to implement this power in practice, i. e. to conduct the reasonable organizational politics (Robbins & Judge, 2009, p. 179). At the same time, power and politics are directly related to the notions of the organizational leadership and management. To put it simply, the leadership is the major organizational power, while management is a toll of politics, i. e. leader’s ability to convince his/her employees in the rightness of the developmental direction chosen. The examples of such organizations as NASA and CIA illustrate these considerations rather vividly.

General Notions

First, it is necessary to consider the basic definitions. Thus, power, according to Resistance, Empowerment, Ethics (2009), is “the concept that encompasses the mechanisms, processes, and dispositions that try, not always successfully, to ensure that people act according to the rules of the game”. Drawing from this, power is associated with leadership as it is the task for the leader to exercise the power and lead an organization in a necessary direction of development. Further on, the leader should have the tools to influence the organization and be able to practically use its power. The process of implementation of power of the organization, and more specifically the instruments of this process, is called the politics of an organization. The relation of the concepts of power and politics to the purely internal organizational concepts of leadership and management is also obvious (McGinnis, 2009).

Organizational Management and Leadership

The concepts of the organizational management and leadership, in their turn, can be viewed as the two sides of a single phenomenon. Petrock (2009) views management and leadership as different stages of the single process of directing the organization’s development and identifies 18 principles of the successful management and putting the organizational leadership in accordance with the power and politics ideas. These principles include the need to set clear and measurable goals, demonstrate encouragement to the employees, establish the success assessment scale, and face the consequences of the management and leadership decisions (Petrock, 2009).

The example of NASA illustrates what the poor organizational management resulting from the lack of conformity between the organizational power and politics can lead to. The 1986 Shuttle Challenger accident that took lives of the seven crew member ended up the long chain of NASA management problems. The latter included the great number of contractors for the Challenger project and the hard pressure over NASA to cope with all construction works in time and within the limits of the given project budget (ACW, 2009). As a result, low quality equipment was produced for challenger, which led to the tragic shuttle explosion. If considered from organizational power and politics perspective, this case presents the example of the lack of organizational power and inability of NASA to carry out politics aimed at meeting the safety requirements rather than contractors’ financial demands. Possibly, NASA lacked the strong leadership in the situation and its organizational management was insufficient to keep track of achieving the goal of Challenger flight. The principles of power and politics were ignored by NASA in the case and this led to the failure of the whole project.

The example of the CIA organizational management and exercising its power through the strong and consistent politics illustrates how successful leadership results in the proper power and politics balance in an organization. The 1962 struggle between CIA and USAF over the leadership in Cuba missile systems over flight ended up by CIA carrying the project out (ACW, 2009). All the disputes with USAF were solved shortly by the CIA leadership and organizational management’s firm position in the issue. Therefore, CIA power was properly exercised through the respective politics of non-compromising. The power and politics thus manifested themselves as the basic principles of organizational management and leadership. In the CIA case, the full compliance to the above mentioned principles of management/leadership can be seen. The CIA set the goal and the ways of its achievement. USAF was an obstacle for the goal achievement process, so the CIA had to implement its power and to eliminate the obstacle through its politics. Finally, the solution of Cuba missile crisis by CIA was the result of the fully coordinated organizational management and leadership.

To conclude, it is obvious that to reach its goals and develop an organization should have the properly structured management and leadership conforming to the organizational power and politics characteristics. Power and politics are related to the management and leadership as the equally important aspects of the organizational development. The example of NASA and CIA illustrate the outcomes of the situations of conformity and non-conformity or power and politics to the organizational management and leadership characteristics.

ACW. (2009). Leveraging Power and Politics. Web.

McGinnis, P. (2009). Power and Politics in an Organization. Web.

Petrock, F. (2009). Changing Organizational Climate: A Six Pack of Leadership Practices. Web.

Resistance, empowerment, ethics. (2009). Managing power and politics in organizations. Web.

Robbins, S. & Judge, T. (2009). Organizational behavior (13th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

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IvyPanda. (2024, March 14). Power and Politics Relations. https://ivypanda.com/essays/power-and-politics-relations/

"Power and Politics Relations." IvyPanda , 14 Mar. 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/power-and-politics-relations/.

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Essay on Election and Democracy for Students and Children

500 words essay on election and democracy.

A democratic government is said to be the best kind of government. It ensures the active participation of the people where the citizens get the chance to choose their government. The candidate or party whom the people choose is through elections.

essay on election and democracy

Therefore, we see how elections play a pivotal role in a democracy. The party which secures the highest number of votes in the election process forms the government for the next term. That is why we see how elections are greatly crucial for a democracy.

Election Process in a Democracy

The election process in a democracy is usually similar in most ways. It is responsible for shaping the government of a democracy. Elections are conducted at regular intervals. In a democracy like India, they take place every five years. A committee is set to monitor the whole electoral procedure from the voters’ list to the results.

During the election process, various parties enroll themselves to contest in the elections. After thorough campaigning and more, dates are decided on which voting happens. People turn up in great numbers to cast their votes to make their candidate or party win.

Most importantly, in a democracy, the election process follows the method of a secret ballot. It is very beneficial for maintaining the fairness of the contest. Moreover, they also protect the privacy and safety of the voter as they are not liable to answer to anyone regarding their vote. It is one of the fairest ways to decide who wins the election.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Importance of Election in Democracy

The election procedure just shows how important and crucial it is for a democracy. The process is very grand and takes place on a great level. As it requires a lot of work and attention, there are certain people who specifically get the responsibility of handling and managing the entire process.

Elections form the basis of democracy. They are very important as they help the people in getting a chance to contest the elections. It allows people to get a fair chance to work for their country and make a brighter future. Moreover, it also ensures that any person can become a part of the government without any discrimination on the basis of caste, creed, sex, religion or more.

Most importantly, elections entrust a big responsibility on the shoulders of the citizens. It helps in empowering the citizens of a democracy. You see that when a person earns the right to vote, they choose their government responsibly as they realize the power that lies within their hands.

Above all, the election process ensures fair play. They are a great way of preventing dishonest people from rigging the procedure. In short, fair and regular elections are a vital part of a democratic government. Similarly, they empower the common citizens of the nation to elect their government and also change it after a period of time to ensure everyone works for the best in the country.

FAQs on Election and Democracy

Q.1 What is the election process in a democracy?

A.1 The election process takes place at a regular period of time. People cast their vote to whomever they think id serving of being in power. Thus, the party with the majority of votes wins and serves the term.

Q.2 Why are elections important in a democracy?

A.2 Elections form the basis of any democracy. It ensures that the power resides within the people. It also ensures fair play and stops any unfair means from taking place. They are important to strengthen the essence of democracy.

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  • NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science
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CBSE Class 11 NCERT Books for Political Science PDF - Free Download

For every country in the world, it is essential that students, who are expected to be the forebearers of the country's values, should know well about how their political system works. The 11th Class Political Science book does precisely that, paying special attention to topics such as the Indian constitution, the rights which Indians enjoy, and how our executive and judiciary systems operate.

As students will soon find, the NCERT book of Class 11 Political Science is an elaborate account of the intricate working of a country's governmental structure. But, the Class 11 Political Science NCERT book makes the concepts look easier with lucid language and informative facts and trivia, such that the ultimate aim is achieved and students can gain an in-depth knowledge of how everything works.

NCERT Books for Class 11  Political Science Free PDF Download

Ncert books class 11 political science.

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NCERT Books for Class 11

Ncert solutions for class 11, ncert books for class 11 political science – political theory.

Chapter 1: Political Theory – An Introduction

Political theory is the basis upon which our society is constructed. Political theorists discuss many important concepts such as the structure of a society, forms of government, different advantages of various types of government, the extent of freedom, and exertion of justice in detail.

Freedom, equality, and justice are three major aspects that political theory defines. It also lets citizens of a country know how much each of them is available for them in different areas. The first chapter of the 11th Class Political Science book thus forms a basis for what students can expect from the contents of this book’s subsequent lessons.

Chapter 2: Freedom

Right from the formation of civilizations millions of years ago, freedom has been a debated topic. Legions of people have given up their lives in search of freedom. In India itself, it was merely 73 years ago when the citizens won their independence from the British Raj and could form a government set-up.

Though a constitutional right, freedom must also be controlled at some places for citizens to evolve and improve themselves. Unchecked freedom might lead to an undisciplined society that would favor no one. It is all that the second chapter of the Class 11 NCERT Political Science book imparts learning about.

Chapter 3: Equality

Quite like freedom, equality too has been fought over for years. If you read any news article today, you will still find slogans of equality raised across the globe. Even in the 21 st century, fights for equality rage on. 

There are different types of equality – political, social, economic, and many more. Along with them, there are also demands for equality for animals, women, and people of non-binary gender. This chapter of NCERT 11 Class Political Science book tells all about equality’s history and how people have arrived at what they are today with regards to the equality of humans.

Chapter 4: Social Justice

As many theorists suggest, justice is a lot like love. From one’s innate common sense, every individual knows from a very young age that justice is something that all humans deserve.

But justice also concerns how the society around is formed and how public life is ordered. Students should know the major principles of justice and how all these principles have been developed over time through experience. This is what the fourth chapter of the 11th Class Political Science book helps them do.

Chapter 5: Rights

Again a heavily contested topic, right is something which people talk about almost every day. With regard to India, since it is a democracy, people talk about various rights like their right to vote, their right to speech, their right to contest elections, and so on. Other than that, people today are concerned with other rights too, like their right to information, right to personal data, right to drinking water, etc.

But, it is crucial to know here the basis of these demands or on what grounds these rights are offered or if the government is solely responsible for providing people with rights. These are some topics which this chapter of Class 11th Political Science book NCERT covers.

Chapter 6: Citizenship

Citizenship basically refers to a human being’s right to be a member of a political community or geographic identity, which necessitates that he or she is provided with all the rights which other members of that same community enjoy. There are different criteria upon which citizenship is granted in different countries. 

Like fights for equality and rights, protests for different citizenship criteria also go on. Many liberals suggest every human on this planet should be granted citizenship in one or another state. The 6 th chapter of the 11th Class Political Science book tackles citizenship and its different forms.

Chapter 7: Nationalism

If a general survey is conducted among people living around, nationalism could be defined among the general masses mainly as patriotism. The national flags are unfurled on 15 th August, and 26 th January, and many people who lost their lives fighting for a country’s independence are largely regarded as signs of nationalism. 

Though this definition is not totally false, nationalism has many other aspects which one should know about; and, the 11th Class NCERT Political Science book does so quite precisely. The degree to which nationalism plays a role in world affairs is immense and is a topic that every student should know about.

Chapter 8: Secularism

In an incredibly diverse country like India, secularism is something on which the debates are never-ending. India is diverse in almost everything around – language, religion, culture, food, habits, clothing, and much more. Though every political party swears by it, secularism is at a perplexing stage in the whole world.

Secularism is characterized by non-discrimination towards minorities, and much of its existence came into being after Jews faced tremendous atrocities during the Second World War. But, for a democratic country like India, where diversity is revered, and every state is a part of a different culture, it is vital that the Political Science book Class 11 NCERT emphasizes it.

Chapter 9: Peace

More of a political theory, peace is a universal building block of life like the food one eats, the house in which they stay, or the clothes they wear. It is such an essential attribute to society that people who work relentlessly for it are also awarded Nobel prizes.

Even then, states of war exist and have been continuing since time immemorial, and the fight between war and peace is never over.

The 9 th chapter of the 11th Class Political Science book tells students about the different problems which people face while trying to bring peace. Also, students can learn about why peace is so brittle in today’s society.

Chapter 10: Development

The world today is divided into different categories of countries such as developed, developing, and underdeveloped countries, whereby India is categorized as a developing nation. India has witnessed development - from being totally nascent to being incredibly important on the global scale.

Development can be of many types, namely social, economic, infrastructural, and so on. There have been different models of development previously which have been ousted due to their non-performance. And, newer strategies and plans on how to facilitate development are proposed with time. The last chapter of Class 11th Political Science book NCERT details the path which development has taken in India.

NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science – Indian Constitution at Work

Chapter 1: Constitution – Why and How?

The Indian Constitution was formed after the country became independent in 1947. It was established by eminent politicians at that time, keeping the best interests of the country’s citizens in mind. The Constitution of any country, firstly, provides a basic set of rules which each of its citizens must abide by to facilitate coordination and co-operation among all members of the society.

This first chapter of the second 11th Class Political Science book forms the base for what students are going to learn further. The Indian constitution charts all the rules which governments should follow and accounts for all types of people who reside in India.

Chapter 2: Rights in the Indian Constitution

One of the last countries to have attained independence, India had been under British rule and deprived of its rights for almost 200 years. So, it was evident as soon as this country formed its own government, rights were something that ministers and counsels would first induct into its constitution.

These rights have been thus called fundamental rights, and the constitution has listed them all separately and also provides provisions for their protection if violated anyhow. The Political Science book Class 11 NCERT charts all these rights which Indians enjoy.

Chapter 3: Election and Representation

For every country in the world, governments are needed to preside over its citizens, independent of the type of government – democratic or autocratic. In India, governments are formed by political parties which win elections via majority votes. It is absolutely essential that elections are conducted in an unbiased way, which is overseen by a special body called the Election Commission.

The primary concept of elections and other aspects of an election like representation is detailed in this 3 rd chapter of the 11th Class Political Science book. Students should have a keen eye for this chapter since it serves as a key to understanding India’s constitution.

Chapter 4: Executive

The three divisions of the Indian government that maintain its constitutional structure are the legislature, executive, and judiciary. All of them combine to ensure law and order as well as the welfare of all citizens of the nation. The executive part of the government elects and maintains a body that comprises qualified individuals responsible for making critical decisions for the entire country.

Any political, economic, or social decision, which would go on to affect many people throughout India, is taken by the executive division in support of the other two divisions. This chapter of the NCERT 11 Political Science book details all these functions of India’s executive division.

Chapter 5: Legislature

As the executive is responsible for taking top decisions, the legislature forms a center of all democratic and political processes. Unanimity, concern for citizens, and co-operation are some most important functions of a legislature. A proper democracy would not survive without an effective legislative system.

Another critical function of the legislature in the process of law-making. Any newly proposed law or any amendments to a previously implemented law are taken up to the legislature for approval. All of these and many others, including the importance of legislature are briefed adequately in this chapter of NCERT books for Class 11 Political Science.

Chapter 6: Judiciary

As important as making the law is (which is done by the legislative body), it is also equally important that a body helps in executing these laws at the ground level. Thus, such function is carried out by India’s judiciary arm. In a country of 130 crore people, disputes are obvious to arise among people, groups of individuals, companies, institutions, and even inside the government. A judiciary helps in sorting out these disputes, thus withholding the supremacy of law over any being.

The 6 th chapter of the 11th Class Political Science book details how India’s judiciary system works and the unbiased nature of law that applies to every Indian citizen.

Chapter 7: Federalism

In the past, countries like the USSR have shown that excessive centralization of power eventually leads to the breaking up of a nation. To do away with such flaws, the Indian government was based upon federalism since its constitution’s first draft.

Federalism refers to a distribution of administrative powers between a central government, which is responsible for the entire nation, and several other regional or state-level governments, which are responsible for exercising powers over smaller groups of people, or states. This chapter of the Class 11 Political Science NCERT book enlightens students about federalism and its integration in the Indian context.

Chapter 8: Local Governments

Deriving the concept from the last chapter, federalism has led to the formation of local governments. Local or state governments can exercise administrative powers only within the state or regional boundaries, which cannot affect a person living in another state. There are representatives of local governments in central bodies, whose responsibility is to communicate any issues which a state may face from time to time for adequate and effective resolution.

The 8 th chapter of the Political Science book Class 11 NCERT focuses on the importance of local governments and how without the proper functioning of local governments, a nation cannot flourish wholly.

Chapter 9: Constitution as a Living Document

The Indian constitution was first brought into existence on 23 rd January 1950, which was 70 years ago. Now, after 70 years, there are many areas where the constitution should interfere but were not apprehended for such a long time by authors. 

The Indian constitution is not a static document, but rather a live one. It has been amended many times before and will be changed many more times in the coming future, as and when required.

But, even though after repeated amendments, this document’s core values have not changed. The government’s judiciary system has effectively ensured that. This penultimate chapter of the 11th Class Political Science book emphasizes why a modifiable constitution is extremely crucial.

Chapter 10: The Philosophy of the Constitution

Though it is assumed that the Indian constitution, being a political document, is only a collection of laws and nothing else, this is not the case. Every law in India is based upon experiences and moral values. 

For example, if a law makes sure that no person is discriminated against based on language and religion, such law takes inspiration from the concept of equality, an innate moral value.

Hence, other than an academic and political approach towards India’s constitution, a philosophical approach to it is also required at times. The final chapter of the Political Science textbook Class 11 educates students on how to do the same and thus, understand a much deeper meaning for a political text.

Why Study From the NCERT Political Science Textbook for Class 11?

The NCERT books for Political Science lay particular emphasis on a need for students to truly understand the political scenario in any country, and develop their capacity to observe and analyze the diverse socio-political conditions. Some reasons why the NCERT textbooks for political science are an essential read include the following. 

Focus on Real-Life Scenarios: Instead of resorting to cold, hard facts, and rote learning, the NCERT textbooks for political science are written to encourage students to pay more attention to political affairs in a country. It helps them deepen their understanding of what the Indian constitution really means and provides. The books are a window to the workings of political parties and the Government in India. And, students can learn a lot about the actual consequences of the Indian constitution.

Quotations from Political Texts: To get more students to read these books, and find the chapters interesting, NCERT has introduced an article, lifted from the very Constitution, in every chapter of these books. This was done to get students to learn more interactively as well as help develop an interest in the words, terminologies, and implications of the Indian constitution.

Eye-Catching Illustrations: Most chapters in the two NCERT textbooks for Political Science feature eye-catching cartoons, which do not serve to only act as comic relief. Each of these cartoons is a satirical, honest take on current affairs in the country, and is meant to instill an understanding of politics in students. Curious and inquisitive, these cartoons pose thought-provoking questions to students. These questions may be inconvenient and tough but are honest, to say the least.

Exciting Puzzles: The two textbooks for political science have been written with great care, backed by in-depth research and tireless efforts by a group of educators, teachers, and illustrators. The end of each chapter features inquisitive puzzles and exercises that are meant to assess students on their understanding of political science. None of these exercises requires memorization or rote learning. In fact, they only encourage original thinking stemming from their understanding of each chapter.

How to Prepare with the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science? 

Political Science is a theoretical subject that needs a lot of your time and attention. There will be plenty of twisted questions based on the topics you have discussed in your exams. To attempt all these questions, you will need a reliable source to study and revise the chapters. That is where the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science come in. Following are some tips on how you can use the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science to prepare for your exams: 

The NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science provide you with detailed explanations for every topic and subtopic, giving you a deep insight into Political Science.

Make notes of the important topics while studying a chapter from the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science. These notes will be quite helpful while revising the chapter later. 

The NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science have questions at the end of each chapter to help you test your knowledge and check whether you have a strong grasp on the topics or not. 

Learn the tables and diagrams given in the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science. You can add these pictorial illustrations in your answers and make them more impactful to gain full marks. 

Try and find more questions related to the topics and subtopics covered in the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science. If you practice more questions, you will be able to attempt the questions in your exams with ease.   

Highlight or underline the text that seems important to you. It will make your revisions much easier so that you don’t have to read the entire chapter again. 

The questions in your exams will be similar to the ones provided at the back of every chapter in the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science. So, solving these exercises will help you understand the types of questions that can come in your exam question paper. 

Once you have completed the entire  NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science, you will be able to score well in mock tests, sample question papers, and even your exam.  

Importance of NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science  

The NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science are recommended all over India by CBSE. These books are the best guide towards academic success as they contain relevant information in lucid language. Here is why the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science are important for every student: 

The NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science provides you with a deep insight into every topic with detailed explanations and illustrations. 

Every chapter in the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science has questions at the end to help you practice difficult topics and strengthen your grasp of these chapters. 

All the questions in your Class 11 Political Science final exams will come from the topics covered in the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science. So, you must revise the chapters as many times as you can to ensure a significant score in your exam.    

The NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science contain tables, diagrams, and pictures that will provide you with significant assistance in your revision and exam preparations.  

Know Why Vedantu Gives You the Edge in Learning!

At Vedantu, no matter the subject, we have your back! Reference notes, sample test papers, previous years’ question papers, and online books – you name, and we have them ready to help you excel! One of the top e-learning portals in India currently, Vedantu offers a wide range of study plans, including doubt-clearing sessions and free live demo classes from India’s best teachers for apt exam preparation.

Take assistance from Vedantu’s superior study material, mock tests, and more to crack tough exams like the NEET and the PMT, and get top scores.

Other Free Study CBSE Material for Class 11

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FAQs on NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science

1. Why Should you Study From the NCERT Class 11 Political Science Books PDF?

Instead of resorting to cold facts, and rote learning, the NCERT textbooks for political science are written to encourage students to pay more attention to political affairs in the country. It also deepens their understanding of what the Indian constitution really means and provides. The end of each chapter features interesting puzzles and exercises that are intended to assess students on their knowledge of political science. Solving these exercises on your own will strengthen your grip on the topics and improve your chances of scoring high in your exam. 

2. What are Some Important Chapters for the Political Science Class 11 Exams?

Some important chapters of the Political Science syllabus for class 11 are:

Political Theory – An Introduction

Citizenship

Nationalism

Election and Representation

Local Governments

The Philosophy of the Constitution

However, you should not skip any chapter while studying from the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science. Your exam question paper comprises a variety of questions based on the topics you have learned throughout the session. That is why you must have a strong grasp of all the chapters and topics covered in your NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science. 

3. How Many Chapters are Covered in the NCERT Class 11 Political Science Books?

The NCERT Political Science books for Class 11 are divided into two parts, dealing with two major themes. The first part, Political Theory, deals with freedom, equality, rights, social justice, and citizenship, while the second part deals with the constitution and its provisions, federalism, the judiciary, and local governments. The two parts consist of 20 chapters in total. If you study and revise all these chapters thoroughly, you will be able to answer any question that comes in your final exam. 

4. Is the NCERT Class 11 Political Science Book PDF Available on Vedantu?

All 20 chapters of the NCERT Political Science books are available with Vedantu in easily downloadable PDF formats. Besides these, the site also has sample question papers, notes, and study material to make learning more easy and accessible. All these study resources provided by Vedantu are free to download so that every student can easily access and use them to ace their exams. You can also the mobile application Vedantu and download the free sample papers, revision notes, etc. from there. 

5. How to download the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science? 

The NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science is available on Vedantu’s official website for absolutely free. You can also download the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science from our mobile application that is free to download from the app store or play store. When you explore our website, you will find plenty of study material, such as sample papers, NCERT solutions, important questions, revision notes, and much more. To download the NCERT Books for Class 11 Political Science, you can create an account on Vedantu without paying any registration fee.  

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Class 11 Political Science Notes Chapter 1 Political Theory: An Introduction

essay on power and politics for class 11

  • Political theory has been made one of the sub fields with the rise of political science as a subject.
  • Political theory is the study of the state from the philosophical and empirical point of view.
  • Political theory manages an understanding between the persons and the state and sort out the ways to improve the shortcomings.
  • A political theory can be referred to as a combination of thoughts, philosophies and sciences or arts.
  • Politics is referred to struggle for power to maintain relationship between power and authority which is a desire of an act of will.
  • Political theory deals with how the present has come and on what assumptions, it may stay and in future, what it will lead.
  • India is a free country where issues concerning freedom, equality and democracy arise from time to time and implemented also by the intervention of the state.
  • As freedom has been guaranteed by the constitution, still many discriminatory issues are raised and encountered with the interpretations of the state.
  • Along with the changes in time and periods, people’s aspirations and needs are also changed and new dimensions are discovered as well.
  • Political theories debate and examine the diverse meaning and opinions in a systematic manner and easily to be understood by the ordinary peoples.

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Class 11 English Unit- 14 Napoleon Bonaparte Exercise, Grammar Notes

This article is about Class 11 English Unit 14 Exercise Notes PDF. The unit name is 'Power and Politics' and topic of the text is "Napoleon Bonaparte Notes PDF". For those who need to download this note, free PDF download link is also in this article.

Unit- 14 Napoleon Bonaparte Exercise PDF

Power and Politics class 11 PDF

Go to Class 11 English Unit 15 Exercise

After the French Revolution, a Corsican soldier and commander named Napoleon Bonaparte established himself as France's ruler. He went on to become Emperor of France. 

After a decade of magnificent military triumphs throughout Europe, he wiped away the Holy Roman Empire, the Vatican's temporal authority and unified Germany and Italy. He also pushed for reforms everywhere the Grande Armee marched and wiped out the Holy Roman Empire. 

He was caught and deported in his latter years as France's military successes dwindled. As a British prisoner on a South Atlantic island, he died a few years later. There are no signs of his legal or administrative changes being abandoned. 

The metric system, the Napoleonic Code of legislation, and the 'corps' system of military organization are only some of the legacies of Napoleon's time in power.

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5 Module 5: Power and Politics

A group of people holding up an image of Mohamed Bouazizi.

Learning Objectives

  • Define and differentiate between government, power, and authority.
  • Identify and describe Weber’s three types of authority.
  • Explain the difference between direct democracy and representative democracy.
  • Describe the dynamic of political demand and political supply in determining the democratic “will of the people.”
  • Identify and describe factors of political exception that affect contemporary political life.
  • Compare and contrast how functionalists, critical sociologists, and symbolic interactionists view government and politics.

5.0 Introduction to Power and Politics

In one of Max Weber’s last public lectures — “Politics as a Vocation” (1919) — he asked, what is the meaning of political action in the context of a whole way of life? (More accurately, he used the term Lebensführung : what is the meaning of political action in the context of a whole conduct of life, a theme we will return to in the next section). He asked, what is political about political action and what is the place of “the political” in the ongoing conduct of social life?

Until recently we might have been satisfied with an answer that examined how various political institutions and processes function in society: the state, the government, the civil service, the courts, the democratic process, etc. However, in the last few years, among many other examples we could cite, we have seen how the events of the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt (2010–2011) put seemingly stable political institutions and processes into question. Through the collective action of ordinary citizens, the long-lasting authoritarian regimes of Ben Ali, Gadhafi, and Mubarak were brought to an end through what some called “revolution.” Not only did the political institutions all of a sudden not function as they had for decades, they were also shown not to be at the center of political action at all. What do we learn about the place of politics in social life from these examples?

Revolutions are often presented as monumental, foundational political events that happen only rarely and historically: the American revolution (1776), the French revolution (1789), the Russian revolution (1917), the Chinese revolution (1949), the Cuban revolution (1959), the Iranian revolution (1979), etc. But the events in North Africa remind us that  revolutionary political action is always a possibility, not just a rare political occurrence. Samuel Huntington defines revolution as:

a rapid, fundamental, and violent domestic change in the dominant values and myths of a society, in its political institutions, social structure, leadership, and government activity and policies. Revolutions are thus to be distinguished from insurrections, rebellions, revolts, coups, and wars of independence (Huntington 1968, p. 264).

What is at stake in revolution is also, therefore, the larger question that Max Weber was asking about political action. In a sense, the question of the role of politics in a whole way of life asks how a whole way of life comes into existence in the first place.

How do revolutions occur? In Tunisia, the street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire after his produce cart was confiscated. The injustice of this event provided an emblem for the widespread conditions of poverty, oppression, and humiliation experienced by a majority of the population. In this case, the revolutionary action might be said to have originated in the way that Bouazizi’s act sparked a radicalization in people’s sense of citizenship and power: their internal  feelings of individual dignity, rights, and freedom and their capacity to act on them. It was a moment in which, after living through decades of deplorable conditions, people suddenly felt their own power and their own capacity to act. Sociology is interested in studying the conditions of such examples of citizenship and power.

5.1 Power and Authority

The Parliament Building in Ottawa.

The nature of political control — what we will define as power and authority — is an important part of society.

Sociologists have a distinctive approach to studying governmental power and authority that differs from the perspective of political scientists. For the most part, political scientists focus on studying how power is distributed in different types of political systems. They would observe, for example, that the Canadian political system is a constitutional monarchy divided into three distinct branches of government (legislative, executive, and judicial), and might explore how public opinion affects political parties, elections, and the political process in general. Sociologists, however, tend to be more interested in  government more generally; that is, the various means and strategies used to direct or conduct the behaviour and actions of others (or of oneself). As Michel Foucault described it, government is the “conduct of conduct,” the way some seek to act upon the conduct of others to change or channel that conduct in a certain direction (Foucault 1982, pp. 220-221).

Government implies that there are relations of power between rulers and ruled, but the context of rule is not limited to the state. Government in this sense is in operation whether the power relationship is between states and citizens, institutions and clients, parents and children, doctors and  patients, employers and employees, masters and dogs, or even oneself and oneself. (Think of the training regimes, studying routines, or diets people put themselves through as they seek to change or direct their lives in a particular way). The role of the state and its influence on society (and vice versa) is just one aspect of governmental relationships.

On the other side of governmental power and authority are the various forms of resistance to being ruled. Foucault (1982) argues that without this latitude for resistance or independent action on the part of the one over whom power is exercised, there is no relationship of power or government. There is only a relationship of violence or force. One central question sociological analysis asks therefore is: Why do people obey, especially in situations when it is not in their objective interests to do so?  “Why do men fight for their servitude as stubbornly as though it were their salvation?” as Gilles Deleuze once put it (Deleuze and Guattari 1977, p. 29).  This entails a more detailed study of what we mean by power.

5.1.1 What Is Power?

Prince William and Princess Kate on their wedding day.

For centuries, philosophers, politicians, and social scientists have explored and commented on the nature of power. Pittacus (c. 640–568 BCE) opined, “The measure of a man is what he does with power,” and Lord Acton perhaps more famously asserted, “Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely” (1887). Indeed, the concept of power can have decidedly negative connotations, and the term itself is difficult to define. There are at least two definitions of power, which we will refer to below as power (1) and power (2).

As we noted above, power relationships refer in general to a kind of strategic relationship between rulers and the ruled: a set of practices by which states seek to govern the life of their citizens, managers seek to control the labour of their workers, parents seek to guide and raise their children, dog owners seek to train their dogs, doctors seek to manage the health of their patients, chess players seek to control the moves of their opponents, individuals seek to keep their own lives in order, etc. Many of these sites of the exercise of power fall outside our normal understanding of power because they do not seem “political” — they do not address fundamental questions or disagreements about a “whole way of life” — and because the relationships between power and resistance in them can be very fluid. There is a give and take between the attempts of the rulers to direct the behaviour of the ruled and the attempts of the ruled to resist those directions. In many cases, it is difficult to see relationships as power relationships at all unless they become fixed or authoritarian. This is because our conventional understanding of power is that one person or one group of people has power over another. In other words, when we think about somebody, some group, or some institution having power over us, we are thinking about a relation of domination .

The cover of Max Weber's book "Politics as a Vocation"

Max Weber defined power (1) as “the chance of a man or of a number of men to realize their own will in a communal action even against the resistance of others who are participating in the action” (Weber 1919a, p. 180). It is the varying degrees of ability one has to exercise one’s will over others. When these “chances” become structured as forms of domination , the give and take between power and resistance is fixed into more or less permanent hierarchical arrangements. They become institutionalized. As such, power affects more than personal relationships; it shapes larger dynamics like social groups, professional organizations, and governments. Similarly, a government’s power is not necessarily limited to control of its own citizens. A dominant nation, for instance, will often use its clout to influence or support other governments or to seize control of other nation states. Efforts by the Canadian government to wield power in other countries have included joining with other nations to form the Allied forces during World Wars I and II, entering Afghanistan in 2001 with the NATO mission to topple the Taliban regime, and imposing sanctions on the government of Iran in the hopes of constraining its development of nuclear weapons.

Endeavours to gain power and influence do not necessarily lead to domination, violence, exploitation, or abuse. Leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi, for example, commanded powerful movements that affected positive change without military force. Both men organized nonviolent protests to combat corruption and injustice and succeeded in inspiring major reform. They relied on a variety of nonviolent protest strategies such as rallies, sit-ins, marches, petitions, and boycotts.

It is therefore important to retain the distinction between domination and power. Politics and power are not “things” that are the exclusive concern of “the state” or the property of an individual, ruling class, or group. At a more basic level,  power (2) is a capacity or ability that each of us has to create and act. As a result, power and politics must also be understood as the collective capacities we have to create and build new forms of community or “commons” (Negri, 2004). Power in this sense is the power we think of when we speak of an ability to do or create something — a potential. It is the way in which we collectively give form to the communities that we live in, whether we understand this at a very local level or a global level. Power establishes the things that we can do and the things that we cannot do.

The Greek philosopher Aristotle’s original notion of politics is the idea of a freedom people grant themselves to rule themselves (Aristotle, 1908). Therefore, power is not in principle domination. It is the give and take we experience in everyday life as we come together to construct a better community — a “good life” as Aristotle put it. When we ask why people obey even when it is not in their best interests, we are asking about the conditions in which power is exercised as domination. Thus the critical task of sociology is to ask how we might free ourselves from the constraints of domination to engage more actively and freely in the creation of community.

[JR: Please insert YouTube video, Eric Liu, (2014) “How to Understand Power” at url https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c_Eutci7ack}

5.1.2 Politics and the State

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What is politics? What is political? The words politics and political refer back to the ancient Greek polis or city-state. For the Greek philosopher Aristotle (384–322 BCE), the polis was the ideal political form that collective life took. Political life was life oriented toward the “good life” or toward the collective achievement of noble qualities. The term “politics” referred simply to matters of concern to the running of the polis. Behind Aristotle’s idea of the polis is the concept of an autonomous, self-contained community in which people rule themselves. The people of the polis take it upon themselves to collectively create a way of living together that is conducive to the achievement of human aspirations and good life. Politics (1) is the means by which form is given to the life of a people. The individuals give themselves the responsibility to create the conditions in which the good life can be achieved. For Aristotle, this meant that there was an ideal size for a polis, which he defined as the number of people that could be taken in in a single glance (Aristotle 1908). The city-state was for him therefore the ideal form for political life in ancient Greece.

Today we think of the nation-state as the form of modern political life. A nation-state is a political unit whose boundaries are co-extensive with a society, that is, with a cultural, linguistic or ethnic nation . Politics is the sphere of activity involved in running the state. As Max Weber defines it, politics (2) is the activity of “striving to share power or striving to influence the distribution of power, either among states or among groups within a state” (Weber 1919b, p. 78). This might be too narrow a way to think about politics, however, because it often makes it appear that politics is something that only happens far away in “the state.” It is a way of giving form to politics that takes control out of the hands of people.

In fact, the modern nation-state is a relatively recent political form. Foraging societies had no formal state institution, and prior to the modern age, feudal Europe was divided into a confused patchwork of small overlapping jurisdictions. Feudal secular authority was often at odds with religious authority. It was not until the Peace of Westphalia (1648) at the end of the Thirty Years War that the modern nation-state system can be said to have come into existence. Even then, Germany, for example, did not become a unified state until 1871. Prior to 1867, most of the colonized territory that became Canada was owned by one of the earliest corporations: the Hudson’s Bay Company. It was not governed by a state at all. If politics is the means by which form is given to the life of a people, then it is clear that this is a type of activity that has varied throughout history. Politics is not exclusively about the state or a property of the state. The question is, Why do we come to think that it is?

The modern state is based on the principle of sovereignty and the sovereign state system. Sovereignty is the political form in which a single, central “sovereign” or supreme lawmaking authority governs within a clearly demarcated territory. The sovereign state system is the structure by which the world is divided up into separate and indivisible sovereign territories. At present there are 193 member states in the United Nations (United Nations 2013). The entire globe is thereby divided up into separate states except for the oceans and Antarctica.

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Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) is the early modern English political philosopher whose Leviathan (1651) established modern thought on the nature of sovereignty. Hobbes argued that social order, or what we would call today “society” (“peaceable, sociable and comfortable living” (Hobbes 1651, p.146), depended on an unspoken contract between the citizens and the “sovereign” or ruler. In this contract, individuals give up their natural rights to use violence to protect themselves and further their interests and cede them to a sovereign. In exchange, the sovereign provides law and security for all (i.e., for the “commonwealth”). For Hobbes, there could be no society in the absence of a sovereign power that stands above individuals to “over-awe them all” (1651, p. 112). Life would otherwise be in a “state of nature” or a state of “war of everyone against everyone” (1651, p. 117). People would live in “continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the life of man [would be] solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” (1651,  p. 113).

It is worthwhile to examine these premises, however, because they continue to structure our contemporary political life even if the absolute rule of monarchs has been replaced by the democratic rule of the people. (An absolute monarchy is a government wherein a monarch has absolute or unmitigated power.) The implication of Hobbes’s analysis is that the people must acquiesce to the absolute power of a single sovereign or sovereign assembly, which, in turn, cannot ultimately be held to any standard of justice or morality outside of its own guarantee of order. Therefore, democracy always exists in a state of tension with the authority of the sovereign state. Similarly, while order is maintained by “the sovereign” within the sovereign state, outside the state or between states there is no sovereign to over-awe them all. The international sovereign state system is always potentially in a state of war of all against all. It offered a neat solution to the problem of confused and overlapping political jurisdictions in medieval Europe, but is itself inherently unstable.

Protest poster of a policeman using force

Hobbes’ definition of sovereignty is also the context of Max Weber’s definition of the state. Weber defines the  state , not as an institution or decision-making body, but as “a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory” (Weber 1919b, p. 78). Weber’s definition emphasizes the way in which the state is founded on the control of territory through the use of force. In his lecture “Politics as a Vocation,” he argues, “The decisive means for politics is violence” (Weber 1919b, p. 121). However, as we have seen above, power is not always exercised through the use of force. Nor would a modern sociologist accept that it is conferred through a mysterious “contract” with the sovereign, as Hobbes argued. Therefore, why do people submit to rule? “When and why do men obey?” (Weber 1919b), p. 78).  Weber’s answer is based on a distinction between the concepts of power and  authority.

Prior to examining Weber’s insights into the relationship of power and and different types of authority, it is instructive to take a moment to reflect on the historical evolution of governance in Canada.

5.1.3 Types of Authority

Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini riding in a car together.

The protesters in Tunisia and the civil rights protesters of Mahatma Gandhi’s day had influence apart from their position in a government. Their influence came, in part, from their ability to advocate for what many people held as important values. Government leaders might have this kind of influence as well, but they also have the advantage of wielding power associated with their position in the government. As this example indicates, there is more than one type of authority in a community.

If Weber defined  power as the ability to achieve desired ends despite the resistance of others (Weber, 1919a, p. 180), authority is when power or domination is perceived to be legitimate or justified rather than coercive. Authority refers to accepted power — that is, power that people agree to follow. People listen to authority figures because they feel that these individuals are worthy of respect. Generally speaking, people perceive the objectives and demands of an authority figure as reasonable and beneficial, or true.

A citizen’s interaction with a police officer is a good example of how people react to authority in everyday life. For instance, a person who sees the flashing red and blue lights of a police car in his or her rearview mirror usually pulls to the side of the road without hesitation. Such a driver most likely assumes that the police officer behind him serves as a legitimate source of authority and has the right to pull him over. As part of the officer’s official duties, he or she has the power to issue a speeding ticket if the driver was driving too fast. If the same officer, however, were to command the driver to follow the police car home and mow his or her lawn, the driver would likely protest that the officer does not have the authority to make such a request.

Not all authority figures are police officers or elected officials or government authorities. Besides formal offices, authority can arise from tradition and personal qualities. Max Weber realized this when he examined individual action as it relates to authority, as well as large-scale structures of authority and how they relate to a society’s economy. Based on this work, Weber developed a classification system for authority. His three types of authority are traditional authority, charismatic authority, and rational-legal authority (Weber 1922).

Traditional authority is usually understood in the context of pre-modern power relationships. According to Weber, the power of traditional authority is accepted because that has traditionally been the case; its legitimacy exists because it has been accepted for a long time. People obey their lord or the church because it is customary to do so. The authority of the aristocracy or the church is conferred on them through tradition, or the “authority of the ‘eternal yesterday’” (Weber 1919b, p. 78). Britain’s Queen Elizabeth, for instance, occupies a position that she inherited based on the traditional rules of succession for the monarchy , a form of government in which a single person, or monarch, rules until that individual dies or abdicates the throne. People adhere to traditional authority because they are invested in the past and feel obligated to perpetuate it. However, in modern society it would also be fair to say that obedience is in large part a function of a customary or “habitual orientation to conform,” in that people do not generally question or think about the power relationships in which they participate.

For Weber though, modern authority is better understood to oscillate  between the latter two types of legitimacy: rational-legal and charismatic authority. On one hand, as he puts it, “organized domination” relies on “continuous administration” (1919, p. 80) and in particular, the rule-bound form of administration known as bureaucracy. Power made legitimate by laws, written rules, and regulations is termed  rational-legal authority . In this type of authority, power is vested in a particular system, not in the person implementing the system. However irritating bureaucracy might be, we generally accept its legitimacy because we have the expectation that its processes are conducted in a neutral, disinterested fashion, according to explicit, written rules and laws. Rational-legal types of rule have authority because they are rational; that is, they are unbiased, predictable, and efficient.

On the other hand, people also obey because of the charismatic personal qualities of a leader. In this respect, it is not so much a question of obeying as following. Weber saw charismatic leadership as a kind of antidote to the machine-like rationality of bureaucratic mechanisms. It was through the inspiration of a charismatic leader that people found something to believe in, and thereby change could be introduced into the system of continuous bureaucratic administration. The power of  charismatic authority is accepted because followers are drawn to the leader’s personality. The appeal of a charismatic leader can be extraordinary, inspiring followers to make unusual sacrifices or to persevere in the midst of great hardship and persecution. Charismatic leaders usually emerge in times of crisis and offer innovative or radical solutions. They also tend to hold power for short durations only because power based on charisma is fickle and unstable.

Of course the combination of the administrative power of rational-legal forms of domination and charisma have proven to be extremely dangerous, as the rise to power of Adolf Hitler shortly after Weber’s death demonstrated. We might also point to the distortions that a valuing of charisma introduces into the contemporary political process. There is increasing emphasis on the need to create a public “image” for leaders in electoral campaigns, both by “tweaking” or manufacturing the personal qualities of political candidates — Stephen Harper’s sudden propensity for knitted sweaters, Jean Chretian’s “little guy from Shawinigan” persona, Jack Layton’s moustache — and by character assassinations through the use of negative advertising — Stockwell Day’s “scary, narrow-minded fundamentalist” characterization, Paul Martin’s “Mr. Dithers” persona, Michael Ignatieff’s “the fly-in foreign academic” tag, Justin Trudeau’s “cute little puppy” moniker. Image management, or the attempt to manage the impact of one’s image or impression on others, is all about attempting to manipulate the qualities that Weber called charisma. However, while people often decry the lack of rational debate about the facts of policy decisions in image politics, it is often the case that it is only the political theatre of personality clashes and charisma that draws people in to participate in political life.

Pierre Elliott Trudeau and his son, Justin Trudeau.

5.1.4 Politics and the Image

A staged political protest. Long description available.

Politicians, political parties, and other political actors are also motivated to claim symbolic meanings for themselves or their issues. A Canadian Taxpayer Federation report noted that the amount of money spent on communication staff (or “spin doctors”) by the government in 2014 approached the amount spent on the total  House of Commons payroll ($263 million compared to $329 million per year) (Thomas, 2014). While most sectors of the civil service have been cut back, “information services” have continued to expand.

This practice of calculated symbolization through which political actors attempt to control or manipulate the impressions they make on the public is known as image management or image branding. Erving Goffman (1972) described the basic processes of image management in the context of small scale, face-to-face settings. In social encounters, he argued, individuals present a certain “face” to the group — “this is who I am” — by which they lay claim to a “positive social value” for themselves. It is by no means certain that the group will accept the face the individual puts forward, however. Individuals are therefore obliged during the course of interactions to continuously manage the impression they make in light of the responses, or potential responses of others — making it consistent with the “line” they are acting out. They continually make adjustments to cover over inconsistencies, incidents, or gaffs in their performance and use various props like clothing, hair styles, hand gestures, demeanour, forms of language, etc. to support their claim. The key point that Goffman makes is that one’s identity, face, or impression is not something intrinsic to the individual but is a social phenomenon, radically in the hands of others. The “presentation of self in everyday life” is a tricky and uncertain business.

On the political stage, especially in the age of mass-mediated interactions, image management and party branding are subject to sophisticated controls, calculations, and communications strategies. In effect, political image management is the process by which concrete, living historical events and processes — what politicians actually say and do in the public sphere day-to-day, how government policies are implemented, and what their effects on stakeholders and social processes are — are turned into ahistorical, “mythic” events and qualities: heroic struggles of good versus evil, prudence versus wastefulness, change and renewal versus stagnation and decline, or archetypal symbolic qualities of personal integrity, morality, decisiveness, toughness, feistiness, wisdom, tenacity, etc. Politicians and political parties claim a “positive social value” for themselves by attempting to plant a symbolic, mythic image in the minds of the public and then carefully scripting public performances to support that image. As Goffman points out with respect to face-to-face interactions, however, it is by no means certain that the public or the news media will accept these claims. The Canadian Alliance leader Stockwell Day’s Jet Ski photo op during the 2000 federal election undermined his credibility as potential prime ministerial material, just as Progressive Conservative leader Robert Stanfield’s football fumble on the airport tarmac in the 1974 federal election undermined his bid to appear more youthful (Smith, 2012).

Critics point to the way the focus on image in politics replaces political substance with superficial style. Using image to present a political message is seen as a lower, even fraudulent form of political rhetoric. Symbolic interactionists (discussed below) would note however that the ability to attribute persuasive meaning to political claims is a communicative process that operates at multiple levels. Determining what is and what is not a “substantial” issue is in fact a crucial component of political communication. Deluca (1999) argues that as a result of being locked out of the process of political communication, groups like environmental social movements can effectively bring marginalized issues into the public debate by staging image events . In the language of Greenpeace founder Robert Hunter, these are events that take the form of powerful visual imagery. They explode “in the public’s consciousness to transform the way people view their world” (cited in Deluca, 1999, p. 1). Greenpeace’s use of small inflatable Zodiac boats to get between whaling vessels and whales is one prominent example of an image event that creates a visceral effect in the audience.

Commenting on singer-songwriter Neil Young’s 2014 “Honour the Treaties” tour in Canada, Gill notes that the effectiveness of this type of image event is in the emotional resonance it establishes between the general public and aboriginal groups fighting tar sands development. “Plainly put, our governments don’t fear environmentalists, even icons like David Suzuki. But governments fear emotion, which they can’t regulate, and who but our artists are capable of stirring our emotions, giving them expression, and releasing the trapped energy in our national psyche?” (Gill, 2014). So, do image politics, image management, and image events necessarily make democratic will formation less substantial and less issues oriented? As Deluca puts it, “To dismiss image events as rude and crude is to cling to ‘presuppositions of civility and rationality underlying the old rhetoric,’ a rhetoric that supports those in positions of authority and thus allows civility and decorum to serve as masks for the protection of privilege and the silencing of protest (Deluca, 1999, pp. 14-15).

5.2 Democratic Will Formation

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon

Most people presume that anarchy , or the absence of organized government, does not facilitate a desirable living environment for society. They have in the back of their minds the Hobbesian view that the absence of sovereign rule leads to a state of chaos, lawlessness, and war of all against all. However, anarchy literally means “without leader or ruler.” Anarchism therefore refers to the political principles and practice of organizing social life without formal or state leadership. As such, the radical standpoint of anarchism provides a useful standpoint from which to examine the sociological question of why leadership in the form of the state is needed in the first place. We will return to this question in the final section of this module.

The tradition of anarchism developed in Europe in the 19th century in the work of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865), Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876), Peter Kropotkin (1842–1921) and others. It promoted the idea that states were both artificial and malevolent constructs, unnecessary for human social organization (Esenwein 2004). Anarchists proposed that the natural state of society is one of self-governing collectivities, in which people freely group themselves in loose affiliations with one another rather than submitting to government-based or human-made laws. They had in mind the way rural farmers came together to organize farmers’ markets or the cooperative associations of Swiss watchmakers in the Jura mountains. For the anarchists, anarchy was not violent chaos but the cooperative, egalitarian society that would emerge when state power was destroyed.

The anarchist program was (and still is) to maximize the personal freedoms of individuals by organizing society on the basis of voluntary social arrangements. These arrangements would be subject to continual renegotiation. As opposed to right-wing libertarianism, the anarchist tradition argued that the conditions for a cooperative, egalitarian society were the destruction of both the power of the state and of private property (i.e., capital). One of Proudhon’s famous anarchist slogans was “Private property is theft!” (Proudhon 1840).

Painting depicting police apprehending a man who bombed Paris' Café Terminus

In practice, 19th century anarchism had the dubious distinction of inventing modern political terrorism , or the use of violence on civilian populations and institutions to achieve political ends (CBC Radio 2011). This was referred to by Mikhail Bakunin as “propaganda by the deed” (1870). Clearly not all or even most anarchists advocated violence in this manner, but it was widely recognized that the hierarchical structures and institutions of the old society had to be destroyed before the new society could be created.

Nevertheless, the principle of the anarchist model of government is based on the participatory or direct democracy of the ancient Greek Athenians. In Athenian direct democracy, decision making, even in matters of detailed policy, was conducted through assemblies made up of all citizens. These assemblies would meet a minimum of 40 times a year (Forrest 1966). The root of the word democracy is demos , Greek for “people.” Democracy is therefore rule by the people . Ordinary Athenians directly ran the affairs of Athens.  (Of course “all citizens,” for the Greeks, meant all adult men and excluded women, children, and slaves.)

Direct democracy can be contrasted with modern forms of representative democracy , like that practised in Canada. In representative democracy, citizens elect representatives (MPs, MLAs, city councillors, etc.) to promote policies that favour their interests rather than directly participating in decision making themselves. It is based on the idea of representation rather than direct citizen participation . Critics note that the representative model of democracy enables distortions to be introduced into the determination of the will of the people: elected representatives are typically not socially representative of their constituencies as they are dominated by white men and elite occupations like law and business; corporate media ownership and privately funded advertisement campaigns enable the interests of privileged classes to be expressed rather than those of average citizens; and lobbying and private campaign contributions provide access to representatives and decision-making processes that is not afforded to the majority of the population. The distortions that intrude into the processes of representative democracy — for example, whose interests really get represented in government policy? — are no doubt behind the famous comment of the former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill who once declared to the House of Commons, “Indeed it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government … except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time” (Shapiro 2006).

Democracy however is not a static political form. Three key elements constitute democracy as a dynamic system: the institutions of democracy (parliament, elections, constitutions, rule of law, etc.), citizenship  (the internalized sense of individual dignity, rights, and freedom that accompanies formal membership in the political community), and the public sphere (or open “space” for public debate and deliberation). On the basis of these three elements, rule by the people can be exercised through a process of democratic will formation.

Jürgen Habermas (1998) emphasizes that democratic will formation in both direct and representative democracy is reached through a deliberative process. The general will or decisions of the people emerge through the mutual interaction of citizens in the public sphere. The underlying norm of the democratic process is what Habermas (1990) calls the ideal speech situation . An ideal speech situation is one in which every individual is permitted to take part in public discussion equally: to question assertions and introduce ideas. Ideally no individual is prevented from speaking (not by arbitrary restrictions on who is permitted to speak, nor by practical restrictions on participation like poverty or lack of education). To the degree that everyone accepts this norm of openness and inclusion, in free debate the best ideas will “rise to the top” and be accepted by the majority. On the other hand, when the norms of the ideal speech situation are violated, the process of democratic will formation becomes distorted and open to manipulation.

5.2.1 Political Demand and Political Supply

2011 Canadian popular vote by province and territory. The Conservitives won 166 of the seats.

In practice democratic will formation in representative democracies takes place largely through political party competition in an electoral cycle. Two factors explain the dynamics of democratic party systems (Kitschelt 1995). Firstly, political demand refers to the underlying societal factors and social changes that create constituencies of people with common interests. People form common political preferences and interests on the basis of their common positions in the social structure. For example, changes in the types of jobs generated by the economy will affect the size of electoral support for labour unions and labour union politics. Secondly, political supply refers to the strategies and organizational capacities of political parties to deliver an appealing political program to particular constituencies. For example, the Liberal Party of Canada often attempts to develop policies and political messaging that will position it in the middle of the political spectrum where the largest group of voters potentially resides. In the 2011 election, due to leadership issues, organizational difficulties, and the strategies of the other political parties, they were not able to deliver a credible appeal to their traditional centrist constituency and suffered a large loss of seats in Parliament (see Figure 17.13). In the 2015 election, the Conservative Party’s program and messaging consolidated its “right wing” constituency of social conservatives and free market proponents but failed to appeal to people in the center of the Canadian political spectrum (see Figure 17.14).

The relationship between political demand and political supply factors in democratic will formation can be illustrated by mapping out constituencies of voters on a left/right spectrum of political preferences (Kitschelt 1995; see Figure 17.14). While the terms “left wing” and “right wing” are notoriously ambiguous (Ogmundson 1972), they are often used in a simple manner to describe the basic political divisions of modern society.

In Figure 17.15, one central axis of division in voter preference has to do with the question of how scarce resources are to be distributed in society. At the right end of the spectrum are economic conservatives who advocate minimal taxes and a purely spontaneous, competitive market-driven mechanism for the distribution of wealth and essential services (including health care and education), while at the  left end of the spectrum are socialists who advocate progressive taxes and state redistribution of wealth and services to create social equality or “equality of condition.” A second axis of division in voter preference has to do with social policy and “collective decision modes.” At the right end of the spectrum is authoritarianism (law and order, limits on personal autonomy, exclusive citizenship, hierarchical decision making, etc.), while at the left end of the spectrum is individual autonomy or expanded democratization of political processes (maximum individual autonomy in politics and the cultural sphere, equal rights, inclusive citizenship, extra-parliamentary democratic participation, etc.). Along both axes or spectrums of political opinion, one might imagine an elliptically shaped distribution of individuals, with the greatest portion in the middle of each spectrum and far fewer people at the extreme ends. The dynamics of  political supply  in political party competition follow from the way political parties try to position themselves along the spectrum to maximize the number of voters they appeal to while remaining distinct from their political competitors.

A chart that places Canada's main political parties on a spectrum.

Sociologists are typically more interested in the underlying social factors contributing to changes in political demand than in the day-by-day strategies of political supply. One influential theory proposes that since the 1960s, contemporary political preferences have shifted away from older, materialist concerns with economic growth and physical security (i.e., survival values) to postmaterialist concerns with quality of life issues: personal autonomy, self-expression, environmental integrity, women’s rights, gay rights, the meaningfulness of work, habitability of cities, etc. (Inglehart 2008). From the 1970s on, postmaterialist social movements seeking to expand the domain of personal autonomy and free expression have encountered equally postmaterialist responses by neoconservative groups advocating the return to traditional family values, religious fundamentalism, submission to work discipline, and tough-on-crime initiatives. This has led to a new postmaterialist cleavage structure in political preferences.

In Figure 17.14 we have represented this shift in political preferences in the difference between the ellipse centred on the free-market/state redistribution axis and the ellipse centred on the free-market-social-conservativism/ redistribution-social-liberalism axis (Kitschelt 1995). As a result of the development of postmaterialist politics, the “left” side of the political spectrum has been increasingly defined by a cluster of political preferences defined by redistributive policies, social and multicultural inclusion, environmental sustainability, and demands for personal autonomy, etc., while the “right” side has been defined by a cluster of preferences including free-market policies, tax cuts, limits on political engagement, crime policy, and social conservative values, etc.

What explains the emergence of a postmaterialist axis of political preferences? Arguably, the experience of citizens for most of the 20th century was defined by economic scarcity and depression, the two world wars, and the Cold War resulting in the materialist orientation toward the economy, personal security, and military defence in political demand. The location of individuals within the industrial class structure is conventionally seen as the major determinant of whether they preferred working-class-oriented policies of economic redistribution or capitalist-class-oriented policies of free-market allocation of resources. In the advanced capitalist or post-industrial societies of the late 20th century, the underlying class conditions of voter preference are not so clear however. Certainly the working-class does not vote en masse for the traditional working class party in Canada, the NDP, and voters from the big business, small business, and administrative classes are often divided between the Liberals and Conservatives (Ogmundson 1972).

Kitschelt (1995) notes two distinctly influential dynamics in western European social conditions that can be applied to the Canadian situation. Firstly, in the era of globalization and free trade agreements people (both workers and managers) who work in and identify with  sectors of the economy that are exposed to international competition (non-quota agriculture, manufacturing, natural resources, finances) are likely to favour free market policies that are seen to enhance the global competitiveness of these sectors, while those who work in sectors of the economy sheltered from international competition (public-service sector, education, and some industrial, agricultural and commercial sectors) are likely to favour redistributive policies. Secondly, in the transition from an industrial economy to a postindustrial service and knowledge economy, people whose work or educational level promotes high levels of communicative interaction skills (education, social work, health care, cultural production, etc.) are likely to value personal autonomy, free expression, and increased democratization, whereas those with more instrumental task-oriented occupations (manipulating objects, documents, and spreadsheets) and lower or more skills-oriented levels of education are likely to find authoritarian and traditional social settings more natural. In Figure 17.14, new areas of political preference are shown opening up in the shaded areas labelled Space A and Space B.

The implication Kitschelt draws from this analysis is that as the conditions of political demand shift, the strategies of the political parties (i.e., the political supply) need to shift as well (see Figure 17.14). Social democratic parties like the NDP need to be mindful of the general shift to the right under conditions of globalization, but to the degree that they move to the centre (2) or the right (3), like British labour under Tony Blair, they risk alienating much of their traditional core support in the union movement, new social movement activists, and young people. The Green Party is also positioned (1) to pick up NDP support if the NDP move right. On the other side of the spectrum, the Conservatives do not want to move so far to the right (5) that they lose centrist voters to the Liberals or NDP (as was the case in the Ontario provincial election in 2014 and the federal election in 2015). However, to the degree they move to the centre they risk being indistinguishable from the Liberals and a space opens up to the right of them on the political spectrum. The demise of the former Progressive Conservative party after the 1993 election was precipitated by the emergence of postmaterialist conservative parties further to the right (Reform and the Canadian Alliance).

This model of democratic will formation in Canada is not without its problems. For one thing, Kitschelt’s model of the spectrum of political party competition is based on European politics. It does not take into account the important role of regional allegiances that cut across the left/right division and make Canada an atypical case (in particular the regional politics of Quebec and western Canada). Similarly, the argument that political preferences have shifted from materialist concerns with economic growth and distribution to postmaterialist concerns with quality-of-life issues is belied by opinion polls which consistently indicate that Canadians rate the economy and unemployment as their greatest concerns, (although climate change and health care often rank highly in opinion polls). On the other hand, it is probably the case that postmaterialist concerns are not addressed effectively in current formal political processes and political party platforms. Canadians have been turning increasingly to nontraditional political activities like protests and demonstrations, signing petitions, and boycotting or “boycotting” to express their political grievances and aspirations. With regard to the distinction between direct democracy and representative democracy, it is interesting to note that in the current era of declining voter participation in elections, especially among young people, people (especially young people) are turning to more direct means of political engagement (See Figure 17.15).

N/A means not applicable. * means statistically different from 22 to 29-year-olds (p<0.05).

Note: Voting rates will differ from those of Elections Canada, which calculates voter participation rates based on number of eligible voters. Source: Statistics Canada, General Social Survey, 2003.

What might that more direct form of participation look like? In the following videos you are introduced to one form of citizen participation in the formation of policy.  Can you think of other examples of how citizens can influence the formation of policy in contemporary democratic states?

5.3 The De-Centring of the State: Terrorism, War, Empire, and Political Exceptionalism

"Dawn of the Planet of the Apes" movie poster

In Dawn of the Planet of the Apes (2014), the post-apocalyptic narrative of brewing conflict between the apes — descendants of animal experimentation and genetic manipulation — and the remaining humans — survivors of a human-made ape virus pandemic — follows a familiar political story line of mistrust, enmity, and provocation between opposed camps. The film may be seen as a science fiction allegory of any number of contemporary cycles of violence, including the 2014 Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which was concurrent with the film’s release. In the first part of the movie, we see the two communities in a kind of pre-political state, struggling in isolation from one another in an effort to survive. There is no real internal conflict or disagreement within them that would have to be settled politically. The communities have leaders, but leaders who are listened to only because of the respect accorded to them. However, when the two communities come into contact unexpectedly, a political dynamic begins to emerge in which the question becomes whether the two groups will be able to live in peace together or whether their history and memory of hatred and disrespect will lead them to conflict. It is a story in which we ask whether it is going to be the regulative moral codes that govern everyday social behaviour or the friend/enemy dynamics of politics and war that will win the day. The underlying theme is that when the normal rules that govern everyday behaviour are deemed no longer sufficient to conduct life, politics as an exception in its various forms emerges.

The concept of politics as exception has its roots in the origins of sovereignty (Agamben, 1998). It was articulated most clearly in the 1920s in the work of Carl Schmitt (1922) who later became juridical theorist aligned with the German Nazi regime in the 1930s. Schmitt argued that the authentic activity of politics–the sphere of “the political”–only becomes clear  in moments of crisis when leaders are obliged to make a truly political decision, (for example, to go to war). This occurs when the normal rules that govern decision making or the application of law appear no longer adequate or applicable to the situation confronting society. Specifically, we refer to a state of exception when the law or the constitution is temporarily suspended during a time of crisis so that the executive leader can claim emergency powers. Schmitt eventually applied this principle to justify the German National Socialist Party’s suspension of the Weimar constitution in 1933, as well as the Führerprinzip (principle of absolute leadership) that characterized the dictatorship of Adolf Hitler. Nevertheless political exceptionalism is a reoccurring theme in politics and as situations of crisis have become increasingly normal in recent decades — the war on terror, failed states, the erosion of sovereign power, etc. — it becomes  necessary for sociologists to examine the role of politics under conditions of social crisis.

A subplot in  Dawn of the Planet of the Apes involves the relationship between the leader of the apes, Caesar, and Koba, whose life as a victim of medical experimentation leads him to hate humans and challenge Caesar’s attempts to find reconciliation with them. Until the moment of contact, the apes are able govern themselves by a moral code and mutual agreement on decisions. It is an ideal, peaceful pre-political society. One central tenet of the apes’ moral identity was that “ape does not kill ape,” unlike the humans whose society disintegrated into violent conflict following the global pandemic. However, when Koba’s betrayal of Caesar leads to a war with the humans that threatens the apes’ survival, Caesar is forced to make an impossible decision: break the moral code and kill Koba, or risk further betrayal and dissension that will undermine his ability to lead. Caesar’s solution is to kill Koba but only after making a crucial declaration that keeps the apes’ moral code intact: “Koba not ape!” He essentially declares that Koba’s transgression of the apes’ way of life was so egregious that he could no longer be considered an ape and therefore he can be killed.

This is an example of political exceptionalism. In this case, Caesar suspends the law of the apes and dispenses with Koba in his first act of emergency power. Caesar decides who is and who is not an ape; who is and who is not protected by ape law. The law is preserved, but it is revealed to be radically fluid and dependent on Caesar’s decision.

This possibility of the state of exception is built in to the structure of the modern state. The modern state system, based on the concept of state sovereignty, came into existence after the Thirty Years War in Europe (1618–1648) as a solution to the problem of continual, generalized states of war. The principle of state sovereignty is that within states, peace is maintained by a single rule of law, while war (i.e., the absence of law) is expelled to the margins of society as a last resort in times of exception. The concept of “society” itself, as a peaceable space of normative interaction, depends on this expulsion of violent conflict to the borders of society (Walker, 1993). When society is threatened however, from without or within, the conditions of a temporary state of exception emerge. Constitutional governments often provide a formal mechanism for declaring a state of exception or emergency powers, like the former Canadian War Measures Act . Many observers of contemporary global conflict have noted, however, that what were once temporary states of exception — wars between states, wars within states, wars by non-state actors, and wars or crises resulting in the suspension of laws — have become increasingly permanent and normalized in recent years. The exception is increasingly becoming the norm (Agamben 2005; Hardt and Negri, 2004).

Several phenomena of current political life allow us to examine political exceptionalism: global terrorism, the contemporary nature of war,  the re-emergence of Empire, and the routine use of states of exception.

5.3.1 Terrorism: War by non-state actors

Since 9/11, the role of terrorism in restructuring national and international politics has become apparent. As we defined it earlier, terrorism is the use of violence on civilian populations and institutions to achieve political ends. Typically we see this violence as a product of non-state actors seeking radical political change by resorting to means outside the normal political process. They challenge the state’s legitimate monopoly over the use of force in a territory. Al-Qaeda for example is an international organization that had its origin in American-funded efforts to organize an insurgency campaign against the Russian occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s. Its attacks on civilian and military targets, including the American embassies in East Africa in 1998, the World Trade Center in 2001, and the bombings in Bali in 2002, are means to demand the end of Western influence in the Middle East and the establishment of fundamentalist Wahhabi Islamic caliphates. On a much smaller scale the FLQ (Front de libération du Québec) resorted to bombing mailboxes, the Montreal Stock Exchange, and kidnapping political figures to press for the independence of Quebec.

Terrorism is an ambiguous term, however, because the definition of who or what constitutes a terrorist differs depending on who does the defining. There are three distinct phenomena that are defined as terrorism in contemporary usage: the use of political violence as a means of revolt by non-state actors against a legitimate government, the use of political violence by governments themselves in contravention of national or international codes of human rights, and the use of violence in war that contravenes established rules of engagement, including violence against civilian or non-military targets (Hardt and Negri 2004). Noam Chomsky argues, for example, that the United States government is the most significant terrorist organization in the world because of its support for illegal and irregular wars, its backing of authoritarian regimes that use illegitimate violence against their populations, and its history of destabilizing foreign governments and assassinating foreign political leaders (Chomsky 2001; Chomsky and Herman 1979).

[JR: Please insert Youtube video, Free Will, (2020), “Noam Chomsky on Terrorism” at url, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ae4UQ4V1iKc&pp=QAA%3D]

5.3.2 War: Politics by other means

Even before there were modern nation-states, political conflicts arose among competing societies or factions of people. Vikings attacked continental European tribes in search of loot, and later, European explorers landed on foreign shores to claim the resources of indigenous peoples. Conflicts also arose among competing groups within individual sovereignties, as evidenced by the bloody English and American civil wars and the Riel Rebellion in Canada. Nearly all conflicts in the past and present, however, are spurred by basic desires: the drive to protect or gain territory and wealth, and the need to preserve liberty and autonomy. They are driven by an inside/outside dynamic that provides the underlying political content of war. War is defined as a form of organized group violence between politically distinct groups. As the 19th century military strategist Carl von Clausewitz (1832) said, war is merely the continuation of politics by other means.

Military jets flying in formation.

In the 20th century, 9 million people were killed in World War I and another 61 million people were killed in World War II. The death tolls in these wars were of such magnitude that the wars were considered at the time to be unprecedented. World War I, or “the Great War,” was described as the war that would end all wars, yet the manner in which it was settled led directly to the conditions responsible for the declaration of World War II. In fact, the wars were not unprecedented. Since the establishment of the modern centralized state in Europe, there have been six European wars involving alliances between multiple nation-states at approximately half-century intervals. Prior to World War I and World War II, there was the Thirty Years War (1618–1648), the War of Spanish Succession (1702–1713), the Seven Years War (1756–1763), and the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1792–1815)  (Dyer, 2014). The difference in the two 20th century world wars is that advances in military technology and the strategy of total war (involving the targeting of civilian as well as military targets) led to a massive increase in casualties. The total dead in 20th century wars is estimated at 111 million, approximately two-thirds of the 175 million people killed in total in war in the thousand years between 1000 and 2000 CE (Tepperman, 2010).

War is typically understood as armed conflict that has been openly declared between or within states. However recent warfare, like Canada’s involvement in the NATO mission in Afghanistan (from 2001 to 2014), more typically takes the form of asymmetrical conflict between professional state armies and insurgent groups who rely on guerilla tactics (Hardt and Negri, 2004).   Asymmetrical warfare is defined by the lack of symmetry between the sides of a violent military conflict. There is a significant imbalance of technical and military means between combatants, which has been referred to by American military strategists as full spectrum dominance . This shifts the nature of the conflict to insurgency and counter-insurgency tactics in which the dominant, professional armies aim their efforts of deterrence against both the military operations of their opponents and the potentially militarized population. Counter-insurgency strategies seek not only to defeat the enemy army militarily but to control it with social, political, ideological, and psychological weapons. The Canadian army’s “model village” clear, hold, and build strategy in Afghanistan is an example of this, combining conventional military action with humanitarian aid and social and infrastructure investment (Galloway, 2009). On the other side, the insurgent armies compensate for their military weakness with the unpredictable tactics of guerilla war in which maximum damage can be done with a minimum of weaponry (Hardt and Negri, 2004).

One of the outcomes of contemporary warfare has been the creation of a condition of global post-security in which, as Hardt and Negri  put it, “lethal violence is present as a constant potentiality, ready always and everywhere to erupt” (2004, p. 4). Partly as a reaction to this phenomenon and partly as a cause, we can speak of the development of war systems, or the normalization of militarization . This is “the contradictory and tense social process in which civil society organizes itself for the production of violence” (Geyer, 1989). This process involves an intensification of the conceptual division between the outsides and insides of nation-states, the demonization of enemies who threaten “us” from the outside (or the inside), the normalization of military ways of thinking and military perspectives on policy, and the propagation of ideologies that romanticize, sanitize, and validate military violence as a solution to problems or as a way of life (Graham, 2011). As many commentators have noted, Canada’s relationship to military action has shifted during the Afghan operation from its Lester Pearson era of peacekeeping to a more militant stance in line with the normalization of militarization (Dyer, 2014).

5.3.3 Empire

The breakdown of states due to warfare or internal civil conflict is one way in which the sovereign nation-state is undermined in times of exception. Another way in which the sovereignty of the state has been undermined is through the creation of supra-state forces like global capitalism and international trade agreements that reduce or constrain the decision-making abilities of national governments. When these supranational forces become organized on a formal basis, we might begin to speak about the re-emergence of empires as a type of political exception. Empires have existed throughout human history, but arguably there is something very unique about the formation of the contemporary global Empire. In general an empire (1) refers to a geographically widespread organization of individual states, nations, and people that is ruled by a centralized government, like the Roman Empire or the Austro-Hungarian Empire. However, some argue that the formation of a contemporary global order has seen the development of a new unbounded and centre-less type of empire. Empire (2) today refers to a supra‐national, global form of sovereignty whose territory is the entire globe and whose organization forms around the nodes of a network form of power. These nodes include the dominant nation‐states, supranational institutions (the UN, IMF, GATT, WHO, G7, etc.), major capitalist corporations, and international Non-Governmental Organizations or NGOs ( Medecins San Frontieres , Amnesty International, CUSO, Oxfam, etc.) (Hardt and Negri, 2000).

As a result of the formation of this type of global empire, war, for example, is increasingly not fought between independent sovereign nation-states but increasingly as a kind of global-scale police action in which several states — or “coalitions of the willing” — intervene on humanitarian or security grounds to suppress dissent or conflict in different parts of the globe. Key to this shift in the nature of the use of force is the way in which military action, traditionally understood as armed combat between sovereign states, is reconceptualized as police action, traditionally understood as the legitimate use of force within a sovereign state. As the borders between states erode, the entire globe is reconceived as a single, vast, internal sovereign state to be managed and governed as a domestic problem.

5.3.4 Normalization of Exception

As we noted above, a state of exception refers to a situation when the law or the constitution is temporarily suspended during a time of crisis so that the executive leader can claim emergency powers. During warfare for example, it is typical for governments to temporarily suspend the normal rule of law and institute martial law. However, when times of crisis become the norm, this modality of power is resorted to more frequently and more permanently both on a large scale and small scale.Perhaps the most famous example of normalized political exceptionalism was the suspension of the Weimar Constitution by the Nazis in Germany between 1933 and 1945. On the basis of Hitler’s Decree for the Protection of the People and the State , the personal liberties of Germans were “legally” suspended, making the concentration camps for political opponents, the confiscation of property, and the Holocaust in some sense lawful actions. Under Alfredo Stroessner’s regime in Paraguay in the 1960s and 1970s, this form of legal illegality was taken to the extreme. Citing the state of emergency created by the global Cold War struggle between communism and democracy, Stroessner suspended Paraguay’s constitutional protection of rights and freedoms permanently except for one day every four years when elections were held (Zizek 2002). On a smaller scale, albeit with global implications, U.S. President George Bush’s 2001 military order that authorized the trial by military tribunal and indefinite detention of “unlawful combatants” and individuals suspected of being involved in terrorist activities enabled a similar suspension of constitutional and international laws. The U.S. detention centre at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, where individuals were tortured and held without trial or due process, is a legally authorized space that is nevertheless outside of the jurisdiction and protection of the law (Agamben 2005).

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Canada’s most famous incident of peacetime state of exception was Pierre Trudeau’s use of the War Measures Act in 1970 during the October Crisis. The War Measures Act was used to suspend civil liberties and mobilize the military in response to a state of “apprehended insurrection” following the FLQ’s kidnapping of Quebec politician Pierre Laporte and British diplomat James Cross. During the period of the War Measures Act, 3,000 homes were searched and 497 individuals were arrested without due process, including several people in Vancouver who were found distributing the FLQ’s manifesto. Only 62 people were ever charged with offences, and the FLQ cells responsible for the kidnappings did not number more than a handful of individuals (Clément 2008). Although this incident is the most famous example of political exceptionalism in Canada, there are a number of pieces of legislation and processes that involve the mechanism of localized suspension of the law, notably the use of Ministerial Security Certificates under the 2001 Anti-Terrorism Act, which enables the indefinite detention of suspected terrorists; the Public Works Protection Act, which was used to detain protesters at the Toronto G20 Summit in 2010; and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (2002), which enables the routine confinement and detention of stateless refugees and “boat people” arriving in Canada.

[JR: Please insert Youtube video, (2017), “Noam  Chomsky: Neoliberalism is Destroying out Democracy” at url, https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/noam-chomsky-neoliberalism-destroying-democracy/]

5.4 Theoretical Perspectives on Government and Power

Talcott Parsons

There has been considerable disagreement among sociologists about the nature of power, politics, and the role of the state in society. This is not surprising as any discussion of power and politics is bound to be political itself, that is to say divisive or “politicized.” It is arguably the case that we are better positioned today, after a period of prolonged political exceptionalism, to see the nature of power and the state more clearly than during periods of peace or détente. It is during moments when the regular frameworks of political practice and behaviour are disrupted — through revolution, suspension of the law, the failure of states, war, or counter-insurgency — that the underlying basis of the relationship between the social and the political, or society and the state can be revealed and rethought.

Earlier in this chapter, we noted that the radical standpoint of anarchism provides a useful standpoint from which to examine the sociological question of the state. A key sociological question posed by anarchism is: Why is government in the form of the state needed in the first place? Could we not do just as well without state government? What is the state for? On these questions, the organizational frameworks or paradigms that characterize the sociological tradition — here we have been examining structural functionalism, critical sociology, and symbolic interactionism — have provided different approaches and answers.

5.4.1 Functionalism

Talcott Parsons, in a classic statement of structural functionalism, wrote: “I conceive of political organization as functionally organized about the attainment of collective goals, i.e., the attainment or maintenance of states of interaction between the system and its environing situation that are relatively desirable from the point of view of the system” (Parsons, 1961, p. 435). From the viewpoint of the system, the “polity” exists to perform specific functions and meet certain needs generated by society. In particular, it exists to provide a means of attaining “desirable” collective goals by being the site of collective decision making. According to functionalism, modern forms of government have four main purposes: planning and directing society, meeting collective social needs, maintaining law and order, and managing international relations.

The abstractness of Parsons’s language is both a strength and weakness of the functionalist approach to government and the state. It is a strength in the sense that it enables functionalist sociologists to abstract from particular societies to examine how the function of collective decision making and goal attainment is accomplished in different manners in different types of society. It does not presuppose that there is a “proper” institutional (or other) structure that defines government per se, nor does it presuppose what a society’s collective goals are. The idea is that the social need for collective goal attainment is the same for all societies, but it can be met in a variety of different ways. In this respect it is interesting to note that many nomadic or hunter-gather societies developed mechanisms that specifically prevent formal, enduring state organizations from developing. The typical “headman” structure in hunter-gatherer societies is a mechanism of collective decision making in which the headman takes a leadership role, but only on the provisional basis of his recognized prestige, his ability to influence or persuade, and his attunement with the group’s desires. The polity function is organized in a manner that actively fends off the formation of a permanent state institution (Clastres, 1989). Similarly Parsons’s own analysis of the development and differentiation of the institutions of the modern state (legislative, executive, judiciary) shows how political organization in Western societies emerged from a period of “religio-political-legal unity” in which the functions performed by church and state were not separate.

The weakness in Parsons’s abstraction is that it allows functionalists to speak about functions and needs from the “point of view of the system” as if the system had an independent or neutral existence. A number of very important aspects of power disappear from view by a kind of sleight of hand when sociologists attempt to take this viewpoint. One dominant functionalist framework for understanding why the state exists is pluralist theory . In pluralist theory, society is made up of numerous competing interest groups — capital, labour, religious fundamentalists, feminists, LGBTQ, small business, homeless people, taxpayers, elderly, military, pacifists, etc. — whose goals are diverse and often incompatible. In democratic societies, power and resources are widely distributed, albeit unevenly, so no one group can attain the power to permanently dominate the entire society. Therefore, the state or government has to act as a neutral mediator to negotiate, reconcile, balance, find compromise, or decide among the divergent interests. From the point of view of the system, it maintains equilibrium between competing interests so that the functions of social integration and collective goal attainment can be accomplished. In this model, the state is an autonomous institution that acts on behalf of society as a whole. It is independent of any particular interest group.On one hand, the pluralist model seems to conform to commonsense understandings of democracy. Sometimes one group wins, sometimes another. Usually there are compromises. Everyone has the potential to have input into the political decision-making process. However, critics of pluralist theory note that what disappears from an analysis that attempts to take the neutral point of view of the system and its functions is, firstly, the fact that the system itself is not disinterested — it is structured to maintain inequality; secondly, that some competing interests are not reconcilable or balanceable — they are fundamentally antagonistic; and, thirdly, that politics is not the same as administration or government — it is in essence disruptive of systems and equilibrium. The difficulty Parsons has in accounting for these aspects of political life comes out in his discussion of the use of force to maintain the state’s legally sanction normative order (i.e., the “the highest order of norms regulating the behaviour of units within the society”). Parsons (1961) writes,

No society can afford to permit any other normative order to take precedence over that sanctioned by “politically organized society.” Indeed, the promulgation of any such alternative order is a revolutionary act, and the agencies responsible for it must assume the responsibility of political organization (p. 435).

He suggests that an alternative normative order is not simply the product of a competing social interest that might be balanced with others, but a revolutionary threat to the entire system. From the “point of view of the system,” an alternative normative order is inadmissible and must be either violently suppressed or permitted to take responsibility for founding a new political organization of society.

5.4.2 Critical Sociology

The question of why the state exists has been answered in a variety of different ways by critical sociologists. In the Marxist tradition, the power of the state is principally understood as a means by which the economic power of capital is exercised and maintained. The state itself is in many respects subservient to the interests of capital. As Marx and Engels put it in The Communist Manifesto , “The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie” (1848, p. 223). While the state appears to be the place where power is “held,” the power of the state is in a sense secondary to the power of capital.

In the analysis of Nicos Poulantzas (1973), the state performs a key role in maintaining the integration of capitalist society, which is otherwise threatened by class conflict and even conflict within the capitalist class itself.  In particular, the state performs three functions that serve the interests of the dominant classes: an accumulation function in which the state maintains the economic conditions for sustained capitalist investment and profitability, a legitimation function in which the state promotes the legitimacy of the social order (including its inequalities and power structures) and secures social harmony and the consent of the public to be ruled, and (3) a coercive function in which, “in the last instance,” the state intervenes by use of force to repress sources of social unrest and disorder (Panitch 1977).  Poulantzas emphasizes that the state is not under the direct control of the capitalist class however. He is not describing a conspiracy theory. Rather the state often intervenes in ways that seem to contradict the immediate interests of capitalists, especially when it implements taxes, welfare provisions, unemployment insurance, labour union rights,  environmental protections, etc., or promotes policies that privilege one sector of the economy over another (e.g., resource extraction over manufacturing).  Poulantzas notes that whereas the immediate interests of specific corporations might be to maximize profits in the short term, the role of the state is to maintain the long-term interests of capital as a whole (i.e., the stability of the system of private property and private accumulation of profit).

A second type of critical sociology is feminism. Catherine MacKinnon argued that “feminism has no theory of the state” (MacKinnon 1989, p. 157). The feminist understanding of the state’s role in society and gender hierarchies is ambiguous. That is in part because the state has at times been an important ally for addressing feminist concerns and at other times an important mechanism for maintaining patriarchal power. One of the central organizational forums in the development of second-wave feminism in Canada was the formation of Status of Women committees that pressed the Lester Pearson government in the 1960s to establish the Royal Commission on the Status of Women (1970). The founding of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women as a “big tent” organization that included many different women’s groups can be seen as a result of the Royal Commission in that it formed to lobby subsequent governments to implement the commission’s recommendations (Rebick 2005). In this case, the state is regarded as an institution that can be used to transform gender relations through legislation on sexual equality, maternity leave, access to birth control, reproductive rights, child care, etc.  The consciousness raising around the Royal Commission was also a pivotal event in which the private troubles of women were collectively recognized as public issues of social structure.

On the other hand, the state has a history of family and sexual policy that has reinforced women’s unpaid labour in the household, their subordinate status outside the household, and the intense moral regulation of women’s lives. This is not an accidental circumstance. MacKinnon (1982) argues, for example, that state power is in crucial respects sexual power, a power that institutionalizes male domination by enforcing the assumptions and social requirements of heterosexuality. While instances of overt male sexual abuse and coercion like rape, incest, sexual harassment, child pornography, and procurement for prostitution are subject to prosecution, this is only to protect the underlying male sexual dominance and female subordination of heterosexual relationships. “[T]he state protects male power [by] appearing to prohibit its excesses when necessary to its normalization” (MacKinnon 1989, p. 167). MacKinnon argues that the dominant concepts of jurisprudence that regulate the relation of law and life (i.e., the neutrality of the law, the protection of abstract rights and freedoms, etc.) have to be challenged from the point of view of women’s concrete experience of everyday sexual inequality. For example, protecting the pornographer’s “freedom of speech” enables the continued exploitation, use, and abuse of actual girls and women who often do not have a meaningful choice to refuse such “employment.”

Michel Foucault

A third critical sociological perspective on the state can be found in the work of Michel Foucault who argues that the idea of the state is an abstraction that conceals a far more widespread and pernicious operation of power. The power of the state, understood to operate through the formulation and enforcement of rights and laws, relies on an order that is in fact produced by a multitude of non-state “micro-power” relationships that extend throughout society. These power relationships are disciplinary in nature, focused on fostering the capacities of human “life and what it can do” through the implementation of regimens or practices of improvement: in schools, hospitals, armies, families, prisons, etc. Foucault (1980a) argues that the focus on the state as a site of centralized power, “allow[s] a system of right to be superimposed upon the mechanisms of discipline in such a way as to conceal its actual procedures, the element of domination inherent in its techniques, and to guarantee to everyone, by virtue of the sovereignty of the state, the exercise of his proper sovereign rights…[T]his democratization of sovereignty [is] fundamentally determined by and grounded in mechanisms of disciplinary coercion” (p.105). The challenge to power must not be addressed towards the state, Foucault argues, but to the local sites, practices, relationships, discourses, and institutions where the effects of power are directly experienced. “In political thought and analysis we still have not cut off the head of the king” (1980b, pp. 88-89).

5.4.3 Symbolic Interactionism

Other sociologists study government and power by relying on the framework of symbolic interactionism, which is grounded in the works of Max Weber and George H. Mead. In this school, the meaning of the state and politics emerges through processes of communicative interaction. Only on the basis of the meanings attributed to politics can coherent political courses of action and behaviour be undertaken individually or collectively.

Symbolic interactionism, as it pertains to government, therefore focuses its attention on figures, emblems, or individuals that represent power and authority. Many diverse entities in larger society can be considered symbolic: trees, doves, wedding rings. Images that represent the power and authority of Canada include the Parliament Buildings, the beaver, and the Canadian flag. The Canadian national anthem, sung at sports events and official assemblies, incites respect and reverence in many Canadians. The symbolic nature of political discourses and political emblems are of course open to manipulation, which is often referred to as image politics . In fact the Canadian media theorist Marshall McLuhan proposed that “Politics will eventually be replaced by imagery. The politician will be only too happy to abdicate in favour of his image, because the image will be much more powerful than he could ever be” (Newman, 1971, p. 42).

Overall, symbolic interactionists are not interested in large structures such as “the government” or “the state” as if they existed independently of the ongoing interactions that constitute them. One side of this, as we have seen, is their attention to the ongoing creation of symbols that give meaning to political life and activity. But as micro-sociologists, they are also interested in the face-to-face aspects of politics. In reality, much of politics consists of face-to-face backroom meetings and lobbyist efforts. What the public often sees is the front stage of politics that is sanitized by the media through gatekeeping. Symbolic interactionists are most interested in the meaningful interaction between the small groups who make decisions, or in the case of some recent parliamentary committees, who demonstrate the inability to interact meaningfully. The heart of politics is the result of small-scale exchanges between individuals and small groups over periods of time.

The long-standing complaint of increasing incivility in House of Commons debates, question period, and committee work points to the way that give-and-take interactions between parliamentarians have been severely curtailed in recent years (Samara 2011). These interactions are essential for creating mutual understanding and consensus as well as producing new meanings and perspectives that individuals use to make sure there are future interactions. To the degree that they break down or communication becomes dysfunctional, the elementary components that enable the legislative function of government to perform its activity independent of direct control by the Office of the Prime Minister (i.e., the executive function) are threatened and democracy itself is curtailed.

Key Terms and Concepts

absolute monarchy:  Government wherein a monarch has absolute or unmitigated power.

accumulation function:  The role of the state in maintaining the economic conditions for sustained capitalist investment and profitability.

anarchism:  The political principles and practice of social organization without formal or state leadership anarchy the absence of any organized government.

asymmetrical warfare:  Violent military conflict in which there is a significant imbalance of technical and military means between combatants.

authority:  Power that people accept because it comes from a source that is perceived as legitimate.

charismatic authority:  Power legitimized on the basis of a leader’s exceptional personal qualities.

citizenship:  The internalized sense of individual dignity, rights, and freedom that accompanies formal membership in the political community.

coercive function:  The role of the state in maintaining social order by use of force.

constitutional monarchies:  National governments that recognize monarchs but require these figures to abide by the laws of a greater constitution.

democracy:  Rule by the people.

democratic will formation:  The deliberative process by which the will or decisions of the people are determined.

dictatorship:  A form of government in which a single person (or a very small group) wields complete and absolute authority over a government or populace after the dictator rises to power, usually through economic or military might.

direct democracy:  A form of government in which decision making, even in matters of detail, is conducted through assemblies made up of all citizens.

domination:  A situation in which power and resistance are fixed into a more or less permanent hierarchical arrangement.

empire:  A geographically widespread organization of individual states, nations, and peoples that is ruled by a centralized government; the contemporary supra‐national, global form of sovereignty whose territory is the entire globe and whose nodes in “its network form of power” include the dominant nation‐states, supranational institutions, and major capitalist corporations.

government:  The various means and strategies used to direct the behaviour and actions of others (or of oneself).

ideal speech situation:  The ideal situation for democratic discussion in which every subject is permitted to take part in public discussion, to question assertions, to introduce assertions, and to express attitudes, desires, and needs; no subject can be prevented from speaking.

image event:  An event staged using primarily visual material as a means of public persuasion.

image management:  The process of controlling the impact of one’s appearance to others.

institutions of democracy:  The institutions that organize the regular processes of democracy including Parliament, the civil service, electoral procedures, constitutions, rule of law, etc.

legitimation function:  The role of the state in securing social harmony and the consent of the public to be ruled.

monarchy:  A form of government in which a single person, or monarch, rules until that individual dies or abdicates the throne.

nation-state:  A political unit whose boundaries are co-extensive with a society.

normalization of militarization:  The contradictory and tense social process in which civil society organizes itself for the production of violence.

oligarchy:  A form of government in which power is held by a small, elite group.

one person, one vote:  A concept holding that each person’s vote should be counted equally.

patrimonialism:  A type of authority wherein military and administrative factions enforce the power of the master.

pluralist theory:  The state acts as a neutral mediator to balance the competing interests and demands of divergent interest groups in society.

politics:  The means by which form is given to the life of a people; the activity of striving to share power or striving to influence the distribution of power, either among states or among groups within a state.

political demand:  The underlying societal factors and social changes that create constituencies of people with common interests.

political supply:  The strategies and organizational capacities of political parties to deliver an appealing political program to particular constituencies.

postmaterialist:  Concerns with quality-of-life issues: personal autonomy, self-expression, environmental integrity, women’s rights, gay rights, the meaningfulness of work, habitability of cities, etc.

post-security:  A condition in which lethal violence is present as a constant potentiality, always and everywhere ready to erupt.

power : The ability to exercise one’s will over others; the capacity or to create and act.

public sphere:  An open space for public debate and deliberation.

rational-legal authority:  Power that is legitimized by rules, regulations, and laws.

representative democracy:  A government wherein citizens elect officials to represent their interests.

revolution:  A rapid, fundamental, and violent domestic change in the way of life, social structure, and political institutions of a society.

sovereign state system:  The system by which the world is divided up into separate and indivisible sovereign territories.

sovereignty:  The political form in which a single, central “sovereign” or supreme lawmaking authority governs within a clearly demarcated territory.

state:  A human community that successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory.

state of exception:  A condition of crisis in which the law or the constitution is temporarily suspended so that the executive leader can claim emergency powers.

terrorism:  The use of violence on civilian populations and institutions to achieve political ends.

totalitarian dictatorship:  An extremely oppressive form of dictatorship in which most aspects of citizens’ lives are controlled by the leader.

traditional authority:  Power legitimized on the basis of long-standing customs.

war:  A violent armed conflict between politically distinct groups.

5.5 Summary

Sociologists examine government and politics in terms of their impact on individuals and larger social systems. Power refers to both an individual’s ability to control or direct others and the capacity each person has to act and create. Forms of domination occur when the give and take between these two types of power become fixed into permanent hierarchies. Modern states are institutions that organize relationships or power and domination according to the principle of sovereignty. Authority is influence that is predicated on perceived legitimacy. Max Weber studied power and authority, differentiating between the two concepts and formulating a system for classifying types of authority: traditional, rational-legal, and charismatic.

Nations are governed by different political systems, including monarchies, oligarchies, dictatorships, and democracies. Democracies are based on the principle of rule by the people, although how democratic will formation is achieved and implemented has changed from the original direct democracy of the Greeks to modern forms of representative democracy. Three components are central to the understanding of democratic societies: the institutions of democracy, the internalized sense of citizenship, and the public sphere. Sociologists model the process of democratic will formation and political party competition by examining social factors that affect political demand and political supply.

The modern state system emerged in Europe in response to the instability that arose through conflict between competing authorities and overlapping jurisdictions and powers. The ability of the state to regularize social life and provide a stable container for society is undermined however by states of exception such as terrorism and war or the formation of supra-national entities such as empires. The challenges to state authority have intensified in recent years, leading to the observation that states of exception have become the norm.

Sociologists use frameworks to gain perspective on data and observations related to the study of power and government. Durkheim’s functionalism suggests that societal power and structure is predicated on cooperation, interdependence, and shared goals or values. Critical theory, rooted in Marxism, asserts that societal structures are the result of social groups competing for wealth and influence. Symbolic interactionism examines a smaller realm of sociological interest: the individual’s perception of symbols of power and their subsequent reaction to the face-to-face interactions of the political realm.

5.6 References

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Foucault, Michel. (1980a). Two Lectures. In Colin Gordon (Ed.),  Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972-1977 (pp. 78-108). NY: Pantheon Books.

Foucault, Michel. (1980b). The history of sexuality, volume I: An introduction. NY: Vintage.Gill, Ian. (2014, January 18).

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Geyer, Michael. (1989). The militarization of Europe, 1914-1945. In John Gillis (Ed.) The militarization of the Western World (pp. 65-102). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

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For well over 150 years, the theories of Karl Marx have significantly influenced the thinking and ideas of many sociologists, especially those concerned with the relationship between the economy and politics (Kimmel, 1990). The interaction between the economy and politics in a class society defines social change. In point of fact, change is an inevitable force that is responsible for societal transformation. Contemporary American society is in a continuous flux of change, thanks to such forces and factors as t3echnology, social awareness and the dynamics of a class society. If Marxism and its early predictions were anything to go by, the United States of America, which is no doubt the most notable capitalistic society, will not be existent in the foreseeable future. While this may be an ambiguous prediction, it is clear that Marxism is based on the endless struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat – the former being the owners and controllers of the means of production, and the latter being the working class (Beehler, 2006). This paper focuses on the topic of social change in the United States of America, through the theories of Karl Marx and C Wright Mills. In Marx’s predictions, the class society is not sustainable because, at some point in time, the proletariat will not be willing to take the oppression anymore. They will rise in what he calls revolution and take over power. This way, wealth and power, will be redistributed in such a manner that there will be a classless society. According to the explanations given by Phillips (2004) the ideal of a state, in the lens of Marxism, is a classless and stateless society. There will be no need for a state because the classes will be dissolved and there will be nothing like one class oppressing another. Neo-Marxist thinkers argue that the state is like a machine, in which one class, usually the wealthy class, oppresses another class. In the USA, today, capitalism is the dominant and most widely accepted social and economic order. If Marx would predict social change in the United States today, he would use so many metrics to explain the phenomenon. According to Kimmel (1990) the Marxist views of social change are based on the presumption that the, supposedly, oppressed class will at one point bring change through organized revolutionary action. Today, communism or socialism, the foundational ideology of Karl Marx’s theories is creeping into the US, bringing about social changes. In point of fact, race and class are slowly fading away in the United States, thanks to organized revolutionary action. In contrast with the US society of the 18th and 19th centuries, racial relationships are not any strained in contemporary American society. The United States has a black president for the first time in the history of what is referred to as the most notable superpower. What this explains is that race is no longer a determining factor as far as power and politics are concerned. Justifiably, the theories of Karl Marx effectively predicted this phenomenon. Karl Marx speaks of class antagonism as one of the factors that will always push a society to revolutionary action. Class antagonism is something clearly practiced in the United States, especially considering that it is a class society. While capitalism defines the economy of the United States, the working class, especially the white collar class, is unjustifiably exploited. Looking at the status quo from a sociological point of view, racial considerations still exist in the United States, however, silent. Today, for instance, research indicates that mass incarceration of the people of color is one of the biggest social problems in the USA. The whites, who are deemed sociologically and politically superior, are not seriously affected by the mass incarceration. However, things will change with time because, according to Phillips (2004), class antagonism is a transitory phenomenon. It facilitates the need for social change. The modern sociologists that hold Marx’s ideas argue that class antagonism, which is evident in the United States, is a result of the contradiction between the ideal human nature and capitalism. C Wright Mills, variously described as the most intelligible modern sociologist, adopts a theory that explains the dynamics of society, especially through the working class. Mills wrote quite a number of papers and pamphlets explaining how the society views and adopts change. Borrowing heavily from Marx and Max Weber, Mills explains that the white collar workers constitute a group through which social change can best be explained (Mills and summers, 2008). Mills warns other sociologists against a trend referred to as sociological rationalization. Sociological rationalization is described variously as the justification of a class society. Born and schooled in Texas, Mills has tasted the dynamics and politics of American politics, and his explanations are more of a firsthand experience (Phillips, 2004). Impliedly, Mills’ ideas are opposition to the way things are in the United States. Doing most of the writings during classicism, other sociologists did not receive the views well. However, the views of Mills held a lot of truth as they considered real factors in existence, such as technology and industrialization.

Today, Mills’ ideas are the most practicable interpretation of social change. In his book, White Collar, Mills explains the troubles of middle class and explains that it is through organized revolutionary processes that the world will sufficiently change. In another book, The Power Elite, Mills explains ideas that are rooted in Marxism. Most notably, Mills agrees with Marx that the state is a mechanism for class antagonism. He, much like other Marxist sociologists, argues that challenging the status quo is the only way through which all the inequalities can be eliminated. In another instance of agreement between Mills and Marx, he argues that looking at, and learning from the trends of history is the most sustainable way of attaining positive change (Mills and summers, 2008). In his book, Causes of World War II, Mills explains that the class struggles explained by Marx will see the oppressed classes rise in revolution and take over power. Essentially, therefore, there is a significant agreement between Marx and Mills with regard to social change. Looking at the history of the United States, it is clear that Marxist ideas are quite practical as they have seen social change take place. Perhaps the most notable of the Marxist ideas that have played a primary role in the US history is Organized Revolutionary Action. Mills explains that teachers and instructors use such recordings as movies and literature to explain social change. To this end, it is clear that history sets the trend. In the United States, during the Harlem renaissance, the blacks rose up against racist ideology. They went against the white dominance and resisted the oppressive measures put in place by the dominant white ruling class. Such revolutionary action saw such people as Martin Luther King lead blacks and other lesser races to an ideological war that saw racist measures flexed (Kimmel, 1990). The civil rights movement is no doubt the biggest example of sociological revolution. The primary strength of Marx’s theories is the actuality that it is supported by historical evidence. The civil rights movement, for instance, explains the Marxist ideas of social change. Secondly, the Marxist approach is one that is based on the interaction between social and political aspects of society. It touches on various factors defining society such as race, gender and class. The key weakness of the theory is that some of its most significant presumptions are not practicable at all. For instance, it is not practical to divide a society into two extreme classes – the wealthy and the poor, the powerful and the oppressed (Beehler, 2006). Additionally, it is not practical to argue that the working class will overthrow the government, at least not in the current era. Another primary weakness is the presumption that the ideal society is a classless and stateless society. This cannot be practicable in current times. Considering historical evidence, Mills’ theories are both strong and flawed, when viewed from different perspectives. Foremost, the strength of the theory is rooted in the fact that it considers real factors such as technology and the dynamics of the working class, essentially because Mils coined his sociological perspectives at a time when the industrial revolution and classism were emerging as the strongest forces. Secondly, the views of mills not only consider the sociologists’ perspectives only, but also the problems and experiences of the individuals in a society (Phillips, 2004). Looking at the weak side of the Mills theories, it is clear to note that such perspectives rely on historical trends, which may not be compatible with the current situations. Summarily, there is a significant similarity between Mills’ and Marx’s views, especially when applied to the circumstances of the United States.

Beehler, R. (2006). The theory, not the theorist: The case of Karl Marx. Lanham, Md. [u.a.: Univ. Press of America. Kimmel, M. S. (1990). Revolution, a sociological interpretation. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Mills, C. W., & Summers, J. (2008). The politics of truth: Selected writings of C. Wright Mills. New York: Oxford University Press. Phillips, B. (2004). Dictionary of Modern American Philosophers. Bristol, UK: Thoemmes Press.

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A Horseman in the Sky by Ambrose Bierce: Bed First Year English

The spanish church: bed first summary and questions, leaving by m.g vassanji: class 12 optional english.

Your All Notes

Class 11 New Compulsory English Unit 14 Power and Politics Napoleon Bonaparte Exercise

essay on power and politics for class 11

              Power and Politics

             Napoleon Bonaparte 

essay on power and politics for class 11

Ways with words A. Choose the correct meaning of the underlined word. a. Many portraits of Napoleon show him with his right hand placed inside his coat.

i. shape ii. hairstyle iii. sketch iv. movement

b. Napoleon won one victory after another, defeating the Austrians in eighteen battles. i. beating ii. joining iii. fighting iv. directing

c. Portrait painters thought this pose made men look more dignified . i. good-looking ii. young iii. intelligent iv. energetic

d. They announced France a republic. i. officially declared

ii. informally decided ii. put into practice iv. voted into law

e. Napoleon conquered Austria in 1805. i. lost ii. tried to control iii. triumphed over iv. attacked

f. There was no place to house his soldiers in the bitter Russian winter. i. difficult ii. cold iii. dark iv. empty

g. Napoleon was humiliated when he was defeated. i. tortured ii. punished iii. confused iv. shamed

Class 11 New Compulsory English Unit-14 Grammar May/Might, Must, Cant Chapter:  Power and Politics

B. Guess the meanings to these words from the text. Check in your dictionary and make sentences of your own. violent, execute, ancient, alliance, brilliant, genius, consul, invading

violent : using  physical force  to hurt

We witnessed a violent  struggle between police and protesters.

execute : Put into an effect

If I execute  a difficult plan, I successfully perform it.

Ancient: belonging to the distant past

Ancient Greece is the source of knowledge. 

Alliance : formally united and working together

They form an alliance to work together.

Brilliant : very bright

She gave a brilliant  performance.

Genius : talent

He’s some kind of mathematical genius .

Consul : a diplomat appointed by a government to protect its commercial interests

The  Consul wrote rapidly and with great gravity.

Invading : aggressive attack

We abandoned our houses to the invading  forces.

D. Find the meanings of the following noun phrases and use them in sentences.

Vice-President,  Editor-in-chief, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Deputy-Mayor, Joint-secretary, Under-secretary Deputy-Prime Minister,  Vice-Chancellor, Attorney-general, Ex-president, Sub-editor,  co-author

Vice-President: an executive officer ranking  below a president

He is vice president of the company Morange.

Editor-in-chief: the principal editor of a publication

We offered her the position of editor-in-chief .

Deputy-Mayor: assistant mayor or elective body

She is the deputy mayor of our municipality.

Joint-secretary: a post and a rank under the Central Staffing Scheme of the Government

He was the joint secretary of our state between 2005-2008.

Under-secretary : a title for a person who works for and has a lower rank than a  secretary

He is Under-Secretary  of State for Foreign Affairs.

The deputy prime minister: The deputy prime minister presides and chairs the cabinet in the absence of prime minister.

Shailaja Acharya was the first Nepali woman deputy prime minister.

Vice-Chancellor : an officer ranking next below a chancellor

The  Vice – Chancellor  is the principal academic and administrative officer of the  University .

Attorney-general: the most important government lawyer

He is responsible to assist the government in all its legal matters.

Ex-president: a former president 

Dr.Ram Baran Yadav served as the first president of Nepal.

Sub-editor: a person who checks and makes changes to texts for a newspaper.

Swarup Acharya is the sub-editor of the Kantipur publications.

co-author: a person who is helping the  author  in writing

Friedrich Engels is the co-author of the Communist Manifesto.

Comprehension Answer these questions.

a. Where was Napoleon from?

Ans: He was from the French island of Corsica. b. Why did poor and middle-class people declare France a republic?

Ans: Tired of paying heavy taxes so the king and his nobles could live in luxury, poor and middle class people  declared France a republic  to pay taxes according to their wealth.

c. When did Napoleon declare himself emperor of France?

Ans: Napoleon declared himself emperor of France in 1804. d. What did he do when he ruled France?

Ans: In France, he ruled wisely and well, and he restored law and order after the revolution. He reorganized the French government and the Bank of France. He built many fine roads and improved the old ones. He turned Paris into a beautiful city with wide streets, fine bridges, and beautiful buildings and monuments, such as the Arc de Triomphe. More important still, he improved the laws.

e. Which countries did he rule when he was the emperor?

Ans: He conquered the huge Austrian Empire and ruled Italy, Switzerland, and Germany. f. What was the main cause of his destruction?

Ans: The main cause of his destruction was to  invade Russia. g. How did his rule as emperor end in Europe?

Ans:  The Europeans gathered their armies to end his rule. The combined armies, led by the British Duke of Wellington, defeated Napoleon at Waterloo in 1815. h. How could Napoleon have been an even greater ruler?

Ans: Napoleon would have an even greater ruler had he not been driven by his love of power.

Critical thinking a. What can be the qualities of a great leader? Can a great leader remain in power for long in a country? Discuss.

Ans: Leaders are backbones of our nation. They shape, plan and execute development and other activities. They help to modify the face of our nation, communities, and organizations.

No, a great leader cant remain in power for long in a country because of one his/her one wrong decision. People start to criticize him/her for a mistake. In fact, greatness is an individual treat. It is momentum. Napoleon remained a great leader for a long time but his single mistake of invading Russia turned him into a normal person. Napoleon would have an even greater ruler had he not been driven by his love of power.

Qualities of a great leader: 

  • Ability to delegate
  • Communication
  • Self-awareness
  • Learning agility

b)  The 16th president of the USA, Abraham Lincoln said democracy is government of the people for the people and by the people. Do you think it is perfectly applicable in the present context of Nepal? Explain

Ans:  The 16th president of the USA, Abraham Lincoln said democracy is government of the people for the people and by the people. Nepal is a federal democratic republic. Democracy is important political  movement in developing countries like Nepal. Yes, I think it is not partially applicable in the present context of Nepal because Nepal’s democracy is in its initial stage.

Nepal has democratic system of governance.   Because of this system  people’s lives are changing day by day completely. People are given the opportunity to take part in the general election to elect the parliament which is responsible for the running of the country. This democratic system is felt in all the parts of Nepal where people’s lives are improving drastically. People are enjoying social justice.  A lot of things have been transformed for good under the democratic system. Nepal is  enjoying the fruits of democracy which include but not limited to good education, improved health, reduction in poverty levels and creation of job opportunities. So, I feel that it is partially applicable in the present context of Nepal.

Nepal’s democracy is in its growing stage. Now, it is facing   several challenges in its infant stage. Democracy is a self-learning and self-correcting system. It needs  longer exercise, commitment, dedication of leaders, peace, stability in a country and sincerity of people to get its fruit in full fledge.

Writing a. Write an essay on Power and Politics in about 500 words.

Ans: Power is the ability of an individual to influence others. Power can influence the actions, beliefs, or conduct  of people.  Power is a process of ties between individuals and political parties. It can be defined as the capacity to influence and act as first party desires. Politics is the process of influencing the various parameters of power. It is the behavior of self-serving individuals that undermines the legitimate system of influence.

Power and politics are necessary to run an organization. An organization functions smoothly with the distribution of power. Political pressures and power struggles can be seen in  all  organizations. If we don’t follow appropriate guidelines in the use of power, there is the possibility for  individuals to abuse their influence. So, there must be a perfect balance between power and politics. 

Political behavior has been a part of our culture since the beginning of time. It is believed that it is an integral part of our lives and plays a huge role in shaping our world. In today’s work environment, politics can thrive due to the various demands placed upon us as humans. Political pressing factors and force battles can be found in practically any industry and if the suitable rules in the utilization of force are not clear cut it turns out to be simple for people to mishandle their impact.

At the point when we hear the term political, we typically think about the public authority, lawmakers and ideological groups. For a nation to have a coordinated government and work according to explicit rules, we require a specific association. This is the place where legislative issues comes in, as it basically frames the public authority. Each nation, gathering and association use legislative issues to instrument different approaches to coordinate their occasions, possibilities and that’s just the beginning.

Political issues doesn’t restrict to people with significant influence in the public authority. It is additionally about the ones who are in the raced to accomplish a similar force. The up-and-comers of the resistance question the gathering on power during political discussions. They plan to advise individuals and make them mindful of their plan and what the current government is doing. This is finished with the assistance of political issues as it were.

Besides, many of politicians are bad. They misuse their ability to propel their own advantages as opposed to that of the country. We see the news overwhelmed with articles like politicians and their families including in tricks and illicit practices. The force they have causes them to feel invulnerable which is the reason they pull off any wrongdoing.

Prior to coming into power, the public authority makes various vows to general society. They impact and maneuver them toward speculation every one of their guarantees will be satisfied. In any case, when they acquire power, they betray the general population. They work for their childish intentions and continue to trick individuals in each political decision. Out of this, lone the normal endures because of lying and degenerate lawmakers.

b. Write a couple of paragraphs about a national hero who fought bravely in the Anglo-Nepal War.

Ans:  Amar Singh Thapa Chhetri was a Gorkhali and Anglo-Nepal War hero. He was the military general and governor during Anglo-Nepal War. He is still considered as a National hero of  Nepal who fought bravely to save dignity of Nepal.

He was the general officer of the Nepal Army in the victory of Western Provinces and definitive leader of Kumaon, Garhwal in the Kingdom of Nepal. He was alluded by the King of Nepal to have been conveyed as Mukhtiyar of Western Provinces of Kumaon and Garhwal. He is regularly hailed as Living Lion of Nepal. He led the war till his last drop of blood. He was  son of Bhim Sen Thapa.  Amar Singh drove numerous success clashes of Western regions in the Unification of Nepal. He was driving the victory of Langur Gadhi in Gadhwal Region before the episode of second Sino-Nepalese War.

The British segments drove by British Generals Rollo Gillespie and David Ochterlony in the Western front confronted the protection under the order of Bada Amar Singh. During the main mission of Anglo-Nepalese War, Badakaji Amar Singh told Nepalese armed force confronting sections under Major-General Rollo Gillespie and Colonel David Ochterlony in the Western Front.

He instructed Gorkhali powers to guard the town of Srinagar from The third division armed force under Major-General Gillespie coming from western side. His child Ranjore Singh Thapa was holding powers at Nahan, the main town of Sirmaur.

During the subsequent mission, he was filling in as area authority of Sindhuli Gadhi and eastern forward looking weighty setbacks from the attack of Colonel Kelly and Colonel O’Hollorah under Main Operational administrator David Ochterlony. His child Ranjore arrived at Sindhuli Gadhi to guard the stronghold. The British couldn’t arrive at Sindhuli Gadhi and felt back.

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Great post! I’m glad I found it before the test.

This new compulsory English unit on Napoleon Bonaparte sounds interesting, and I’m looking forward to learning more about his life and impact on history through the all-inclusive notes provided in this exercise.

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Class 11, Language Development, Unit 14 Power and Politics

Class 11, Language Development, Unit 14 Power and Politics

Power and Politics

"History is written by the winners." -Napoleon Bonaparte

The Power of Napoleon in Politics

Milada Broukal

Before you read

Discuss these questions with your partner:

a. Name some warriors who fought for your country .

Ans:- In Anglo-Nepalese war (East India Company and Nepal) during 1818 to 1816, many warriors fought against East India Company on behalf of Nepal. They are Bhakti Thapa, Amar Singh Thapa, Balabhadra Kunwar, and so on.

b. Mention the name of any five famous leaders in the world. Also describe their contributions to their countries.

Ans:- There are so many famous leaders in the world and among them five are:

i. Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), USA, Fought ageist slavery system in the USA

ii. Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1849, India, fought for Indian nationalism against British rule

iii. Mother Teresa (1910-1997) Albania, Humanitarian, served poor humans

iv. Nelson Mandela (1918-2013), South Africa, fought against apartheid and segregation

v. Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929-1968), the USA, fought for black people's right in America

c. Guess the meaning of the words:

a.      Statesman (n) - a skilled, experienced, and respected political leader or figure

b.      Leader (n) - the person who leads or commands a group, organization, or country

c.      Warrior (n) - a brave or experienced soldier or fighter

d.      Revolution (n) - a dramatic and wide-reaching change in conditions, attitudes, or operation

e.      Emperor (n) - a sovereign ruler of an empire

f.       Empire (n) - an extensive group of states or countries ruled over by a single monarch, an oligarchy, or a sovereign state

g.      Guerilla (n) - a member of a small independent group taking part in irregular fighting, typically against larger regular forces

About the text:

v Hand in Waistcoat/Hand inside vest/hand in jacket/hand held in /Hidden hand, a gesture found in portraits of great personalities during 18th and 19th century-indicates leadership in a calm and firm manner, v Born in 1769, Corsica, France, close to Italy, one out of 14 children, attended military school, and joined French Army. v in 1789 French Revolution started because of heavy taxes impose to poor by King Louis XIV, 1799 absolute monarchy was overthrown and King, Queen and some royal figures were executed in the guillotine, was declared a republic nation, v The rulers of other European countries scared of this revolution and change and Austria and Britain went to war with the new republic of France, Napoleon 27 years old brilliant officer was made Commander in Chief of the French army in Italy, defeated many countries   such as Austria and Egypt, stopped British rout to India in Egypt, discovered Rosetta Stone, inscribed with ancient Greek and Egyptian scripts honoring the Kind of Egypt, set up schools in Egypt, studied Pyramids, but was defeated by British, v Returned to France, was made premier consul (ambassador) before he became an Emperor, French made him their leader and in 1804 declared himself an emperor of France, honored by the Pope from Rome. v He became the master of almost all Europe, conquered Austria, Prussia, formed alliance with Russia, made his brothers the king of Spain and Holland, v He restored law and order in France, reorganized government, bank, built fine roads, made Paris a beautiful city, made fine bridges, beautiful buildings and monuments (Arc de Triomphe), founded Napoleonic Code that created a legal system followed in Europe, Central and South America, Quebec in Canada. He is self taught in legal matter, v He was genius army commander, conquered Austrian Empire, ruled Italy, Switzerland, Germany, extended his empire as large as the ancient Roman Empire, He was unable to conquer Britain and he lost more than one million Frenchmen when he attacked Russia, he was sent to the Island of Elba, Mediterranean when was defeated in Russia v After 10 months, escaped from Elba, returned back to France, declared himself emperor again, ruled for 100 days but European nations gathered armies led by the British Duke of Wellington and was defeated at the battle of Waterloo, exiled to the island of Helena, Atlantic Ocean where he died after four years. v Was called the greater ruler because of his love of power,  

Ways with Words:

A. Choose the correct meaning of the underlined word.

a. Many portraits of Napoleon show him with his right hand placed inside his coat

i. Shape           ii. hairstyle   iii. sketch      iv. movement

b. Napoleon won one victory after another, defeating the Austrians in eighteen battles.

i. beating      ii. joining        iii. fighting     iv. directing

c. Portrait painters thought this pose made men look more dignified .

i. good-looking      ii. Young         iii. Intelligent             iv energetic

d. They announced France a republic.

i. officially declared         ii. Informally decided           iii. put into practice                      

iv. voted into law

e. Napoleon conquered Austria in 1805.

i. lost   ii. tried o control       iii. Triumphed over          iv. Attacked

f. There was no place to house his soldiers in the bitter Russian winter.

i. difficult       ii. cold                        iii. dark           iv. empty

g. Napoleon was humiliated when he was defeated.

i. tortured       ii. punished    iii. confused   iv. shamed

B. Guess the meanings to these words from the text. Check in you dictionary and make sentences of your own.

Word-meaning; sentence

a.      violent- brutal/savage; She thought the film far too  violent  to show to children

b.      execute- carry out a sentence of death on (a legally condemned person); He was convicted of treason and executed.

c.      ancient - belonging to the very distant past and no longer in existence; The ancient Roman people were highly cultural.

d.      alliance -the state of being joined or associated; The two countries made an  alliance.

e.      brilliant- exceptionally clever or talented; She was a  brilliant  public speaker.

f.       Genius- very  great  and  rare   natural   ability  or  skill ,  especially  in a  particular   area ;  He's some kind of mathematical  genius

g.      consul - an official appointed by a state to live in a foreign city and protect the state's citizens and interests there; The  Consul  spoke slowly and with great gravity

h.      invading - enter (a place, situation, or sphere of activity) in large numbers, especially with intrusive effect; hey gathered soldiers to fight the  invading  army.

C. Look at the compound noun phrases Commander-in-chief as used in this sentence from the text.

Napoleon was only twenty-seven years old when he was made Commander-in-Chief of the French army in Italy.

D. Find the meaning of the following noun phrases and use them in sentence.

a.      Vice-president- an official or executive ranking below and deputizing for a president; He was appointed  vice - president  of congress.

b.      Editor-in-chief - The principal editor of a publication, responsible for managing editorial policies and the production of content; He is recently promoted into the Editor in Chief of this newspaper.

c.      Deputy-Mayor - assistant mayor; The  deputy mayor  said that he was appalled by the violence.

d.      Joint-Secretary - the person in charge of an organization, for example, a trade union; In 1917 Chancellor - an assistant to a chancellor; Several university  vice - chancellors  are women.

e.      Attorney-General; he was appointed  joint secretary  to the  Minister  of National Service.

f.       Under-secretary -a person who works for and has a slightly lower rank than the secretary; The President confirmed him as Undersecretary of State.

g.      Deputy Prime Minister - a government minister who can take the position of acting prime minister when the prime minister is temporarily absent; He was a  deputy   minister  in the 1980s.

h.      Vice-Chancellor -  A  deputy  to or a substitute for a head of state or an official bearing the title  chancellor; He has also served as the university's vice chancellor for academic affairs.

i.        Attorney-general - the head of the US Department of Justice, The  attorney   general  gave  advice  to the  government  over the  legality  of the  war .

j.        Ex-president - a former president of a particular country or organization; T he  ex-President  was under armed guard in the Palace.

k.      Sub-Editor -  is someone checks the written text of newspapers, magazines or websites before they're published; I have been as a sub-editor of a website for more than one year.

l.        Co-author - a writer who collaborates with another writer in authoring literary works; I have coauthored in a book.

Comprehension

Answer these questions.

a. Where was Napoleon from?

Ans:-   He was from the French Island of Corsica, close to the coast of Italy.

b. Why did poor and middle class people declare France a republic?

Ans:- Poor and middle class people declared France a republic because they were not satisfied with French monarchy, the French king imposed heavy taxes on them and the king and his nobles lived luxurious life.

                                                                                                                                          

c. When did Napoleon declare himself emperor of France?           

Ans:- Napoleon declared himself emperor of France in 1804.

d. What did he do when he ruled France?

Ans:- During the time Napoleon ruled France, he conquered many European countries such as Italy, Switzerland, Germany, made his brothers kings of Spain and Holland, restored laws, organized French government and bank, turned Paris into a beautiful city, made great buildings such as Arc de Triomphe.

e. Which countries did he rule when he was the emperor?

Ans:- He ruled Italy, Switzerland and Germany when he was the emperor.

f. What was the main cause of his destruction?

Ans:- The main cause of his destruction was his invade to Russia.

g. How did his rule as emperor end in Europe?

Ans:- Many European nations united their armies led by the British Duke of Wellington. At the battle of Waterloo in 1815, Napoleon was defeated, sent to the island of St. Helena in Atlantic Ocean where he died after six years.

h. How could Napoleon have been an ever greater ruler?

Ans:- He had been an ever greater ruler because of his military genius and brilliant mind driven by his love of power.

Critical Thinking

a. What can be the qualities of a great leader? Can a great leader remain in power for a long in a country? Discuss.

Ans- The person who leads or commands a group, organization, or country is called leader. Leaders are found in different sectors or fields, but here we are talking about political leadership. Such persons are sent to power electing by people. Such leaders are public servants and work for the betterment of the society and people. Such leaders must have willingness to stand up for what is right.

A great leader is one who is capable to take decisions, determined to work for the betterment, has the willingness to manage & rectify issues and importantly stand up for what is right. S/he should not be worried about his/her position, power and authority. He should always work for the growth of the society and should value his/her citizens. Every great leader should inherit the skills and research capabilities to think and act towards future growth. S/he must have discipline, trustworthiness, courage, humaneness, intelligence and so on.

Several things matter for a great leader to remain in power for a long in a country. First of all s/he must maintain the realistic image in the public. There should not be ego and pride in position. The primary concern must be given to the sentiments of people and development. People must be satisfied, and development and rights should be given to the public.                

b. The 16th president of the USA, Abraham Lincoln said democracy is government of the people for the people and by the people. Do you think it is perfectly applicable in the present context of Nepal? Explain.                                                                                                                        

  Democracy as defined by Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth president of the USA, is government of the people for the people and by the people. Or in other words, the supreme power is on people in democracy. Despite the long time, democracy is not matured here in Nepal. Though the norms and model of democracy is developed, the actual exercise is not done because most of political leaders are corrupted. They are just running after money, power, and luxury. Corruption, indifferent people, poverty, and bureaucracy are the major obstacles for implementation of the democracy as Abram Lincoln said.

There must be proper functions of every bodies and organs of governmental organizations. But corrupted bureaucracy supported by political leaders, and bribed by businessmen doesn't function properly. Government institutions have become victims of nepotism and favors. Illiterate, poor and weak people don't get justice here. Laws are not equal here.   Opportunities are not equal here. Political leaders are not good. They are corrupted and are not serious to the development of people and nation. In a superficial level it seems a democratic nation, but inwardly it is corrupted.

   

May, Might, Must, Cant'

May/Might- Possibility of something in the present/future

Must/can't - expresses certainty in the present.

A. Study the following sentences

a. She may/might be in France.

b. You've had a long journey. You must be tired.

c. Niraj can't be in Gorkha. I saw him this morning.

B. Fill in the blanks with may, must, can't

a. Mathew must be at home. I can see his bike in front of his home.

b. They may be coming tomorrow.

c. She can’t speak French very well. She's only lived in Paris for two weeks.

d. My key is not in my pocket or on my desk so it may be in the drawer.

e. I saw him yesterday. He can’t be abroad.

f. You got the job? That's great. You must be very delighted.

g. I may finish it by tomorrow if I stay at work all night, but I am not sure.

h. Somebody is knocking on the door. It must be Sabina- she promised to come today.

C. Rewrite the following sentences using may/might, must or can't.

Example:       Maybe they went away.

They may/might have gone away.

a. I'm sure he's not going to the cinema today.

Ans: He can't be going to the cinema today.

b. Perhaps she knows the answer.

Ans:- She may know the answer.

c. I'm sure he has a car.

Ans:- He must have a car.

d. I doubt if it rains later on.

Ans:- It might rain later on.

e. Perhaps she wants to be alone.

Ans:- He may want to be alone.

f. I'm sure Harina is in her office.

Ans:- Harina must be in her office.          

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Power and Politics

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VIDEO

  1. L1: Chapter 1 Part 1

  2. L5: Chapter 3 Part 1

  3. L1: Chapter 1 Part 1

  4. Lecture 1: Introduction to Power and Politics in Today’s World

  5. L7: Chapter 4 Part 1

  6. L3: Political Theory

COMMENTS

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    Write an essay on Power and Politics in about 500 words. ... NEB Plus 2 Notes is a reliable resource hub and learning platform, offering educational resources for Class 11 and 12 students in Nepal. Our focus is on delivering high-quality and up-to-date notes in alignment with the latest curriculum prescribed by NEB.

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  12. Class 11 English Unit- 14 Napoleon Bonaparte Exercise, Grammar Notes

    Class 11 English Unit- 14 Napoleon Bonaparte Exercise, Grammar Notes. 2 min read. This article is about Class 11 English Unit 14 Exercise Notes PDF. The unit name is 'Power and Politics' and topic of the text is "Napoleon Bonaparte Notes PDF". For those who need to download this note, free PDF download link is also in this article.

  13. Module 5: Power and Politics

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    Part I. For well over 150 years, the theories of Karl Marx have significantly influenced the thinking and ideas of many sociologists, especially those concerned with the relationship between the economy and politics (Kimmel, 1990). The interaction between the economy and politics in a class society defines social change.

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    For example, if person 1 knows person 2, put a check mark under the 2 at the top of the table. Continue to do this throughout the grid (grayed boxes should be left blank). Step 6: Analyze your network using the guidelines on the following calculations. Step 7: Consider ways to strengthen your network.

  20. Politzilla: Political Science Essay Examples

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