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• 11 Apr 2024
• In Practice

Why Progress on Immigration Might Soften Labor Pains

Long-term labor shortages continue to stoke debates about immigration policy in the United States. We asked Harvard Business School faculty members to discuss what's at stake for companies facing talent needs, and the potential scenarios on the horizon.

• 08 May 2023
• Research & Ideas

How Trump’s Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric Crushed Crowdfunding for Minority Entrepreneurs

When public anxiety about immigration surges, Black, Asian, and Hispanic inventors have a harder time raising funds for new ideas on Kickstarter, says research by William Kerr. What can platforms do to confront bias in entrepreneurial finance?

• 14 Feb 2023

Is Sweden Still 'Sweden'? A Liberal Utopia Grapples with an Identity Crisis

Changing political views and economic forces have threatened Sweden's image of liberal stability. Is it the end of the Scandinavian business-welfare model as we know it? In a case study, Debora Spar examines recent shifts in Sweden and what they mean for the country's future.

• 01 Nov 2022
• What Do You Think?

Why Aren’t Business Leaders More Vocal About Immigration Policy?

Immigration fuels the American economy, feeds the talent pool, and can directly affect company performance. And yet few executives and entrepreneurs have waded into the policy dialogue, says James Heskett. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 30 Mar 2021
• Working Paper Summaries

Whose Job Is It Anyway? Co-Ethnic Hiring in New US Ventures

The impact of immigration has been particularly sharp in entrepreneurship, yet there is remarkably little evidence about how immigration in the workplace connects to the creation and scaling of new firms. The economic consequences of greater workplace and entrepreneurial diversity deserve closer attention.

• 11 Jan 2021

The Political Effects of Immigration: Culture or Economics?

This paper reviews and explains the growing literature focused on the political effects of immigration, and highlights fruitful avenues for future research. When compared to potential labor market competition and other economic forces, broadly defined cultural factors have a stronger political and social impact.

• 03 Nov 2020

An Executive Order Worth $100 Billion: The Impact of an Immigration Ban’s Announcement on Fortune 500 Firms’ Valuation

President Trump’s executive order restricting entry of temporary foreign workers to the United States negatively affected the valuation of 471 publicly traded Fortune 500 firms by an estimated $100 billion. Closed for comment; 0 Comments.

• 15 Jun 2020

The Seeds of Ideology: Historical Immigration and Political Preferences in the United States

Researchers test the relationship between historical immigration to the United States and political ideology today.

• 11 May 2020

Immigration Policies Threaten American Competitiveness

At this time of crisis, America risks signaling to global innovators and entrepreneurs that they have no future here, says William R. Kerr. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 21 Apr 2020

Changing In-group Boundaries: The Role of New Immigrant Waves in the US

How do new immigrants affect natives’ views of other minority groups? This work studies the evolution of group boundaries in the United States and indicates that whites living in states receiving more Mexican immigrants recategorize blacks as in-group members, because of the inflow of a new, “affectively” more distant group.

• 06 Apr 2020

Where Do Workers Go When the Robots Arrive?

Marco Tabellini and colleagues investigate where workers go after losing their jobs to automation and Chinese imports. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 17 Feb 2020

The Impact of Technology and Trade on Migration: Evidence from the US

Labor mobility can re-equilibrate local labor markets after an economic shock. Both robot adoption and Chinese import competition between 1990 and 2015 caused large declines in manufacturing employment across US local labor markets (commuting zones, CZs). However, only robots were associated with a decline in CZ population, which resulted from reduced in-migration rather than by increased out-migration.

• 01 Jan 2020

Why Not Open America's Doors to All the World’s Talent?

SUMMING UP: The H-1B visa program is exploited by some employers to replace high-paid talent, but that doesn't mean foreign workers should be shut out of working in the United States, according to many of James Heskett's readers. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 19 Jun 2019

Migrant Inventors and the Technological Advantage of Nations

This study provides robust econometric evidence for how immigrant inventors shape the innovation dynamics of their receiving countries. Countries receiving inventors from other nations that specialize in patenting particular technologies are more likely to have a significant increase in patent applications of the same technology.

• 08 Jun 2019

The Gift of Global Talent: Innovation Policy and the Economy

High-skilled workers in today’s knowledge-based economy are arguably the most important resource to the success of businesses, regions, and industries. This chapter pulls from Kerr’s book The Gift of Global Talent to examine the migration dynamics of high-skilled individuals. He argues that improving our knowledge of high-skilled migration can lead to better policy decisions.

• 07 Feb 2019

Immigrant Networking and Collaboration: Survey Evidence from CIC

This study compares United States-born and immigrant entrepreneurs’ use of networking opportunities provided by CIC, the former Cambridge Innovation Center. Immigrants clearly take more advantage of networking opportunities at CIC, especially around the exchange of advice. It remains to be seen whether this generates long-term performance advantages for immigrants.

• 01 Nov 2018

Forecasting Airport Transfer Passenger Flow Using Real-Time Data and Machine Learning

Passengers arriving at international hubs often endure delays, especially at immigration and security. This study of London’s Heathrow Airport develops a system to provide real-time information about transfer passengers’ journeys through the airport to better serve passengers, airlines, and their employees. It shows how advanced machine learning could be accessible to managers.

• 01 Oct 2018

Is the US Losing its Ability to Attract Highly Skilled Migrant Workers?

As debates sharpen on the benefits and drawbacks of migrant labor, William R. Kerr's new book explores why global talent flows matter to national economic development and security. Book excerpt and author interview. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 19 Sep 2018

From Immigrants to Americans: Race and Assimilation During the Great Migration

The Great Migration of African Americans and the mass migration of Europeans both contributed to forming the modern American racial and ethnic landscape. This analysis finds that native whites more readily accepted European immigrants as African Americans arrived in the US North during the first Great Migration, facilitating the assimilation of European immigrants in northern urban centers.

• 07 Aug 2018

Gifts of the Immigrants, Woes of the Natives: Lessons from the Age of Mass Migration

Investigating the economic and political effects of immigration across US cities between 1910 and 1930, this paper finds that political opposition to immigration can arise even when immigrants bring widespread economic benefits. The paper provides evidence that cultural differences between immigrants and natives were responsible, at least in part, for natives’ anti-immigration reactions.

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• J Migr Health

Undocumented immigrants and mental health: A systematic review of recent methodology and findings in the United States

Luz m. garcini.

a University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio, Center for Research to Advance Community Health (ReACH), 7703 Floyd Curl Drive, San Antonio, TX 78229, United States

b University of the Incarnate Word, School of Osteopathic Medicine, 7615 Kennedy Hill Drive, San Antonio, TX 78235, United States

Nellie Chen

c Rice University, Department of Psychological Sciences, 6100 Main Street, Houston, TX 77005, United States

Justin Mehl

d University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long School of Medicine, 7703 Floyd Curl Drive, San Antonio, TX 78229, United States

e University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio, School of Public Health, 7411 John Smith Drive, Suite 1100, San Antonio, TX 78229, United States

Brittany Hansen

Aishwarya kothare.

This study reviewed the methodology and findings of 44 peer-reviewed studies on psychosocial risk factors associated with mental health outcomes among undocumented immigrants (UIs) in the United States. Findings showed a considerable advancement over the past seven years in the methods and measures used in the included studies. Nonetheless, there is a need for continued methodological rigor, innovative study designs, greater diversity of samples, and in-depth exploration of constructs that facilitate resilience. Identifying avenues to reduce risk in this population is essential to inform intervention and advocacy efforts aimed at overcoming distress from the current U.S. anti-immigrant and socio-political climate.

1. Introduction

Undocumented immigrants (UIs) comprise a considerable portion of the U.S. population. A recent study using advanced demographic modeling suggests that the current number of UIs in the U.S. is nearly double that of previous estimates, approximating the current U.S. undocumented population to be 22.1 million ( Fazel-Zarandi et al., 2018 ). As UIs establish their families in the U.S., they become settled and less likely to return to their countries of origin ( Passel et al., 2014 ). Unfortunately, the longer these immigrants live in the U.S., the more at-risk they are for diminished health outcomes given the constant and chronic stressors that they face, including socioeconomic disadvantage, harsh living conditions, demanding work schedules, stigmatization and discrimination, constant fear of deportation, and limited healthcare access, among many other factors contributing to adversity ( Garcini et al., 2016 ). Over the past seven past years, the socio-political climate in the U.S., which has been characterized by prevalent anti-immigrant rhetoric, policies and actions, has contributed to increase distress, fear and distrust among undocumented communities ( Garcini et al., 2020 ). For instance, in 2017, the Trump administration announced plans to rescind the Delayed Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, which provides temporary protected legal status to undocumented youth who were brought to the U.S. as children, ( Venkataramani and Tsai, 2017 ). Most recently, UIs have been disproportionately affected by the economic, social, and health consequences of the current coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic; many have lost their jobs and are being prevented from accessing medical care or relief packages ( Garcini et al., 2020 ). Also, there has been a surge in the number of deportations of UIs at the U.S.-Mexico border, along with increased stigmatization that portrays these immigrants as agents of disease and as a risk to U.S. public health ( Garcini et al., 2020 ). The aforementioned context places UIs and their families at an increased risk for diminished health outcomes and its negative social and economic consequences.

Although approximately 66% of UIs have lived in the U.S. for more than a decade, the legal barriers of their documentation status have inhibited research with this population ( Krogstad et al., 2019 ). Results from a previous literature review examining the mental health of UIs in the U.S. underscored a need for more robust research on this area of study ( Garcini et al., 2016 ). A need for studies to better understand the effect of contextual stressors on the health of UIs over time has been highlighted, along with a need for studies that use random sampling and more diverse samples of UIs to make more general inferences and less biased conclusions about this at-risk population ( Garcini et al., 2016 ). Likewise, there is a need for studies using well-established measures to assess outcomes of interest, as well as for studies addressing the effect of culture and normative cultural factors (e.g., values, beliefs) on the mental health of UIs ( Garcini et al., 2016 ). Moreover, studies with strong methodological rigor across different fields of study could help clarify the health risks and related complications of living undocumented, which is needed to inform interventions, advocacy, and policy efforts, as well as best practices among professionals that come into contact with this population.

2. Purpose of review

Given drastic changes in the U.S. social, political and economic climate that pertain to immigration over the past seven years, this paper aims to provide an update to a previous systematic review of studies assessing psychosocial risk factors influencing the mental health of UIs in the U.S ( Garcini et al., 2016 ). Specific aims of this review are to: (a) describe population and setting characteristics, as well as methodologies recently used (over the past seven years) to study the mental health of UIs; (b) summarize relevant themes/constructs that influence their mental health; (c) provide insight regarding mental health risks for UIs within the current U.S. socio-political context; (d) evaluate recent findings in light of previous studies and identify gaps in the literature; and (e) provide recommendations for moving this field forward.

The methods used in this review are informed by guidelines from the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA), as well as from a previous review on the topic ( Garcini et al., 2016 , Liberati et al., 2009 ). The present review includes peer-reviewed studies reporting quantitative and/or qualitative data on mental health outcomes of UIs since May 2014 until April 2021. Criteria for included studies were: (a) that the study was published in English; (b) that it clearly specified the inclusion of UIs adults living in the U.S. or having recently lived in the U.S. as undocumented (i.e. was not inferred from the results section); and (c) that it included the study and assessment of mental health and/or an associated psychosocial risk factor in this population. Excluded from this review were dissertations, commentaries, book/historical reviews, case studies, theoretical papers, discussion of program development, and presentations of clinical/counseling guidelines.

Similar to the previous review, a literature search using multiple databases (i.e., CINAL, ERIC, Medline, and PsycInfo) was done to identify relevant studies. Our search focused exclusively on peer-reviewed studies. Given variations in the terms used to describe UIs (e.g., illegal immigrants), the search criteria included the broad term migrant, refugee, immigrant OR immigration , as well as other comprehensive terms to facilitate screening of a wide range of studies that included UIs. 1

Our initial search found 1465 articles. Following the removal of duplicates (n = 332), 1133 studies were screened. Titles, abstracts, and in some cases the complete text were reviewed to determine eligibility. From the articles reviewed, 44 articles met eligibility criteria and were included (See Fig. 1 ). A data abstraction form to be used in coding the studies was created based on a previous literature review ( Garcini et al., 2016 ). Information on study design and methodology, purpose of the study, sample characteristics, themes/constructs assessed, measures used, summary of findings, and limitations of the study were abstracted from eligible studies. Studies were coded by 6 trained research assistants, followed by a group validation of the coding process. Modifications were made to each coding sheet until at least 90% inter-rater joint probability agreement was obtained. Data were entered and analyzed using SPSS V25.

Summary of article screening and eligibility

4.1. Study design and methods

Of the 44 studies included, 65.9% were quantitative (n=29), 20.5% were qualitative (n=9), and 13.6% were mixed methods studies (n=6) (see Table 1 ).

Study design characteristics

RDS = Respondent Driven Sampling; CR=Cooperation rate; NS=Not specified; NR=Not reported

*Retention rate

Studies Reporting on Quantitative Data. Of studies reporting on quantitative data (n=35), most were cross-sectional (29 of 35), with three longitudinal studies, two studies that used retrospective chart reviews, and one prospective cohort study. Of these, two studies were intervention studies; one addressing domestic violence and another focusing on abuse among immigrant women residing in shelters. Moreover, 20 of the 35 quantitative studies used primary data. Pertaining to sampling, some form of random sampling was used in 5 studies, and included multistage random sampling, randomly selecting zones or telephone numbers, stratified neighborhood sampling, stratified probability sampling, and two-stage cluster sampling. Seven additional studies used Response-Driven Sampling (RDS); a peer-to-peer recruitment that uses statistical adjustments to try and approximate random sampling.

Almost half of the quantitative studies used a theoretical framework (17 of 35), with the most common being Social Identity Theory (n=3), the Socio-Ecological Framework (n=5), and the Stress Process Model (n=3). Other models or frameworks discussed included the Minority Stress Model, Social Capital Theory, the Hispanic paradox, the Structural-Environmental Framework, and a social determinants of health approach. The majority of quantitative studies collected data using a single method. Methods used to collect quantitative data included face-to-face in-person individual interviews (77.1%), review of existing records (8.6%), telephone (8.6%), and/or internet (8.6%), and face to face group interviews (2.9%) ( Table 1 ).

Pertaining to outcome measures, most studies used psychometrically sound measures that have been previously used with immigrant populations. The most commonly used measure to assess depression was the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) (n=5), with the Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-item (GAD-7) Scale used to assess anxiety (n=2) and the Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI) used to assess overall psychological distress (n=5). For more structured mental health diagnosis, the MINI Neuropsychiatric Interview (n=1), the Composite International Diagnostic Interview Short-Form (n=2), and the National Institute of Mental Health Diagnostic Interview Schedule for the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) IV (n=1) have been used to assess PTSD, MDD, GAD, and substance use disorders. The PTSD Checklist has also been used to assess PTSD (n=1). The most commonly used measures to assess substance use were the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT) (n=7) and the Drug Abuse Screening Test (DAST) (n=2).

Studies Reporting on Qualitative Data. Of studies reporting on qualitative data (n=15), data was collected either through structured (3 of 15) or semi-structured (10 of 15) interviews using either individual interviews (9 of 15) or focus groups (2 of 15); two studies collected data from individual interviews and groups. One study used a review of existing records from asylum appications and another did a media content analyses from social media posts of UIs. Almost half of studies using qualitative data reported using a theoretical framework (6 of 15), with two of these studies using the Socio-Ecological Framework. Other theoretical models or perspectives used included the Ecological Model of Child Development, the Stress Process Model, the Social Constructivist Perspective, and the Social Practice Theory of Self and Identity.

4.2. Sampling and recruitment

Overall, data for the included studies was collected between 2003 and 2018, with five studies collecting data over multiple years. Twenty-seven studies occurred locally (61.4%), whereas 11 studies collected data across multiple states (25.0%). Most data were collected in the Southwest (15 of 44) and Southeast (11 of 44) U.S., followed by Midwest/Central (10 of 44), Northeast (3 of 44) and Northwest (3 of 44). Five studies were nationwide. Among studies describing the setting in which the study took place (28 of 44), most were conducted in urban areas (92.9%). Less than one-third of studies (16 of 44) provided response or retention rates, which ranged from 18% to 100%. Participants were recruited from a number of collaborating sites including churches, local businesses, legal centers, hospitals and clinics, community centers, universities or schools, shelters, employment sites, health fairs, festivals, and local events. Helpful in recruitment was the use of word of mouth, social media, phone directories, radio, media advertisement, and email. Participation varied considerably across U.S. regions, with no single region showing higher or lower participation rates. Lowest participation was reported in studies when data was collected via phone and a web survey, whereas highest participation occurred when recruitment was done in shelters or in collaboration with legal offices. Other studies reporting higher participation rates recruited participants through faith-based organizations or trusted networks. Pertaining to ethics, less than half of the studies reported the type of informed consent that was obtained (47.5%). Among those reporting on consent, most used verbal (57.9%) over written consent (42.1%).

Participant characteristics. Overall, the average age of participants in the included studies was 31 years ( SD  = 6.4), without much difference in mean age between documented and undocumented participants (undocumented M =32.1; SD = 6.3). Sample sizes ranged from 8 to 22,873 participants, and in most studies women were a majority of the sample. Approximately a quarter of the studies were comprised exclusively of women (22.5%), with five studies including men only (12.5%). Most studies included participants of Latinx/Hispanic origin (95.5%). Indeed, in 39 studies all participants were of Latinx/Hispanic background; one study included only participants of Asian origin. Of the studies that provided countries of origin for participants, the majority were from Mexican origin, with eight studies having participants of Cuba as the majority. Few of the studies focused on special populations including sexual minorities or transgender immigrants (n=3) and day laborers (n=3). All of the studies reported on adult outcomes, although three studies included dyads; two reported on parent-child dyads and one on parent-adolescent dyads. Of the included studies, 13 included only UIs (29.5%), whereas the rest of the studies included immigrants varying in immigration legal status. Among studies of immigrants varying in immigration legal status (31 of 44), only four described differences in demographics and related characteristics by documentation status. Of studies that described the characteristics of UIs, most included participants that had a lower than high school education, employed, and married. Of note, only 3 studies focused on recent immigrants.

4.3. Findings: mental health themes, stressors and protective factors

Findings from Studies Reporting on Quantitative Data . Mental health outcomes explored included psychological distress, depression (i.e., depressive symptoms, major depressive disorder (MDD)), anxiety (i.e., anxiety symptoms, generalized anxiety disorder (GAD), panic disorder (PD), trauma- and stressor-related disorders (i.e., post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), adjustment disorder, acute stress disorder (ASD)), substance use/abuse (i.e., alcohol and drug use), psychiatric symptoms, and self-rated mental health. One study investigated physiological stress as assessed through skeletal remains of UIs found in the desert ( Beatrice and Soler, 2016 ). Other mental health outcomes explored were satisfaction with life, flourishing, sense of safety, fear, despair, anger, shame, health-related quality of life, self-reported health, sleep difficulties, general wellbeing, and resilience. Of note, one study explored the use of psychiatric medication in this population, specifically antidepressants and anxiolytics ( Ross et al., 2019 ).

Comparisons to identify prevalence estimates for the aforementioned mental health outcomes are difficult given that most studies do not differentiate mental health outcomes by immigration legal status. Nonetheless, of the estimates reported, a study of UIs using population-based data found that the prevalence of MDD in this population was 14.4% [95% CI=10.2; 18.6], followed by PD (8.4%, 95% CI=5.0; 11.9) and GAD (6.6%, 95% CI=3.4; 9.8) ( Garcini et al., 2017 ). Of note, estimates for clinical levels of depression and anxiety in other studies when using non-DSM measures of distress were higher. For instance, one study that used the CES-D to assess depression found the prevalence of depression among UIs was as high as 20% and 9% for anxiety when using the GAD-7 ( Garcini et al., 2017 ). Pertaining to trauma, despite the high prevalence of traumatic events reported among undocumented Mexican immigrants (82%), prevalence estimates for PTSD were low (3%) ( Garcini et al., 2017 , Garcini et al., 2017 ). The prevalence of substance use among UIs varied heavily depending on the measures used, with lower estimates when using DSM diagnostic measures when compared to other screening measures. For instance, the prevalence of alcohol abuse among UIs in a study using the MINI Neuropsychiatric Interview to determine DSM diagnosis was 1.6% ( Garcini et al., 2017 ), whereas problematic alcohol use was reported as 8.6% when using the AUDIT ( Finno-Velasquez et al., 2016 ).

Furthermore, results showed that UIs are subjected to numerous immigration-related stressors that negatively impact their mental health. Three of the most commonly explored stressors werediscrimination, acculturative stress, and traumatic events. Among studies exploring the effect of discrimination on mental health, discrimination was significantly associated with a diminished sense of wellbeing and higher psychological distress, depressive symptoms, symptoms of PTSD, substance use, and diminished life satisfaction ( Cobb et al., 2019 - ( Cobb et al., 2017 ). Similarly, an epidemiological study of 254 undocumented Mexican immigrants found that discrimination due to being undocumented was associated with higher risk of meeting criteria for a mental disorder, specifically MDD (OR = 2.57, p  = .012) ( Garcini et al., 2017 ). Pertaining to acculturative stress, higher acculturative stress was significantly associated with greater psychological distress and lower wellbeing ( Da Silva et al., 2017 , Dillon et al., 2018 , Buckingham and Suarez-Pedraza, 2019 ). Traumatic events also play a large role in the mental health of UIs, with traumatic events being associated with clinical levels of psychological distress ( Garcini et al., 2017 ). Highest prevalence of clinically significant psychological distress was reported among those with a history of domestic violence (59.0%), bodily injury (58.9%), witnessing violence to others (55.5%), material deprivation (54.9%), and injury to loved ones (52.9%). Ill health without access to proper care (OR = 2.63, 95% CI [1.21, 5.70], p  = .014), sexual humiliation (OR = 2.63, 95% CI [1.32, 5.26], p  = .006), and not having a history of deportation (OR = 2.38, 95% CI [1.55, 5.26], p  = .035), were also associated with clinically significant psychological distress ( Garcini et al., 2017 ). In a study among transgender immigrants, traumatic experiences were associated with greater depression, anxiety, sleep difficulties, isolation, avoidance, substance use, and suicidal tendencies ( Gowin et al., 2017 ). Additional stressors identified were harsh working and living conditions. In a study of undocumented day laborers, harsh work and living conditions were associated with greater despair (β = −0.10, SE  = 0.03, p < .01; β = −0.19, SE  = 0.03, p < .001), depression (β = −0.11, SE  = 0.02, p < .01; β = −0.17, SE  = 0.02, p < .001), and substance abuse (β = −0.13, SE  = 0.43, p < .01) ( Organista et al., 2019 ). Also, limited access to health and social services, isolation/loneliness, exploitation/abuse, and fear of immigration enforcement were identified as salient concerns ( Finno-Velasquez et al., 2016 , Gowin et al., 2017 , Rodriguez et al., 2017 , Lee et al., 2020 , Cesario et al., 2014 ).

Nonetheless, the high resilience of UIs is highlighted in the included studies. For instance, one study reported that when compared to their documented counterparts, UI parents reported higher occupational stress, discrimination, language difficulties, and other immigration-related challenges, yet no significant differences by immigration legal status were found in the assessed mental health outcomes ( Brabeck et al., 2016 ). A little more than a third of quantatitive studies explored coping or protective factors to the mental health of UIs, with the most commonly studied protective factor being social support. In three studies, having greater social support was significantly associated with lower use of alcohol, lower use of illicit drugs, and lower related risk behaviors such as driving under the influence ( Cano et al., 2017 , Sanchez et al., 2016 ). Other studies found that greater social support was associated with less depressive symptoms ( b  = 1.40, p < .01) and higher resilience (β = 0.09, p < .05) ( Lee et al., 2020 , Zapata Roblyer et al., 2017 ). The relevance of social support to the wellbeing of UIs is also emphasized by its mediating effect on the association between social capital or greater access to community resources and lower risk of substance use ( b  = −0.02, 95% CI [−0.041, −0.004]) ( Sanchez et al., 2016 ). Important to note is that different sources of social support and/or social capital may have different protective effects for UIs. A study among recent Latinx immigrants found that having greater sources of support stemming from family and friends was associated with lower risk of drinking, whereas no association was found for other sources of social support ( Cyrus et al., 2015 ). Unfortunately, when compared to their documented counterparts, UIs reported lower levels of social support, including instrumental sources of social support such as childcare help, financial assistance, and help finding work ( Lee et al., 2020 , Brabeck et al., 2016 , Sanchez et al., 2016 ). In one of the two intervention studies in this review, results showed that even after a 4-month intervention aimed at promoting resilience among abused immigrant women, participants did not report greater social support, which is of concern ( Cesario et al., 2014 ).

Cultural values, religiosity/spirituality and ethnic identity also emerged as playing an important role in UIs’ mental health although interesting patterns emerged. For instance, a study conducted among young adult Latinx immigrants found contrasting findings as to how different aspects of the cultural value of Marianismo predicted psychological distress ( Dillon et al., 2018 ). Specifically, beliefs supporting the role of Latina women as spiritual leaders ( β  = -.15, p < .05) and as virtuous and chaste ( β = -.16, p < .05) were associated with less psychological distress, whereas beliefs that view Latina women as pillars of the family ( β = .15, p < .05) and as subordinate and self-silencing ( β = .29, p < .001) were associated with greater psychological distress ( Dillon et al., 2018 ). Similarly, in a study of young adult Latina immigrants, negative religious coping defined as struggling with faith was found to be significantly associated with greater psychological distress (β = .30, SE  = .03, p < .001); however, positive religious coping or the tendency to approach faith with comfort was not associated with psychological distress (β = -.04, SE  = .04, p  = .39). Another interesting finding in this study was that a high degree of negative religious coping was found to strengthen the negative effect of acculturative stress on the psychological wellbeing of these young immigrants, although this association was not found among those with a low degree of religious coping (β = .32, SE  = .03, p < .001) ( Monico and Duncan, 2020 ). Ethnic/racial group identity centrality or greater identification with one's ethnic/racial group was identified as another protective factor to the mental health of UIs. In a study of 140 UIs, greater ethnic/racial group identify centrality was found to buffer the negative effects of discrimination on their psychological wellbeing (β = 0.54, p < .001, 95% CI [0.21-0.86]) and life satisfaction of UIs (β = 0.41, p  = .03, 95% CI [0.04;0.79]) ( Cobb et al., 2019 ).

Moreover, the use of specific behavioral and cognitive strategies was also emphasized as helpful in coping with distress among UIs. For instance, in a study of young UI adults, results showed that engaging in seeking information to inform a plan of action to address a particular problem was a preferred coping strategy ( Monico and Duncan, 2020 ). Additional effective coping strategies used by young UI adults to cope with stress included distraction (e.g., involvement in activities to avoid thinking about a problem), praying or consultation with a faith figure, and talking about problems with trusted individulas such as friend or relatives ( Monico and Duncan, 2020 ) ( Table 2 , Fig. 2 ).

Participant Characteristics

NR= Not reported

Themes and outcomes of interest in the included studies

a Stress disorders including PTSD, acute stress disorder, adjustment disorder.

b Other including Health Related Quality of Life (HRQoL), shame, despair

Findings from Studies Reporting on Qualitative Data. Overall, emotional wellbeing (8 of 15) and mental health distress (7 of 15) emerged as common themes. Themes of emotional wellbeing explored included self-esteem/self-confidence, general wellbeing, resilience, positive emotions (i.e., feelings of happiness, motivation, gratefulness, safety), negative emotions (i.e., feeling of instability, despair, insecurity, hypervigilance), and interpersonal dynamics. Themes pertaining to mental health distress included anxiety, overall psychological distress, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), suicidal tendencies, and psychiatric symptoms. Substance use appeared as a theme in 3 of 15 qualitative studies. Overall, most qualitative studies provided detailed descriptions of how UIs experience distress. For instance, Fernandez and colleagues (2017) described the undocumented experience as living in a constant state of instability, insecurity, and hypervigilance that negatively affects their social environment, work, health, and living conditions ( Fernández-Esquer et al., 2017 ).

Several qualitative studies highlighted common immigrant-related stressors that contribute to distress among UIs. Among the most commonly explored were a sense of diminished social status, poor working and living conditions, discrimination, and the language barrier. These stressors are often the result of a systematic pattern of marginalization and disadvantage and have detrimental effects on the immigrant's mental health and that of his/her family system ( Brabeck et al., 2016 , Cross et al., 2020 ). Liminality or stress associated with having a limited sense of belonging also emerged as a significant stressor, which increased feelings of rejection and isolation, while also contributed to diminished self-identity ( Benuto et al., 2018 ). Acculturative stress, which is stress experienced by immigrants as they try to adapt to a new culture while preserving their own, was another significant stressor associated with diminished mental health ( Buckingham and Suarez-Pedraza, 2019 ). In particular, higher levels of acculturative stress influenced mental health outcomes, such as depression and anxiety. Trauma also emerged as a stressor that negatively impacts the mental health and wellbeing of UIs, particularly in the face of limited access to health and social services due to fear of deportation, distrust from government agencies, shame, and the language barrier ( Gowin et al., 2017 ). In a study of young UI adults, results showed that emotional trauma starting in childhood can adversely affect health and wellbeing through the life span ( Monico and Duncan, 2020 ).

The legalization process emerged as another salient theme that influences the mental health of UIs. For instance, in a study of young undocumented adults who were candidates for DACA, findings showed a high degree of anxiety and psychological distress before and during the application process ( Siemons et al., 2017 ). Besides the fear of being deported, these candidates experienced difficulties getting access to documentation (e.g., driver license), healthcare, jobs or educational opportunities. Similarly, in a study of Mexican transgender immigrants, symptoms of anxiety, depression, suicidal tendencies, and PTSD were associated with the legalization process ( Gowin et al., 2017 ). This was attributed to prevalent experiences of discrimination and stigmatization, along with limited social support. Another study among immigrant parents and adolescents discussed how the immigration process and the influences of immigrant systems could negatively impact their mental health ( Brabeck et al., 2016 ). Unauthorized parents reported finding themselves overwhelmed by occupational stress due to limited access to needed services, language barriers, and discrimination. Moreover, limited family support due to family separation was identified as a contributing factor that led to problems with childcare and finances, thus, increasing family distress. Nonetheless, despite distress from the legalization process, a study emphasized that having a sense of belonging as a result of legalization increases immigrants’ self-esteem and sense of wellbeing ( Siemons et al., 2017 ). Similarly, another study found that having a protected immigration legal status such as DACA can improve health outcomes among UIs by increasing economic stability, opening educational opportunities, increasing access to healthcare, and empowering UIs to engage in social and community efforts (e.g., advocacy) ( Sudhinaraset, 2017 ).

Another common theme in qualitative studies was protective and coping factors to the mental health and emotional wellbeing of UIs. Overall, the most frequently identified protective factor was social support (6 of 10). For instance, a robust social support network was found to have positive effects on identity formation ( Siemons et al., 2017 ), along with contributing to increased self-esteem and feelings of empowerment ( Marrs Fuchsel, 2014 ). Engament in social media to support advocacy efforts was also identified as an empowerment strategy often used by young UIs adults ( Rodriguez, 2019 ). Support networks, such as extended families, were also found to be protective against sexual and substance use risk behaviors ( Glasman et al., 2018 ). However, although having a sense of obligation towards family responsibilities can contribute to having an increased sense of purpose and meaning among UIs, sometimes having too many financial and caregiving family responsibilities contributes to distress in this population ( Siemons et al., 2017 , Brietzke and Perreira, 2017 ). Furthermore, social support was identified as a powerful tool to advance the social ladder. For instance, a study among adolescent immigrants and their parents found that those who coped with stress by seeking social support were better positioned to pursue upward socioeconomic opportunities when compared to those that preferred using avoidance to escape stressful situations ( Brietzke and Perreira, 2017 ). Two additional protective factors identified were an ability for cognitively reframing experiences of adversity, as well as finding a sense of purpose and meaning in the immigration experience ( Monico and Duncan, 2020 ). In a study of Latinxs who immigrated to the U.S. as children and remained undocumented during their childhood, many immigrants reframed their difficulties as a catalyst for personal growth and as motivation to live a better life ( Benuto et al., 2018 ). From a developmental perspective, a study among adolescent immigrants and their parents emphasized that having a sense of purpose and building a positive self-esteem is helpful to foster healthy development and adjustment while growing up undocumented ( Brietzke and Perreira, 2017 ). Moreover, another study found that as their self-esteem increases, UIs gain an increased focus on targeted goals along with an increased ability for decision-making ( Marrs Fuchsel, 2014 ).

5. Discussion

Over the past seven past years, the US socio-political climate has been characterized by prevalent anti-immigrant rhetoric, policies and actions that have increased distress, fear and mistrust among undocumented communities. This review aimed to summarize what we know and what we need to know about the mental health of UIs, including evaluating the quality of existing studies, in order to move forward this important field of study. This knowledge is essential to inform intervention development, as well as much needed advocacy and policy efforts.

Consistent with prior studies, studies in this review documented psychological distress as a prevalent concern among UIs, with some of these studies providing the first population-based estimates that highlight the extent to which depression, anxiety, and trauma-related distress affect this population. A noticeable trend in the included studies is an increase in the emphasis placed on the study of emotional wellbeing constructs that are important to better understand how the socio-political context influences the mental health of UIs. For instance, wellbeing outcomes explored in the included studies, such as self-esteem/self-confidence, sense of flourishing, motivation, gratefulness, perceptions of safety, and life satisfaction are helpful to provide insight as to how the social context of living undocumented influences these immigrants’ sense of self and of the world around them, which in turn contributes to distress. The study of the aforementioned wellbeing constructs in the context of mental health promotion for UIs is essential in several ways. First, facilitating an understanding of the effect of the socio-political context on the emotional wellbeing of UIs is important to avoid pathologizing the immigrant experience of these marginalized populations and to reduce stigmatization. UIs often lack control over harsh and uncertain social and political environments that may negatively impact their wellbeing, thus increasing risk for diminished mental health. Second, learning how context can influence their wellbeing provides valuable information for the development of strength-based approaches that can help UIs remain strong in the face of adversity. Equally important is that this information is crucial to support advocacy efforts aimed at promoting the adoption of policies that can create safer and better social environments for UIs. Additional studies should continue to explore how wellbeing constructs, such as sense of purpose, meaning making, self-efficacy, and valued-based living, may be relevant mediators through which socio-political environments influence mental health outcomes among UIs.

Pertaining to immigration-related stressors, findings from this review are consistent with past research and emphasize discrimination, limited resources, intra- and inter-personal conflict, acculturative stress, and exploitability as stressors commonly faced by UIs. Having a history of traumatic events also was emphasized as a prevalent stressor, which increases risk for re-traumatization and diminished health outcomes, including impairment in functional ability. Developing a better understanding of the short- and long-term effects of the aforementioned stressors on the wellbeing of UIs is needed, including identifying protective factors that can ameliorate their negative health consequences. This information is essential to inform culturally and contextually sensitive interventions. Important to emphasize is the compounded effect that the aforementioned stressors may have on the mental health of UIs when experienced simultaneously and under daring circumstances such as the current U.S. anti-immigrant climate and the COVID-19 pandemic. Future studies are needed to help document the compounded effect of multiple stressors on the mental health of UIs within the current socio-political and health context. Also, given recent trends for the need to understand the mind-body connection and long-lasting health effects of stress, including identifying how distress from the undocumented experience may get under the skin of UIs to increase disease risk, future studies should focus on studying the interplay between physical and mental health in this population along with factors that may ameliorate such risks.

A novel trend in some of the included studies was exploration of the effect of the legalization process on the mental health of UIs and their families. The findings highlight the stressful nature of this process, particularly in recent years when uncertainty predominates and rapid changes in policy and laws are taking place. However, the findings also emphasize the health benefits experienced once UIs obtain documentation, including having a greater sense of belonging and social support, as well as far-reaching positive consequences that extend beyond the UI to their families. Future studies should aim to identify factors that can help UIs cope with stress during the legalization process and additional information is needed to understand the short- and long-term health effects of experiencing stress during legalization. Longitudinal studies may be appropriate for studying the effects of the legalization process, as following participants throughout their experience of legalization can provide comprehensive information about the process in relation to other aspects in their life and compounded stressors, including their socioeconomic status, acculturation process, immigration-related distress, and overall wellbeing, among others. Importantly, further research should continue to document the health benefits of legalization, which is needed to inform advocacy and policy efforts.

Importantly, this review identified advancements in the study of protective and coping factors to the mental health of UIs. First, we noticed an increase in the identification and study of specific aspects of protective factors within broader constructs that may facilitate the coping process among UIs. For instance, a study identified specific types of religious coping that are effective in coping with immigration-related distress ( Da Silva et al., 2017 , Dillon et al., 2018 ). This information is essential to facilitate the development of effective culturally and contextually sensitive interventions that can address specific protective factors most relevant to the undocumented experience. Another important development was identifying pathways or providing explanations as to how certain protective factors contribute to the emotional wellbeing of UIs beyond ameliorating distress. For example, a study identified social support as a powerful tool to advance the social ladder ( Brietzke and Perreira, 2017 ). Future studies should continue to identify and explain how specific cognitive and behavioral aspects of relevant protective factors may facilitate or impair social advancement among UIs given that a sense of diminished social status is associated with increased distress in this population ( Brabeck et al., 2016 ). Moreover, relevant protective factors in need of further study include types and sources of social support, cultural factors (e.g., identify, pride, values), and dispositional attributes (e.g., optimism, creativity, resourcefulness, complacency, tenacity) that may help build resilience in the face of adversity. Understanding protective factors could serve to further inform intervention and advocacy efforts specifically tailored to meet the needs of this at-risk immigrant population.

Advancing this field of study requires the use of methodological rigor and advanced research designs. Findings from this review support considerable advancement over the past seven years in the methods and measures used to study the mental health of UIs in the U.S. For instance, greater efforts have been made to incorporate random recruitment of participants through different methods, as well as systematic peer-to-peer recruitment strategies (e.g., RDS), which is essential to reduce selection biases and to needed to improve the generalizability of findings. Also, our findings highlight that most effective to facilitate recruitment of UIs is the identification of trusted networks (e.g., faith-based communities, non-profit immigrant organizations) and the collaboration with community partners, given the high mistrust that prevails in immigrant communities due to the current U.S. socio-political climate. Likewise, the use of psychometrically sound clinical measures previously validated with immigrant populations to assess outcomes of interest was prevalent, which facilitates comparisons with other U.S. populations as to provide greater insight into risk levels and areas of need.

Nonetheless, to keep moving this field forward, the need for continued methodological rigor and innovative study designs continues. For instance, prospective cohort studies that can follow UIs facing different stressors and adversity over time would provide valuable information to determine how different contextual experiences and access to resources can affect long-term health outcomes for this population. Likewise, an increase in the use of mixed methods that facilitate the systematic integration of qualitative and quantitative data is important to provide a deeper meaning and understanding of the effect of context on the wellbeing of UIs. In this regard, incorporating multiple sources of data, such as ethnographic data, existing records, or individual data collected from multiple informants, facilitate an understanding of compounded issues faced by UIs and mixed-status families, as well as increase the reliability of findings. Another key aspect of study design that is needed is the use of innovation in the collection and measurement of data, such as through the use of technology and electronic media. For instance, the use of Personal Digital Assistants (PDAs) or Short Message Services (SMS) are valuable tools that could help collect information in real time about the daily life experiences of UIs and how these experiences affect their wellbeing, such as their moods, thoughts, behaviors, and symptoms ( Johansen and Wedderkopp, 2010 ). This information would allow for a more direct assessment of the effect of social circumstances and subjective experiences on mental health outcomes among this hidden population ( Johansen and Wedderkopp, 2010 ). Likewise, incorporating the use of biomarkers to elucidate the effect of contextual stress on the health and wellbeing of UIs is needed. Face to face interviews continue to be the most widely used method for collecting data among UIs, yet in challenging times, such as the current anti-immigrant climate in the U.S. and the COVID-19 pandemic, researchers must devise new ways to incorporate technological advances into their studies to help overcome mistrust and fear prevalent in immigrant communities. Moreover, improvement in this area of research will continue as long as researchers become more diligent in providing detailed accounts of the methods, measures, and frameworks used to identify key constructs and outcomes, along with exploring and documenting differences in outcomes of interest across subgroups of UIs and/or differences across participants varying in immigration legal status.

Pertaining to sampling, studies in this review included participants of similar sociodemographic characteristics to those in previous studies. For instance, studies were primarily conducted among women, Latinx immigrants of Mexican origin, and immigrants residing in urban regions and in areas with higher concentration of UIs. Given the heterogeneity of UIs across various social determinants of health, it is recommended that future studies strive to maintain a balance between studying different subgroups of UIs, while also diversifying their samples across key sociodemographic characteristics and intersectional identities. Recent changes in the demographic profiles of UIs in the U.S. show that Mexican-origin immigrants are declining in numbers with a surge of UIs from Central America, Venezuela, and Asia; these changes call for an increase in studies of growing immigrant subgroups from Asia and Central and South America ( Krogstad et al., 2019 ). Importantly, some of the included studies showed a disproportionate impact of immigration-related stressors on the mental health of certain subgroups of undocumented immigrants such as transgender men, day laborers and abused women ( Gowin et al., 2017 , Organista et al., 2019 , Cesario et al., 2014 ). Future studies focusing on how the aforementioned intersectional identities may influence the undocumented experience, and vice-versa, are needed to elucidate risk and protective factors central to interventions and policy. Studies that could facilitate comparisons in outcomes of interest and prevalent contextual stressors among UIs residing in different settings (e.g., urban versus rural; community versus detention facilities; liberal versus conservative U.S. states) would provide insight as to the effect of different social environments and their respective laws and availability of resources on the wellbeing of UIs. Research emphasizing the heterogeneity of UIs and differences in their contextual experiences and living environments is needed to overcome existing stereotypes about this population, identify relevant risk factors and reduce existing inequities through advocacy and intervention efforts.

5.1. Limitations

This study complements previous research on the mental health of UIs by providing a more detailed analysis of methodology and updated findings, as well as proposing directions for future research. Nevertheless, this review has some limitations. Only studies in English were included, and results refer only to UIs living in the U.S.; thus, findings may not generalize to UIs in other countries. Nevertheless, some of our findings may be universal to the undocumented experience, given that this is a global phenomenon. A similar review focusing on UIs in other parts of the world would be highly informative. Also, only studies of adults were included in this review. It is important that similar reviews be done among UI youth given that they may experience different stressors to their adult counterparts, which may also lead to variations in mental health outcomes. A comparison of findings across quantitative studies was not possible given differences in the measures used and variations in reported measures of association. Finally, given differences across subgroups of UIs, making generalizations on the mental health of the entire undocumented population may be problematic.

6. Conclusion

The goal of this review was to examine recent research on the mental health stressors and outcomes experienced by UI adults in the U.S. Over the past seven years, research on the mental health of UIs has increased considerably while also improving upon the methodology used. The included studies continue to document the detrimental effects of discrimination, limited resources, intra- and inter-personal conflict, acculturative stress, and exploitability on the mental health of UIs, while also adding to our understanding of protective factors that facilitate resilience. Future studies should continue to strive for methodological rigor while documenting the effect of the aforementioned stressors compounded by the current U.S. socio-political climate and health crises. Likewise, identifying avenues to prevent harm and reduce further risk in this vulnerable, yet resilient population is essential to inform much needed intervention, policy, and advocacy efforts.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

Sources of funding: This work was supported by the National Institutes of Health, National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI) (K01 HL150247; PI: Garcini).

1 Terms used to select studies were undocumented OR legal status OR migrant OR refugee OR immigrant OR immigration, AND mental health OR depression OR anxiety OR psychiatric illness OR emotional health OR psychiatric disorder, AND United States.

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U.S. Visa and Immigration Policy Challenges: Explanations for Faculty Perceptions and Intent to Leave

• Published: 06 March 2023
• Volume 64 , pages 1031–1057, ( 2023 )

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• Mary K. Feeney   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6850-1985 1 ,
• Heyjie Jung 2 , 4 ,
• Timothy P. Johnson 3 &
• Eric W. Welch 2  

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United States (US) immigration policies have increasingly focused on national security resulting in universities experiencing declines in international student applications, constraints on international scholar employment, and complications facilitating international research collaborations. The COVID-19 pandemic brought additional travel restrictions, embassy closures, and health and safety concerns that exacerbated these challenges. Science mobility is critical for science education, training, competitiveness, and innovation. Using a representative sample of US and foreign-born scientists in three STEM fields, we explore how recent visa and immigration policies have shaped research collaborations, work with students and postdoctoral scholars, and intentions to leave. We use descriptive statistics, analysis of variance, and logistic regression and find academic scientists report disruptions from visa and immigration policies; negative impacts of immigration policies on US higher education; negative effects on recruitment and retention of international trainees; and increased intentions to leave the US driven by negative perceptions of immigration policy.

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Introduction

It is widely accepted that migration and international movement of scholars and scientists creates positive outcomes for national economies and the science and technology enterprise. Research across the world indicates that international mobility among science students and faculty increases the dissemination of knowledge, resource flow (Toren, 1996 ), and the production of science, medicine, and engineering (Nerdrum & Sarpebakken, 2006 ). Nowhere is this reliance on international scholarship more valued than in the US scientific enterprise, a system that has long touted the value of investing in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields and welcoming scientists from around the world to advance US research, innovation, and economic development. Yet, this reputation and culture has been shifting as the US immigration system becomes more focused on national security and international scholars face increased social hostility and bureaucratic barriers to living in the US (Gopal, 2016 ; Kim et al., 2018 ; Sabharwal & Varma, 2017 ). These changes in US immigration policy are occurring at the same time that global competition for scientific human capital has increased international academic career opportunities (Altbach, 2005 ) and more foreign-born scientists and engineers are returning to their home countries because of improved employment, research, and career opportunities (Sabharwal & Varma).

The US has a history of welcoming and relying on foreign-born scientists, from German scientists fleeing World War II, Russian and Eastern European scientists during and after the Cold War, to scientists from East and South Asia seeking educational and employment opportunities. International scholars offer vital human capital to American universities, through diversity of ideas and campus life, international networks, scientific production, and the recruitment and training of students (Corley & Sabharwal, 2007 ; Kim et al., 2012 ; Mamiseishvili, 2013 ; Mamiseishvili & Lee, 2018 ; Mamiseishvili & Rosser, 2010 ; Slaughter, 2014 ). In more recent decades, as US universities find themselves under state and federal funding constraints, they have sought to supplement their budgets by recruiting more international students who typically pay higher tuition rates (Banks & Bhandari, 2012 ; Gopal, 2016 ). Today, foreign-born faculty make up 29% of full-time STEM faculty and foreign-born students account for about 41% of undergraduate students and approximately 63% of graduate students in STEM fields (National Science Board, 2014 , 2020 ). Foreign-born scientists bring resources, knowledge, and value to the US higher education system. While the US higher education system has long enjoyed the benefits of its strong reputation for welcoming foreign students and faculty and producing top science, recent shifts in global politics and US immigration policy have added barriers to the recruitment and retention of foreign-born scientists. Growing anti-immigrant sentiments, travel bans, and immigration policies during the Trump administration exacerbated these challenges. In March 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic limiting travel affected domestic and international scientists travel, mentoring, and recruitment efforts, while highlighting the poor health care system and political strife in the US. These US policies have been implemented at a time when the scientific workforce at all career stages is more globally mobile (Moed et al., 2013 ), competition for international scientific talent is rising (Hazelkorn, 2015 ), and international collaboration teams are common (Gazni et al., 2012 ). Additionally, countries in Europe and Asia have implemented policies to better facilitate the return and reintegration of scientists (Cañibano et al., 2008 ; van Holm et al., 2019 ) and their universities have become more competitive and attractive to scholars (Freeman, 2010 ). These push and pull factors inevitably shape the opportunities, strategies, and intentions of individual scientists, which ultimately affect the diversity and quality of the US academic workplace.

In this paper, we present recent data on academic scientists’ perceptions about immigration and visa challenges in the US. We draw from a representative sample of US-born and foreign-born scientists in biology, civil and environmental engineering, and geography at research extensive universities across the US. We ask the following research questions:

What are US academic scientists’ experiences with and perceptions of visa and immigration policies given recent political rhetoric, immigration policy changes, and the COVID-19 pandemic?

What are academic scientists’ experiences working with international students and postdocs as related to visa and immigration issues?

What are academic scientists’ intentions to leave the US and are those intentions related to field of study, citizenship status, and workplace perceptions?

Next, we review the literature on international diversity and push–pull factors in US higher education. In Sect. “ Material and Methods ”, we describe our survey, sample, and data collection methods. In Sect.  “ Results ”, we present our findings. We conclude with a discussion of what the findings mean for academic scientists, higher education policy, and US STEM diversity and competitiveness.

International Faculty and Students in STEM at US Universities

Academic stem.

US higher education institutions attract talented students and faculty from around the world. The US has maintained its reputation as a rich research environment, that supports generous investment in research infrastructure (Stephan et al., 2013 ; Trapani & Gibbons, 2020 ) and a competitive STEM job market (Gandhi-Lee et al., 2017 ). US-based academic science relies on international collaborators, colleagues, faculty, and students as critical drivers of the US innovation and competitiveness (Gandhi-Lee et al., 2017 ; Kerr & Lincoln, 2010 ; Roach & Skrentny, 2019 ; Stephan & Levin, 2003 ; Welch et al., 2018 ). International scholars help the US higher education system maintain its global competitive position. Foreign-born academic scientists bring multiple resources critical for the health and well-being of university communities and sustained scientific leadership (Kim et al., 2012 ). They recruit high-quality colleagues and provide access to international opportunities for both US and international students through professional networks in their home countries (Altbach & Balán, 2007 ; Foote et al., 2008 ; Kim et al., 2011 , 2012 ; Mamiseishvili, 2013 ; Sun & Bian, 2012 ). Additionally, communities of international scholars provide important social support to newly arriving students and faculty (Gahungu, 2011 ). Yet, foreign-born scientists’ career prospects are contingent on immigration and visa policies. For example, recent visa delays have decreased stay rates for Indian and Chinese PhD holders who make up a large proportion of foreign-born STEM graduate students in the US (Kahn & MacGarvie, 2020 ). These delays directly affect the research trajectories of domestic and foreign-born STEM faculty and the competitiveness of US science.

International collaboration and travel are both common and critical to advancing science and innovation (Ackers, 2005 ; Freeman et al., 2015 ; Wagner & Leydesdorff, 2005 ; Wagner et al., 2017 ). Foreign-born faculty are more likely than US-born scientists to collaborate with colleagues abroad and to travel for research (Finkelstein et al., 2009 ; Stephan & Levin, 2000 ; Stephan et al., 2013 ; Welch et al., 2018 ). International scientists transfer their experience, knowledge, and networks expanding science collaborations, knowledge, and available resources benefitting less mobile scientists in the US institutions (Bratti & Conti, 2018 ; Schiller & Diez, 2008 ; Siekierski et al., 2018 ). Domestic scientists who do not travel or work abroad also experience the effects of visa and immigration policies through their students and collaborators. The international nature of science networks and global knowledge flows (Franzoni et al., 2014 ; Gibson & McKenzie, 2014 ; Welch et al., 2018 ) make visa and immigration issues pertinent for most faculty at US higher education institutions.

Universities play a critical role in attracting and retaining international talent to the STEM workforce and provide extensive, costly, time-consuming services to assist students coming to the US on visas (typically the F-1). While visas bring talented science students to the US, there is not a guaranteed path from student visa to permanent residency. Upon graduation (and expiration of the F-1), international students must either leave the US or secure an H1-B work visa, a highly competitive process for which there are yearly quotas (Gopal, 2016 ). Many universities work to transition foreign-born scientists from student visas to work visas, but doing so is complicated and costly for employers (Gopal, 2016 ). Consequently, many scientists and engineers report returning to their home countries because of immigration challenges (Sabharwal & Varma, 2017 ).

While universities provide invaluable legal and financial support to faculty on work visas (typically H1-B) or who are navigating the citizenship process, foreign-born academic scientists regularly report hurdles and extensive bureaucratic barriers to staying and working in the US or returning to their home countries for visits (Bookman, 2020 ; Gopal, 2016 ). Researchers note that since the 1990s there has been an increasing shift toward foreign-born scientists and engineers leaving the US after receiving their training due to improved employment opportunities in their home countries and US immigration challenges (Marini & Yang, 2021 ; Varma & Kapur, 2013 ; Wadhwa & Salkever, 2012 ). There have long been calls to streamline the US visa and immigration system, to enhance employment in STEM fields (Harris, 2014 ; Teich, 2014 ), and to make it easier for universities to attract top students and faculty, yet universities continue to have little input to immigration policy (Gopal & Streitwieser, 2016 ).

Political Change, COVID-19, and Academic Mobility

In response to the terrorist attacks of 9/11, increased globalization and migration of workers, and nationalistic political trends, the US has experienced a shift away from liberal policies toward immigration to focus more on border security and immigration restrictions. Visa and immigration policy changes following the 9/11 attacks, in particular the Student and Exchange Visitor Information System (SEVIS), reduced international student enrollment, marking the first declines in over 30 years (Bollag, 2004 ; Guruz, 2011 ). Universities have long benefited from preferential treatment in the US visa and immigration system, since they typically attract those focused on STEM fields who can participate in two-step migration, first as a student and then as a permanent resident, worker, and eventually citizen (Hawthorne, 2012 ). But this benefit to universities was curbed when SEVIS ensured national security concerns would take precedence over educational missions.

Following the 2016 election of Donald Trump, the pressure on international scholars in the US intensified. The Trump administration used strong political language advocating for less immigration and stronger borders. For example, in 2018 the administration created a “National Vetting Center” to increase efforts for extreme vetting of individuals who might pose a national security threat (Trump, 2018 ). They also singled out particular nations and religious groups. In January 2017, Trump issued the first of three “Muslim Bans” or travel bans applying to six Muslim majority countries—Iran, Libya, Sudan, Somalia, Yemen, and Syria—which had an immediate impact on university hiring and student enrollments (Jackson, 2017 ; Wadhia, 2018 ). The Department of Justice’s 2018 “China Initiative”, aimed at countering Chinese national security threats including trade secret theft, hacking, and espionage, resulted in racial profiling and threats to academic freedom of Chinese born academic scientists (Kania & McReynolds, 2021 ). The Trump administration also initiated numerous discussions to limit or end the H1-B visa program and in June 2020 issued an executive order suspending H1-B, H2-B, J and L visa programs (AB Wire, 2020 ), the primary mechanisms for international scientists to work and for international STEM graduates to stay in the US. Shifts in US immigration policy toward national security and border control coupled with executive orders that targeted particular populations threatened the flow of international scientists to US universities and increased uncertainty and administrative burdens for international applicants.

Changes in visa policies or uncertainty about potential changes greatly impact student enrollments. For example, the SEVIS changes to student visa regulations and processing times coupled with poor treatment of applicants resulted in a stark decline of male international students from the Middle East coming to the US (Danley, 2010 ). In a comparison of international student mobility across the UK, Australia, Canada, and the US, Gopal ( 2016 ) found that the ease by which student visas can be obtained is a primary predictor of international student enrollments. These shifts in US immigration policy since 9/11 have slowed what was historically a successful inflow of international students to the US. Gopal ( 2016 ) notes that declines in international student movement to the US have been picked up by Canada and Australia, countries that have adopted more open and less bureaucratic visa systems for students with options for permanent residency after graduation and China has become the third largest destination for foreign students in 2016 (Lu, 2019 ).

These changes in policies and attitudes are also affecting the recruitment and retention of international faculty at US universities. Faculty mobility is shaped by a number of factors including ease of movement (e.g. opportunities for new jobs, family constraints), job satisfaction, and productivity (Kim et al., 2020 ; Rosser, 2004 ). Recent qualitative research indicates that foreign-born faculty are reporting increased levels of concern about the rise of racism and xenophobia and the unpredictability of immigration policies in the US (Bookman, 2020 ). One interviewee noted that these concerns have led her to consider “leaving the US if Trumpism continues” (Bookman, 2020 p. 59). Another faculty member noted considering moving to Canada, which is more open to immigrants. Qualitative research indicates uncertainty, increased administrative burden, and fears related to racism are leading faculty to consider leaving the US (Bookman, 2020 ) but we have less knowledge about how these changes are affecting domestic faculty, US university competitiveness, and the scientific enterprise.

In addition to shifts in immigration policy and culture from one of welcoming immigrants to a less friendly national security effort, the 2020 COVID-19 outbreak and subsequent policies requiring social distancing, travel bans, and closures of universities and government offices leveled another threat and complication to international and domestic academic sciences. Universities closed in-person activities and sent people home to work remotely and government offices (e.g. US embassies) limited, temporarily suspended, or ceased altogether in-person visits and routine visa services (US Department of State & Bureau of Consular Affairs 2020 ). Border closures and travel restrictions immediately affected travel for domestic and international scientists, university admissions, and the ability of scientists to visit their home countries, collect data, or return to the US.

In addition to embassy closures and visa processing delays, some international students and faculty living in the US experienced hostility based on their national origin. This hostility has been especially harsh against Chinese nationals and other Asians and Asian descendants in the US (Makalintal, 2021 ). The US response to COVID-19 not only complicated visa and immigration processing for international scientists, but it accentuated major social and cultural problems in the US including racial conflict and discrimination, poor health care systems, and inadequate social safety nets for childcare, unemployment, and housing. International scholars found themselves victims of racial violence and threats, unsure about the safety of their families, and managing increased stress with little institutional support (Johnson et al., 2021 ). These negative experiences shape the perceptions of both international and domestic scientists and are likely to shape short-term and long-term behavior in the US science enterprise.

Research Questions

What are academic scientists’ experiences with and perceptions of visa and immigration policies given recent political rhetoric, immigration policy changes and COVID-19 pandemic?

What are scientists’ intentions to leave the US and are those intentions related to field of study, citizenship status and workplace perceptions?

Material and Methods

Data collection.

This paper uses online survey data collected October through November 2020 by the ASU Center for Science, Technology, and Environmental Policy Studies, SciOPS team ( www.sci-ops.org ). In this section, we describe the sample design and survey development and implementation. The population is a random sample of academic scientists (tenured, tenure-track, and non-tenure-track) who work in three disciplines (biology, civil and environmental engineering, and geography). These scientists work at 60 randomly selected universities classified as Carnegie designated research extensive (R1) universities (drawn from the most recent Carnegie listings). We geographically stratified the full list of research extensive institutions by the eight region Carnegie classification and did random proportionate sampling from each region to account for regional differences. For each selected university, we developed a list of all tenure, tenure-track, and non-tenure track faculty in biology, civil and environmental engineering, and geography. The final sample was randomly selected from these lists and includes US born and foreign-born scientists. The research team developed the survey in October 2020. The questionnaire included sections about the impacts of current US visa and immigration policies on scientific research and collaboration, the higher education system, and policy objectives over the past 12 months. All respondents (US-born and foreign-born) were asked the same questions. The instrument was electronically programmed in English using the Sawtooth Software ® system. The survey was approved by Institutional Review Boards at Arizona State University and the University of Illinois at Chicago.

A total of 2443 scientists were invited to participate in the survey via email invitations with a series of personalized email follow-up reminders. Survey invitations with a unique ID, passwords, and hyperlink to the survey were sent on October 22 and 23, 2020 followed by three reminder messages. The survey was closed on November 23, 2020. 419 usable responses including 48 partial responses were collected representing an AAPOR response rate (RR4) of 17.4%. Poststratification weights were applied for gender and academic field to represent the population as closely as possible. The measure of sampling error for questions answered by the full sample is plus or minus 5 percentage points. In this analysis, we use the 371 complete responses.

Data Description

Table 1 reports the demographic characteristics of survey respondents. Among faculty surveyed, 42% are full professors, most work in biology departments (72%), and about two-thirds (68%) are male. Slightly more than half are US-born citizens (54%). About 21% of respondents are non-US citizens with either permanent or temporary US resident visas.

For the logistic regression model, we use the dependent variable, Intention to Leave the US, a binary variable drawn from the questionnaire item: “In the past 12 months, have you seriously considered moving to another country?” (1 = yes; 0 = no).

We include four indexed measures of the following faculty perceptions: (1) positive visa and policy outcomes, (2) negative visa and policy outcomes, (3) student and faculty mobility, and (4) impacts of visa and immigration policies on US higher education. To capture specific perceptions of Trump administration policies, we asked respondents: “The Trump Administration has proposed a number of changes to the US visa and immigration system. To what extent do you think these potential changes will contribute toward achieving each of the following policy objectives?” Respondents were presented with 10 items with a 3-point response scale. Table 2 shows the principal component analysis results that loaded into two components: Positive Policy Outcomes and Negative Policy Outcomes. Positive Policy Outcomes is an average of the responses to seven questionnaire items; the Cronbach’s alpha is 0.85. Negative Policy Outcomes is the average of responses from three questionnaire items; the Cronbach’s alpha is 0.61. A higher score indicates a perception that immigration policy has major positive or negative outcomes.

Perceived Mobility is an averaged scale from responses to four items. The survey asked: “In your opinion, to what extent have US visa and immigration policies increased or decreased the following?” (1) International scholars seeking employment outside the US, (2) US faculty seeking employment outside the US, (3) International student preference to work outside the US after graduation, and (4) International student applications to study in US institutions. The resulting scale has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.62 and ranges from 1 to 5 with a higher score indicating perceptions of greater mobility.

Perceived impacts on higher education measures faculty perceptions of the impacts of recent visa and immigration policies on dimensions of US higher education. The variable is constructed by averaging responses to nine items (see Fig.  2 or Appendix A). The resulting scale has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.94 and ranges from 1 to 5. A higher score indicates more positive effects.

We include the following individual level measures: self-reported citizenship status, gender, academic rank, and field of science. We include the following controls for university characteristics: region, proportion of faculty of color, and faculty citizenship composition, which come from the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS). All questionnaire items and descriptive statistics are listed in Appendix A.

Method for Analysis

We report descriptive statistics to investigate how academic scientists experience recent visa and immigration issues in the US. We conduct a series of one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) models and crosstabs to examine variation between US citizens and non-US citizens and a logistic regression model investigating the determinants of intention to leave the US.

Scientists’ Experiences and Perceptions of US Visa and Immigration Policy

Visa and immigration issues related to research and collaboration.

Figure  1 illustrates faculty responses to questions regarding how visa and immigration issues have affected their research and collaborations in the previous year. These responses inevitably capture visa and immigration experiences shaped by COVID-19 responses. More than one third of respondents (35%) experienced some delays in their projects because of visa issues and were unable to visit their collaborators in other countries. About one third indicated that their international collaborators’ visits were canceled or postponed due to visa problems. Approximately 24% had to cancel their projects because of visa issues.

Faculty experiences due to current US visa and immigration policies (n = 368)

Visa and Immigration Issues Related to Higher Education

Figure  2 illustrates how faculty perceive the effects of current US immigration and visa policies on various dimensions of the US higher education system. Respondents indicated if they believe US immigration policies have positive, negative, or no effect on student recruitment, global competitiveness, and the reputation of US higher education. They overwhelmingly reported negative effects. More than 80% indicated that current immigration policies have a negative impact on the attraction of top talent to study at US institutions of higher education (89%), diversity in US higher education (87%), competitiveness and openness of global science (87%), development of the scientific workforce (87%), and strength of the US high tech industry (83%). The most positive effect scientists reported from current immigration policies is protection of US intellectual property (18%), though a larger proportion of respondents reported negative effects related to protecting intellectual property (26%).

Faculty perceptions of the impacts of current US and immigration policies on higher education (N = 362)

Visa and Immigration Issues Related to International Students and Postdocs

Hiring and mentoring international students and postdocs.

International students make up a large contingent of trainees in the US. More than half reported employing international students as research or teaching assistants (53%) and about one third employed international postdocs (32%) in the last 12 months. Around half reported mentoring international students who do not necessarily work on research with them (52%) and working on research with international students they did not directly employ (48%). These reports indicate the important role international postdocs and students play as both employees and collaborators.

Figure  3 shows faculty experiences with student and postdoctoral visa and immigration issues. Nearly three-quarters of respondents (72%) said that international students and postdocs they work with could not return home because of visa and immigration issues. Approximately 42% also reported that their international students and postdocs could not get a visa to enter or return to the US. More than half of the respondents (54%) reported they lost international students and postdocs they had recruited and 45% indicated they could not hire new students or postdocs. These reports indicate a clear disruption to US-based scientists working with international trainees.

Faculty experience hiring and working with international students and postdocs in last 12 months (N = 371)

We also asked faculty how they have been engaging, supporting, and mentoring their international students during the last 12 months. Table 3 shows that keeping regular or one-on-one meetings (83%), hosting meetings to keep a sense of community (78%), organizing regular updates and setting communication expectations (77%), and by discussing employment concerns (76%) are the most common ways faculty report engaging their international students.

Figure  4 shows the topics related to visa and immigration discussed by faculty with international students and postdocs during the last 12 months. One of the most common topics discussed was uncertainties regarding visas (69%). More than half of faculty reported discussing inability to travel to home countries (58%) and returning to the US (52%) with their trainees. Faculty also reported discussing limited job opportunities (50%), delays in studies or research (43%), limited funding opportunities (42%), and concerns about harassment (39%) and physical safety in the US due to national origin (34%). Over one quarter (27%) reported they discussed the student or postdoc leaving the US because of family visa and immigration issues.

Visa and immigration related topics discussed with international students and postdocs in last 12 months (N = 371)

Impacts of Visa and Immigration Issues on Mobility

Work and study mobility preferences.

Figure  5 illustrates scientist perceptions of the impacts of visa and immigration policies on preferences to study and work in the US. The majority of respondents (90%) regardless of their citizenship status reported that preferences among international students to study in the US have decreased (either a lot or some). Around three quarters of US citizens (73%) and non-citizens with permanent visas (75%) and nearly all non-citizens with temporary visas (95%) reported that international students’ interest in working in other countries has increased (either a lot or some). More than half of the scientists who are US citizens (55%) indicated international scholars are increasingly seeking employment outside the US; a higher proportion of non-US citizen faculty with permanent visas (75%) and temporary visas (62%) reported the same. The difference is statistically significant (Pearson Chi 2  = 15.58, p = 0.049). About half of US citizens (49%) reported US faculty are increasingly seeking work opportunities outside the US, while about 64% of non-citizens with permanent visas and 75% of non-citizens with temporary visas reported the same. This difference is also statistically significant (Pearson Chi 2  = 16.64, p = 0.034).

Faculty perceptions on the impacts of US visa and immigration policies on work/study preferences among students and faculty (N = 343). Test for difference based on chi-square test. *** p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05; * p < 0.10

Intention to Leave the US

We asked respondents if they have considered moving to another country over the last 12 months, which spanned the 1st year of COVID-19. About 37% of the respondents (n = 137) indicated they have considered leaving the US. An ANOVA reveals non-US citizens with temporary visas (63%) are significantly more likely than US citizens (35%) to report intentions to leave the US (Pearson Chi 2  = 7.47, p = 0.024).

Motivations for Considering Leaving the US

We asked those who indicated considering leaving about the major and minor reasons for their intentions. Figure  6 illustrates these reasons, by citizenship status. A similar proportion of US citizens (89%), non-US citizens with permanent residency (89%), and non-US citizens with temporary visas (93%) report no longer feeling welcomed in the US because of political rhetoric. Around 60% of non-US citizens cite health and safety issues in the US as a major reason to move, while about 36% of US citizens mentioned health and safety issues as a major reason to move. Figure  6 shows there are significant differences in intention motivations by citizenship status. First, there is a significant difference in reporting work opportunities as a reason for intention to the leave the US (Pearson Chi 2  = 11.58, p = 0.021). Significantly more US citizens (55%) report work opportunities abroad (a pull factor) as a major or minor reason to move, compared to non-US citizens with permanent (18%) and temporary visas (27%). Second, Non-US citizens report that immigration and visa issues regarding their family (permanent visa holders (40%), temporary visa holders (63%)) (Pearson Chi 2  = 35.81, p < 0.001) and themselves (permanent visa holders (42%), temporary visa holders (87%)) (Pearson Chi 2  = 92.55, p < 0.001) are major reasons for their intentions to leave the US. In sum, while all respondents report political rhetoric as a major reason for intention to leave, US citizens are significantly more likely to report work opportunities as a second reason to leave while non-US citizens’ intentions to leave are also explained by health and safety concerns (likely accentuated by COVID-19) and visa and immigration challenges.

Percent of faculty who identified major and minor reasons for their intention to move to another country, by citizenship status (N = 134) Test for difference based on chi-square test. *** p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05; * p < 0.10

Logistic Regression Predicting Intention to Leave

Given the clear differences in intention to leave among US and non-US citizens, we estimated a logistic regression model to examine the binary dependent variable, intention to leave the US. The Variance Inflation Factor for the model is lower than two for all variables meaning that variance of coefficients in the model is not inflated due to linear dependency with other exogenous variables (e.g., multicollinearity). The results are in Table 4 .

Table 4 shows that the perceived impacts of visa and immigration policies on higher education and mobility are significant indicators of intention to leave. Faculty perceptions of an increased trend in international scholars seeking employment abroad are related to their own intentions to leave (p < 0.10). Faculty intention to leave is significantly related to reporting that visa and immigration policies have negative impacts on the broader higher education system (p < 0.01). Full professors (p < 0.01) are less likely than non-tenured faculty to report intent to leave. Faculty in the New England region (p < 0.01) are more likely to consider moving to a different country, compared to faculty in the Far West. This finding is possibly explained by the more severe COVID-19 outbreak and restrictions in New England at the time of this survey (Johnson et al., 2021 ). Citizenship status is significantly related to intention to leave, non-US Citizens with temporary resident visas (p < 0.05) are significantly more likely than U.S. citizens to report intention to leave, though as noted earlier the motivation behind the intent to leave varies by citizenship status.

We analyze data on academic scientists’ perceptions of and experiences with US visa and immigration policies and how those perceptions are related to their research, interactions with trainees, and intentions to leave the US. Before discussing the results as related to the research questions, we address a few limitations. The sample is limited to three STEM fields at research intensive universities. Because norms and expectations for travel, collaboration, and hiring trainees vary across fields, the findings may not be generalizable to other fields of science, social sciences, or humanities. Second, we did not collect respondent race, ethnicity, family structure, and country of origin data. We cannot assess differences across or at the intersection of these groups. Third, our model on intention to leave focuses on perceptions of visa and immigration policies, rather than labor market demand and supply issues. We look at faculty perceptions, but do not have objective measures of pull factors including job offers, salaries, or competitiveness of positions outside the US. Fourth, our study does not look at how department or university climate shapes faculty perceptions. Future studies should explore relationships between push and pull factors, including competition from universities outside the US, and between department and university responses to visa and immigration policies and faculty experiences.

Our first research question asked what are academic scientists’ experiences with and perceptions of visa and immigration policies given recent political rhetoric, immigration policy changes and COVID-19 pandemic? Around one third report disruption related to university closures, travel delays, visa processing halts and delays, and interruption of collaborations. Faculty believe current visa and immigration policies are having more negative than positive effects on US higher education. More than 80% of respondents report that US immigration policies are negatively impacting diversity, attraction of talent, open science, competitiveness, scientific workforce development and strength of US technology industries. These findings, while related to the COVID-19 pandemic, indicate longer term negative outcomes due to the shift toward a national security approach to immigration. These longer-term negative impacts are of greater concern to scientists than the temporary policies and rhetoric of a single president. These reports align with increasing concerns surrounding recruitment and retention of international scientists at US universities due to uncertainties and inefficiencies in visa processing (Roach & Skrentny, 2019 ). All academic scientists, regardless of their own immigration status, report negative outcomes from US immigration policy and believe it is harming the success and competitiveness of US higher education which will ultimately have lasting effects on STEM diversity and innovation.

The second research question asked how current visa and immigration issues are shaping scientists’ experiences working with international students and postdocs. Respondents report increased complications related to student and postdoctoral recruitment and management. About half report a loss of new students and postdocs. Three quarters report increasing travel problems and uncertainty for current trainees. Most respondents to the survey reported having discussed employment, visa, immigration, and financial concerns with international students, half report providing mental health information and counselling recommendations, and around one-quarter reported discussing student decisions to leave the US. These results point to challenges in recruiting and retaining scientific talent as international scholars are increasingly uninterested in studying or working in the US, while simultaneously finding more competitive options outside the US (Freeman, 2010 ; Gopal, 2016 ; Marini & Yang, 2021 ). Faculty report that visa and immigration policies are driving international scholars away from the US, confirming previous findings that the shift in US immigration policy toward national security has reduced US competitiveness for top STEM scholars (Choudaha, 2018 ; Gopal, 2016 ; Sá & Sabzalieva, 2018 ; Wang et al., 2019 ).

Both domestic and international respondents indicate that a major reason for considering leaving the US is not feeling welcome due to political rhetoric and not feeling comfortable because of health and safety issues (Fig.  6 ). Other reasons differ by citizenship status, with US citizens noting pull factors such as work opportunities and non-citizens reporting push factors including immigration and visa issues for themselves and family members. Increasing uncertainties and delays in the visa and immigration process affect international scholars’ sense of security and job satisfaction, both of which predict retention (Bookman, 2020 ; Rosser, 2004 ; Sabharwal & Varama 2017 ).

When faculty perceive their colleagues are more mobile, they report a higher intention to leave. This finding confirms trends in science mobility (Jacob & Meek, 2013 ) and points to a potentially endogenous relationship between intentions and behavior. Prior research finds foreign-born faculty have more global collaborative networks and are more likely to migrate than US counterparts (Finkelstein et al., 2009 ; Franzoni et al., 2012 ), and that more foreign-born scientists and engineers are returning to their home countries to improved higher education systems, competitive salaries, and for personal and cultural reasons (Freeman, 2010 ; Kim et al., 2020 ; Marini & Yang, 2021 ; Sabharwal & Varma 2016 ). The relationship between perceived mobility and behavior is concerning because as scientists become more mobile, the more both likely foreign-born and domestic scholars will face new opportunities and adjust perceptions, behavior, and intentions to leave.

A recent qualitative study of faculty intentions to leave found heightened concerns about Trump’s policies and an increasingly hostile climate toward international scholars drove intentions (Bookman, 2020 ). Our regression model indicates that faculty intentions to leave are not significantly related to perceptions of the potential positive and negative outcomes of Trump’s visa and immigration policies (e.g. building a skilled labor supply, protecting jobs for Americans, ensuring public health). We find intention to leave is significantly related to perceptions of immigration policy damaging US higher education, recruitment, competitiveness, and diversity. This finding points to how immigration policy broadly shapes perceptions and work life for academic scientists, not just their own visa and immigration experiences but the experiences of their trainees, their ability to effectively collaborate with international scholars, recruitment and retention efforts, research agendas, and the reputation and competitiveness of the institutions where they work. These findings, taken together, indicate that shifts in US visa and immigration—beyond Trump’s specific policies—are shaping STEM faculty perceptions, experiences, and behavior. Visa and immigration policies centered on national security, along with increased delays and bureaucratic hurdles in visa processing, when coupled with attractive pull factors elsewhere, negatively impact the ability of US higher education to advance internationally competitive science. Given these circumstances, it comes as no surprise that international and eventually domestic talent will begin to opt out of the US system (Gopal, 2016 ).

Conclusions

This research confirms much of the recent research on international faculty experiences in the US (Mamiseishvili & Lee, 2018 ; Mecoli, 2021 ) in response to shifts toward an immigration system focused on national security. Our data also capture the added tensions of the COVID-19 social distancing orders, embassy closures, travel restrictions and bans, and increased visa and immigration constraints. We find that STEM faculty, regardless of citizenship status, report increased concerns about the experiences of their international trainees, delays and negative effects on international research collaborations, and long-term negative effects on university success. The US higher education system has long enjoyed being a leader in STEM production, education, and training, attracting talent from around the world. Yet, the strong pull factors that historically drew international talent to the US are shifting and competing countries now offer strong STEM education program opportunities with easier paths to full time employment, residency and potentially citizenship (Freeman, 2010 ; Gopal, 2016 ; Kim et al., 2020 ; Sá & Sabzalieva, 2018 ).

Shifts in the US immigration policy toward national security; growing anti-immigrant sentiments and travel bans; and the COVID-19 pandemic limiting travel and highlighting the poor health care system and political strife in the US are inevitably shaping scientist opportunities, strategies, mobility, and collaboration patterns. While COVID-19 will pass and the Trump policies can be reversed, the longer-term negative effects on US higher education are not easily overcome. As our results show, faculty perceive the longer-term negative effects on the higher education system as more concerning than the outcomes of Trump’s policies and these concerns coupled with perceptions of increased mobility are driving intent to leave.

Universities should be very concerned about the continued shift in immigration policy towards one of national security – it is negatively impacting higher education STEM fields, faculty and students, and research collaborations and other nations are responding by improving their university systems and offering competitive salaries and more amicable immigration systems (Freeman, 2010 ; Sabharwal & Varma 2016 , 2017 ). These negative impacts will eventually translate into negative effects on the economy and STEM workforce. Our data show that current visa and immigration policies and practices in the US are having strong, negative effects on faculty perceptions and those perceptions, coupled with increase scientist mobility, are related to intent to leave the US, which is not in the best interests of US higher education or the broader scientific enterprise and workforce.

Data Availability

Data underlying the analytical models is available upon request.

Code Availability

If accepted for publication, code underlying the analysis will be made publicly available.

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank the SciOPS team for conducting survey design and implementation, and data for this paper, specifically Eric W. Welch, Lesley Michalegko, Mary K. Feeney, Timothy P. Johnson, Mattia Caldarulo, Ashlee Frandell, Shaika Lamia Islam, and Heyjie Jung

This study was funded by the Arizona State University and the Center for Technology, Science and Environmental Policy Studies as part of a new science communication tool, SciOPS ( www.sci-ops.org ), which collects representative opinion data on current events from scientists in the United States to be shared with policy makers, journalists, and the general public.

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Feeney, M.K., Jung, H., Johnson, T.P. et al. U.S. Visa and Immigration Policy Challenges: Explanations for Faculty Perceptions and Intent to Leave. Res High Educ 64 , 1031–1057 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11162-023-09731-0

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• EBSCOhost Databases This link opens in a new window Search 22 databases simultaneously that cover almost any topic you need to research at MJC. EBSCO databases include articles previously published in journals, magazines, newspapers, books, and other media outlets.
• Access World News This link opens in a new window Search the full-text of editions of record for local, regional, and national U.S. newspapers as well as full-text content of key international sources. This is your source for The Modesto Bee from January 1989 to the present. Also includes in-depth special reports and hot topics from around the country. To access The Modesto Bee , limit your search to that publication. more... less... Watch this short video to learn how to find The Modesto Bee .

Find videos and documentaries about immigration in Films on Demand .  These film resources are free for MJC students, faculty, & staff. 

Type immigration  in the search box to access videos on this topic.

• Films on Demand This link opens in a new window Use Films on Demand when you want educational video content. This streaming video collection contains unlimited, 24/7 access to thousands of videos. Teachers can embed videos in Canvas. In addition, there are mobile options for iPad and Android. more... less... Instructions for embedding Films on Demand into Canvas .
• Kanopy This link opens in a new window Kanopy is a video streaming database with a broad selection of over 26,000 documentaries, feature films and training videos from thousands of producers. Instructions for embedding Kanopy into Canvas .

Use Google Scholar to find scholarly literature on the Web:

Browse Featured Web Sites:

• Migration Policy Institute "The Migration Policy Institute is an independent, nonpartisan, nonprofit think tank in Washington, DC dedicated to analysis of the movement of people worldwide."
• Pew Hispanic Center "The Pew Hispanic Center is a nonpartisan research organization that seeks to improve understanding of the U.S. Hispanic population and to chronicle Latinos’ growing impact on the nation. The Center does not take positions on policy issues."
• U. S. Citizenship and Immigration Services "U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) is the government agency that oversees lawful immigration to the United States."
• U. S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement "ICE's primary mission is to promote homeland security and public safety through the criminal and civil enforcement of federal laws governing border control, customs, trade, and immigration."
• U. S. Customs and Border Protection "CBP has a responsibility for securing the border and facilitating lawful international trade and travel while enforcing hundreds of U.S. laws and regulations, including immigration and drug laws."
• MALDEF The Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, the nation's leading Latino civil rights organization, has many resources on immigration issues.
• Immigrant Resource Law Center The ILRC trains attorneys, paralegals, and community-based advocates who work with immigrants around the country. They inform the media, elected officials, and public to shape immigration policy and law.

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The Morning

Addressing immigration.

We explain the history of Biden’s immigration policy and explain what’s likely to happen next.

By David Leonhardt

President Biden and his aides describe this year’s election as crucial — existential, even — because of Donald Trump’s hostility to democracy . Many outside experts agree.

Yet given the election’s importance, the Biden administration has been notably slow to address one of his biggest political vulnerabilities: immigration.

Polls show that immigration is a top concern of voters, often trailing only the economy. Most voters are unhappy with Biden’s handling of the issue and say they trust Trump more on it. Even Democratic mayors and governors have criticized Biden for the surge of migration on his watch.

Despite this situation, the White House has been reluctant to act aggressively for most of the past few years. Only in the past six months has it begun to do so. Administration officials are now preparing executive actions to tighten the border, according to my reporting, and Politico has written that Biden is likely to sign them next month.

In today’s newsletter, I’ll trace the history of Biden’s immigration policy and explain what’s likely to happen next.

Biden’s loosening

If you’re a loyal Democrat, I can guess what you may be thinking right now: Hey, wait! Biden tried to pass an immigration bill, and Republicans stopped him. That’s true, but it’s only one part of a larger story.

Late last year, the White House worked with a bipartisan group of senators to tighten border security. The plan revolved around policies Republicans favor. Yet Trump, recognizing that it could have helped Biden politically, persuaded Republicans to kill it.

The move was transparently cynical, as Biden has pointed out. Rather than help the country solve a problem, Trump and his allies prioritized partisan gain . The plan they killed would have expanded border patrols, increased the number of immigration judges and made the asylum system both tougher and fairer.

But it’s worth remembering that this bill didn’t come up until almost three years into Biden’s presidency, long after his initial policies had helped cause the migration surge . He campaigned in 2020 promising not only to undo Trump’s cruel policies — such as family separation — but also to welcome more migrants. After taking office, he signed executive orders to do both.

Biden tried to pause deportations. He changed the definition of asylum to include fear of gang violence. He used immigration parole — which the law says should be used “on a case-by-case basis for urgent humanitarian reasons” — to admit hundreds of thousands of people. The parole programs alone amounted to “the largest expansion of legal immigration in modern U.S. history,” Camilo Montoya-Galvez of CBS News wrote .

Would-be migrants, as well as the Mexican cartels that run transit networks, heard a clear message: Entering the United States had become easier. The number of people attempting to do so spiked almost immediately.

Monthly apprehensions at the southwestern border by U.S. Border Patrol

Dec. ’ 23

200,000 apprehensions

April ’24

Biden’s policy changes aren’t the only cause, to be clear. The end of the pandemic played a role, as did chaos in parts of Latin America. And Biden has since taken some steps to curb migration. In recent months, his administration has collaborated with the Mexican government to reduce the flow of people from other countries who reach the U.S.-Mexico border. That collaboration helps explain the recent decline in border crossings that you can see in the above chart.

Costs and benefits

Still, these policies have been relatively modest compared with what Biden could have tried. He could have worked with Congress sooner on a border bill. He could have reversed his parole expansion and done more to tighten asylum rules. He could have issued the executive orders that he is only now considering (which may shut the border when crossings exceed a certain level). Republicans are happy to remind voters of these options: Mike Johnson, the House speaker, went so far as to give Biden a list of actions he could have taken and hasn’t.

Yes, federal judges might block some of these policies, but the Supreme Court has given presidents wide latitude on border policy. Either way, even the announcement of the polices could have an impact. It would send a message that the border was no longer as open as it once was.

I understand that some Democrats prefer a more open border on humanitarian grounds. The U.S. is an affluent country, and millions of people rationally believe their lives would be better here. Allowing more to come, even if they are not true refugees, has large benefits.

But it has downsides, too. The recent immigration surge has stretched budgets and created turmoil along the border and in cities like Chicago, Denver and New York. The surge is also undemocratic in some important ways: Immigration levels have been higher than federal law calls for and higher than most Americans support .

Then there are the political effects. The migration surge has been a gift to Trump’s campaign — which seems as if it should be alarming even to Democrats who favor high immigration. As Oren Cass, who runs American Compass, a conservative think tank, put it, “If you think there is nothing that matters more in the world than Joe Biden winning the 2024 election, how can you say there is nothing to do in the area of greatest political salience?”

Whatever the reasons, Biden appears likely to take bolder action in the next several weeks.

Senate Democrats have scheduled another vote today on a bipartisan border plan — to highlight Republicans’ refusal to pass it, Carl Hulse explains .

Giant camps and mass deportations: Trump’s immigration plans for a second term are more draconian than his first-term policies , The Times has reported.

THE LATEST NEWS

Strong wind caused a stage to collapse at a campaign rally in the north of the country, killing at least 9 people .

Mexico’s election has been bloody: Beyond the deadly stage collapse, dozens of candidates for local elections have been killed. Read more about the coming vote .

Israel-Hamas War

Families of hostages released video of Hamas fighters abducting Israeli female soldiers on Oct. 7. They hope to pressure the Israeli government to push for a hostage release.

The decision by Ireland, Norway and Spain to recognize an independent Palestinian state reflects growing frustration with Benjamin Netanyahu, but it does not mean that other countries will follow suit, Roger Cohen writes .

More International News

Britain’s prime minister, Rishi Sunak, called a snap election for July 4 . His Conservative Party trails in the polls and could lose control of Parliament for the first time in 14 years.

New Caledonia, a French territory in the Pacific, is on the brink of civil war. Emmanuel Macron is making a visit .

China launched military drills around Taiwan after the island’s new president asserted its sovereignty .

The Biden administration is debating whether to let Ukraine use American weapons to hit targets inside Russia .

In India’s election, opposition to Prime Minister Narendra Modi is finding some momentum .

“America’s monster”: Read one journalist’s experience investigating an Afghan commander who used brutal tactics to support U.S. troops.

A second flag symbolizing support for Trump — which Jan. 6 rioters also carried — flew above Justice Samuel Alito’s beach house in New Jersey last summer.

The judge overseeing Hunter Biden’s tax case in Los Angeles delayed the trial until September . A separate trial, on a gun charge, starts next month.

2024 Election

Nikki Haley, who harshly criticized Trump during the Republican primaries, said she would vote for him .

In a fund-raising email, Trump accused Biden officials of being ready to kill him during the F.B.I.’s raid on Mar-a-Lago. The false claim is a misreading of a document from Trump’s classified-records case. Late night hosts joked about it .

An Ohio elections official is threatening to keep Biden’s name off the state’s ballot in November because of a procedural issue. The Biden campaign could be drawn into a monthslong legal battle.

A suspicious package addressed to Trump that contained two vials of blood caused a lockdown at the Republican National Committee headquarters .

The city of Uvalde, Texas, agreed to pay $2 million to families of schoolchildren who were shot in a 2022 massacre.

U.C.L.A. removed its police chief , weeks after officers failed to intervene as counterprotesters attacked a pro-Palestinian student encampment.

“Whoever wasn’t buckled down, they were just launched into the air”: Read what happened on a Singapore Airlines flight that suffered deadly turbulence.

A power outage stopped trains in the Northeast, stranding thousands .

Other Big Stories

Baltimore is an outlier on drug overdoses , with a fatality rate twice as high as any other big U.S. city’s, an investigation showed.

The first human experiment by Elon Musk’s brain implant company experienced significant flaws . But the patient said he was “excited to keep going.”

A giant crater in Russia should be a warning about the dangers of extraction. But Russia continues to pillage its natural resources , Sophie Pinkham writes.

Caitlin Clark broke viewership records playing college basketball. The W.N.B.A. should pay her what she’s worth, Joshua Mendelsohn writes.

Here’s a column by Pamela Paul on what Hollywood owes its Jewish founders .

MORNING READS

Tradition: For America’s Ethiopian and Eritrean diaspora, the brewing of suwe or tella — a beerlike beverage — is a way to connect with home.

Early bloomer: She just earned her doctorate at 17 . Now, she’ll go to the prom.

Devotion: One woman was drawn to a Hare Krishna ashram for its cheap yoga and volunteer work. Her experience, she says, devolved into emotional and spiritual abuse .

Social Q’s: “Why doesn’t my husband respect my opinion about moving ?”

Lives Lived: The British author Shirley Conran wrote “Lace,” a 1982 tale of female autonomy disguised as a bonkbuster (the British term for a steamy best seller). The book made her a millionaire and introduced the lowly goldfish into the erotic canon. She died at 91 .

N.B.A.: The Dallas Mavericks took a 1-0 lead over the Minnesota Timberwolves in the Western Conference finals. Luka Doncic and Kyrie Irving had a combined 63 points.

N.H.L.: The Florida Panthers won a road Game 1 as well, beating the New York Rangers at Madison Square Garden in the Eastern Conference final.

N.F.L.: The Kansas City Chiefs quarterback Patrick Mahomes said that, while he disagreed with Harrison Butker’s contentious comments about women and Pride Month, he thought Butker was a “good person.”

ARTS AND IDEAS

Representative Rosa DeLauro read a bombshell statement into the Congressional Record on Wednesday: She declared that New Haven, Conn., has “the best pizza in the country.” New York pizza makers were predictably incensed when a Times reporter informed them of DeLauro’s statement. “This has to be a prank call,” said Salvatore Carlino, owner of Lucia in Brooklyn and Manhattan.

More on culture

A judge delayed a plan to sell Graceland , the Tennessee estate of Elvis Presley, at the request of Presley’s granddaughter.

OpenAI licensed News Corp journalism. That means chatbots will use new and archived work from The Wall Street Journal, The New York Post and other outlets.

The actors Rachel Zegler and Kit Connor will lead a Broadway production of “Romeo and Juliet,” with music by the Grammy-winning producer Jack Antonoff.

THE MORNING RECOMMENDS …

Broil shrimp, tomatoes and feta on a sheet pan for a meal that comes together in 10 minutes.

Learn these first aid basics .

Start playing piano with a beginner’s keyboard .

Here is today’s Spelling Bee . Yesterday’s pangrams were activated, addictive, deactivate, deactivated and dedicative .

And here are today’s Mini Crossword , Wordle , Sudoku , Connections and Strands .

Thanks for spending part of your morning with The Times. See you tomorrow. — David

Sign up here to get this newsletter in your inbox . Reach our team at [email protected] .

An earlier version of this newsletter misstated the day that a Connecticut congresswoman read a pizza-related statement into the record. It was Wednesday, not Thursday.

How we handle corrections

David Leonhardt runs The Morning , The Times’s flagship daily newsletter. Since joining The Times in 1999, he has been an economics columnist, opinion columnist, head of the Washington bureau and founding editor of the Upshot section, among other roles. More about David Leonhardt

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Eight brilliant student essays on immigration and unjust assumptions.

Read winning essays from our winter 2019 “Border (In)Security” student writing contest.

For the winter 2019 student writing competition, “Border (In)Security,” we invited students to read the YES! Magazine article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the “Constitution-Free Zone” by Lornet Turnbull and respond with an up-to-700-word essay. 

Students had a choice between two writing prompts for this contest on immigration policies at the border and in the “Constitution-free zone,” a 100-mile perimeter from land and sea borders where U.S. Border Patrol can search any vehicle, bus, or vessel without a warrant. They could state their positions on the impact of immigration policies on our country’s security and how we determine who is welcome to live here. Or they could write about a time when someone made an unfair assumption about them, just as Border Patrol agents have made warrantless searches of Greyhound passengers based simply on race and clothing.

The Winners

From the hundreds of essays written, these eight were chosen as winners. Be sure to read the author’s response to the essay winners and the literary gems that caught our eye.

Middle School Winner: Alessandra Serafini

High School Winner: Cain Trevino

High School Winner: Ethan Peter

University Winner: Daniel Fries

Powerful Voice Winner: Emma Hernandez-Sanchez

Powerful Voice Winner: Tiara Lewis

Powerful Voice Winner: Hailee Park

Powerful Voice Winner: Aminata Toure

From the Author Lornet Turnbull

Literary Gems

Middle school winner.

Alessandra Serafini

Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash.

Broken Promises

“…Give me your tired, your poor,

Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.

Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me,

I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”

These words were written by Emma Lazarus and are inscribed on the base of the Statue of Liberty. And yet, the very door they talk about is no longer available to those who need it the most. The door has been shut, chained, and guarded. It no longer shines like gold. Those seeking asylum are being turned away. Families are being split up; children are being stranded. The promise America made to those in need is broken.

Not only is the promise to asylum seekers broken, but the promises made to some 200 million people already residing within the U.S. are broken, too. Anyone within 100 miles of the United States border lives in the “Constitution-free zone” and can be searched with “reasonable suspicion,” a suspicion that is determined by Border Patrol officers. The zone encompasses major cities, such as Seattle and New York City, and it even covers entire states, such as Florida, Massachusetts, and New Jersey. I live in the Seattle area, and it is unsettling that I can be searched and interrogated without the usual warrant. In these areas, there has been an abuse of power; people have been unlawfully searched and interrogated because of assumed race or religion.

The ACLU obtained data from the Customs and Border Protection Agency that demonstrate this reprehensible profiling. The data found that “82 percent of foreign citizens stopped by agents in that state are Latino, and almost 1 in 3 of those processed are, in fact, U.S. citizens.” These warrantless searches impede the trust-building process and communication between the local population and law enforcement officers. Unfortunately, this lack of trust makes campaigns, such as Homeland Security’s “If You See Something, Say Something,” ineffective due to the actions of the department’s own members and officers. Worst of all, profiling ostracizes entire communities and makes them feel unsafe in their own country.

Ironically, asylum seekers come to America in search of safety. However, the thin veil of safety has been drawn back, and, behind it, our tarnished colors are visible. We need to welcome people in their darkest hours rather than destroy their last bit of hope by slamming the door in their faces. The immigration process is currently in shambles, and an effective process is essential for both those already in the country and those outside of it. Many asylum seekers are running from war, poverty, hunger, and death. Their countries’ instability has hijacked every aspect of their lives, made them vagabonds, and the possibility of death, a cruel and unforgiving death, is real. They see no future for their children, and they are desperate for the perceived promise of America—a promise of opportunity, freedom, and a safe future. An effective process would determine who actually needs help and then grant them passage into America. Why should everyone be turned away? My grandmother immigrated to America from Scotland in 1955. I exist because she had a chance that others are now being denied.

Emma Lazarus named Lady Liberty the “Mother of Exiles.” Why are we denying her the happiness of children? Because we cannot decide which ones? America has an inexplicable area where our constitution has been spurned and forgotten. Additionally, there is a rancorous movement to close our southern border because of a deep-rooted fear of immigrants and what they represent. For too many Americans, they represent the end of established power and white supremacy, which is their worst nightmare. In fact, immigrants do represent change—healthy change—with new ideas and new energy that will help make this country stronger. Governmental agreement on a humane security plan is critical to ensure that America reaches its full potential. We can help. We can help people in unimaginably terrifying situations, and that should be our America.

Alessandra Serafini plays on a national soccer team for Seattle United and is learning American Sign Language outside of school. Her goal is to spread awareness about issues such as climate change, poverty, and large-scale political conflict through writing and public speaking.

  High School Winner

Cain Trevino

North Side High School, Fort Worth, Texas

Xenophobia and the Constitution-Free Zone

In August of 2017, U.S. Border Patrol agents boarded a Greyhound bus that had just arrived at the White River Junction station from Boston. According to Danielle Bonadona, a Lebanon resident and a bus passenger, “They wouldn’t let us get off. They boarded the bus and told us they needed to see our IDs or papers.” Bonadona, a 29-year-old American citizen, said that the agents spent around 20 minutes on the bus and “only checked the IDs of people who had accents or were not white.” Bonadona said she was aware of the 100-mile rule, but the experience of being stopped and searched felt “pretty unconstitutional.”

In the YES! article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’” by Lornet Turnbull, the author references the ACLU’s argument that “the 100-mile zone violates Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable search and seizure.” However, the Supreme Court upholds the use of immigration checkpoints for inquiries on citizenship status. In my view, the ACLU makes a reasonable argument. The laws of the 100-mile zone are blurred, and, too often, officials give arbitrary reasons to conduct a search. Xenophobia and fear of immigrants burgeons in cities within these areas. People of color and those with accents or who are non-English speakers are profiled by law enforcement agencies that enforce anti-immigrant policies. The “Constitution-free zone” is portrayed as an effective barrier to secure our borders. However, this anti-immigrant zone does not make our country any safer. In fact, it does the opposite.

As a former student from the Houston area, I can tell you that the Constitution-free zone makes immigrants and citizens alike feel on edge. The Department of Homeland Security’s white SUVs patrol our streets. Even students feel the weight of anti-immigrant laws. Dennis Rivera Sarmiento, an undocumented student who attended Austin High School in Houston, was held by school police in February 2018 for a minor altercation and was handed over to county police. He was later picked up by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and held in a detention center. It is unfair that kids like Dennis face much harsher consequences for minor incidents than other students with citizenship.

These instances are a direct result of anti-immigrant laws. For example, the 287(g) program gives local and state police the authority to share individuals’ information with ICE after an arrest. This means that immigrants can be deported for committing misdemeanors as minor as running a red light. Other laws like Senate Bill 4, passed by the Texas Legislature, allow police to ask people about their immigration status after they are detained. These policies make immigrants and people of color feel like they’re always under surveillance and that, at any moment, they may be pulled over to be questioned and detained.

During Hurricane Harvey, the immigrant community was hesitant to go to the shelters because images of immigration authorities patrolling the area began to surface online. It made them feel like their own city was against them at a time when they needed them most. Constitution-free zones create communities of fear. For many immigrants, the danger of being questioned about immigration status prevents them from reporting crimes, even when they are the victim. Unreported crime only places more groups of people at risk and, overall, makes communities less safe.

In order to create a humane immigration process, citizens and non-citizens must hold policymakers accountable and get rid of discriminatory laws like 287(g) and Senate Bill 4. Abolishing the Constitution-free zone will also require pressure from the public and many organizations. For a more streamlined legal process, the League of United Latin American Citizens suggests background checks and a small application fee for incoming immigrants, as well as permanent resident status for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) recipients. Other organizations propose expanding the green card lottery and asylum for immigrants escaping the dangers of their home countries.

Immigrants who come to the U.S. are only looking for an opportunity to provide for their families and themselves; so, the question of deciding who gets inside the border and who doesn’t is the same as trying to prove some people are worth more than others. The narratives created by anti-immigrant media plant the false idea that immigrants bring nothing but crime and terrorism. Increased funding for the border and enforcing laws like 287(g) empower anti-immigrant groups to vilify immigrants and promote a witch hunt that targets innocent people. This hatred and xenophobia allow law enforcement to ask any person of color or non-native English speaker about their citizenship or to detain a teenager for a minor incident. Getting rid of the 100-mile zone means standing up for justice and freedom because nobody, regardless of citizenship, should have to live under laws created from fear and hatred.

Cain Trevino is a sophomore. Cain is proud of his Mexican and Salvadorian descent and is an advocate for the implementation of Ethnic Studies in Texas. He enjoys basketball, playing the violin, and studying c omputer science. Cain plans to pursue a career in engineering at Stanford University and later earn a PhD.  

High School Winner

Ethan Peter

Kirkwood High School, Kirkwood, Mo.

I’m an expert on bussing. For the past couple of months, I’ve been a busser at a pizza restaurant near my house. It may not be the most glamorous job, but it pays all right, and, I’ll admit, I’m in it for the money.

I arrive at 5 p.m. and inspect the restaurant to ensure it is in pristine condition for the 6 p.m. wave of guests. As customers come and go, I pick up their dirty dishes, wash off their tables, and reset them for the next guests. For the first hour of my shift, the work is fairly straightforward.

I met another expert on bussing while crossing the border in a church van two years ago. Our van arrived at the border checkpoint, and an agent stopped us. She read our passports, let us through, and moved on to her next vehicle. The Border Patrol agent’s job seemed fairly straightforward.

At the restaurant, 6 p.m. means a rush of customers. It’s the end of the workday, and these folks are hungry for our pizzas and salads. My job is no longer straightforward.

Throughout the frenzy, the TVs in the restaurant buzz about waves of people coming to the U.S. border. The peaceful ebb and flow enjoyed by Border agents is disrupted by intense surges of immigrants who seek to enter the U.S. Outside forces push immigrants to the United States: wars break out in the Middle East, gangs terrorize parts of Central and South America, and economic downturns force foreigners to look to the U.S., drawn by the promise of opportunity. Refugees and migrant caravans arrive, and suddenly, a Border Patrol agent’s job is no longer straightforward.

I turn from the TVs in anticipation of a crisis exploding inside the restaurant: crowds that arrive together will leave together. I’ve learned that when a table looks finished with their dishes, I need to proactively ask to take those dishes, otherwise, I will fall behind, and the tables won’t be ready for the next customers. The challenge is judging who is finished eating. I’m forced to read clues and use my discretion.

Interpreting clues is part of a Border Patrol agent’s job, too. Lornet Turnbull states, “For example, CBP data obtained by ACLU in Michigan shows that 82 percent of foreign citizens stopped by agents in that state are Latino, and almost 1 in 3 of those processed is, in fact, a U.S. citizen.” While I try to spot customers done with their meals so I can clear their part of the table, the Border Patrol officer uses clues to detect undocumented immigrants. We both sometimes guess incorrectly, but our intentions are to do our jobs to the best of our abilities.

These situations are uncomfortable. I certainly do not enjoy interrupting a conversation to get someone’s dishes, and I doubt Border Patrol agents enjoy interrogating someone about their immigration status. In both situations, the people we mistakenly ask lose time and are subjected to awkward and uncomfortable situations. However, here’s where the busser and the Border Patrol officer’s situations are different: If I make a mistake, the customer faces a minor inconvenience. The stakes for a Border Patrol agent are much higher. Mistakenly asking for documentation and searching someone can lead to embarrassment or fear—it can even be life-changing. Thus, Border Patrol agents must be fairly certain that someone’s immigration status is questionable before they begin their interrogation.

To avoid these situations altogether, the U.S. must make the path to citizenship for immigrants easier. This is particularly true for immigrants fleeing violence. Many people object to this by saying these immigrants will bring violence with them, but data does not support this view. In 1939, a ship of Jewish refugees from Germany was turned away from the U.S.—a decision viewed negatively through the lens of history. Today, many people advocate restricting immigration for refugees from violent countries; they refuse to learn the lessons from 1939. The sad thing is that many of these immigrants are seen as just as violent as the people they are fleeing. We should not confuse the oppressed with the oppressor.

My restaurant appreciates customers because they bring us money, just as we should appreciate immigrants because they bring us unique perspectives. Equally important, immigrants provide this country with a variety of expert ideas and cultures, which builds better human connections and strengthens our society.

Ethan Peter is a junior. Ethan writes for his school newspaper, The Kirkwood Call, and plays volleyball for his high school and a club team. He hopes to continue to grow as a writer in the future. 

University Winner

Daniel Fries

Lane Community College, Eugene, Ore.

Detained on the Road to Equality

The United States is a nation of immigrants. There are currently 43 million foreign-born people living in the U.S. Millions of them are naturalized American citizens, and 23 million, or 7.2 percent of the population, are living here without documentation (US Census, 2016). One in seven residents of the United States was not born here. Multiculturalism is, and always has been, a key part of the American experience. However, romantic notions of finding a better life in the United States for immigrants and refugees don’t reflect reality. In modern history, America is a country that systematically treats immigrants—documented or not—and non-white Americans in a way that is fundamentally different than what is considered right by the majority.

The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment states,“No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” When a suspected undocumented immigrant is detained, their basic human rights are violated. Warrantless raids on Greyhound buses within 100 miles of the border (an area referred to by some as the “Constitution-free zone”) are clear violations of human rights. These violations are not due to the current state of politics; they are the symptom of blatant racism in the United States and a system that denigrates and abuses people least able to defend themselves.

It is not surprising that some of the mechanisms that drive modern American racism are political in nature. Human beings are predisposed to dislike and distrust individuals that do not conform to the norms of their social group (Mountz, Allison). Some politicians appeal to this suspicion and wrongly attribute high crime rates to non-white immigrants. The truth is that immigrants commit fewer crimes than native-born Americans. In fact, people born in the United States are convicted of crimes at a rate twice that of undocumented non-natives (Cato Institute, 2018).

The majority of immigrants take high risks to seek a better life, giving them incentive to obey the laws of their new country. In many states, any contact with law enforcement may ultimately result in deportation and separation from family. While immigrants commit far fewer crimes, fear of violent crime by much of the U.S. population outweighs the truth. For some politicians, it is easier to sell a border wall to a scared population than it is to explain the need for reformed immigration policy. It’s easier to say that immigrants are taking people’s jobs than explain a changing global economy and its effect on employment. The only crime committed in this instance is discrimination.

Human rights are violated when an undocumented immigrant—or someone perceived as an undocumented immigrant—who has not committed a crime is detained on a Greyhound bus. When a United States citizen is detained on the same bus, constitutional rights are being violated. The fact that this happens every day and that we debate its morality makes it abundantly clear that racism is deeply ingrained in this country. Many Americans who have never experienced this type of oppression lack the capacity to understand its lasting effect. Most Americans don’t know what it’s like to be late to work because they were wrongfully detained, were pulled over by the police for the third time that month for no legal reason, or had to coordinate legal representation for their U.S. citizen grandmother because she was taken off a bus for being a suspected undocumented immigrant. This oppression is cruel and unnecessary.

America doesn’t need a wall to keep out undocumented immigrants; it needs to seriously address how to deal with immigration. It is possible to reform the current system in such a way that anyone can become a member of American society, instead of existing outside of it. If a person wants to live in the United States and agrees to follow its laws and pay its taxes, a path to citizenship should be available.

People come to the U.S. from all over the world for many reasons. Some have no other choice. There are ongoing humanitarian crises in Syria, Yemen, and South America that are responsible for the influx of immigrants and asylum seekers at our borders. If the United States wants to address the current situation, it must acknowledge the global factors affecting the immigrants at the center of this debate and make fact-informed decisions. There is a way to maintain the security of America while treating migrants and refugees compassionately, to let those who wish to contribute to our society do so, and to offer a hand up instead of building a wall.

Daniel Fries studies computer science. Daniel has served as a wildland firefighter in Oregon, California, and Alaska. He is passionate about science, nature, and the ways that technology contributes to making the world a better, more empathetic, and safer place.

Powerful Voice Winner

Emma Hernandez-Sanchez

Wellness, Business and Sports School, Woodburn, Ore.

An Emotion an Immigrant Knows Too Well

Before Donald Trump’s campaign, I was oblivious to my race and the idea of racism. As far as I knew, I was the same as everyone else. I didn’t stop to think about our different-colored skins. I lived in a house with a family and attended school five days a week just like everyone else. So, what made me different?

Seventh grade was a very stressful year—the year that race and racism made an appearance in my life. It was as if a cold splash of water woke me up and finally opened my eyes to what the world was saying. It was this year that Donald Trump started initiating change about who got the right to live in this country and who didn’t. There was a lot of talk about deportation, specifically for Mexicans, and it sparked commotion and fear in me.

I remember being afraid and nervous to go out. At home, the anxiety was there but always at the far back of my mind because I felt safe inside. My fear began as a small whisper, but every time I stepped out of my house, it got louder. I would have dreams about the deportation police coming to my school; when I went to places like the library, the park, the store, or the mall, I would pay attention to everyone and to my surroundings. In my head, I would always ask myself, “Did they give us nasty looks?,” “Why does it seem quieter?” “Was that a cop I just saw?” I would notice little things, like how there were only a few Mexicans out or how empty a store was. When my mom went grocery shopping, I would pray that she would be safe. I was born in America, and both my parents were legally documented. My mom was basically raised here. Still, I couldn’t help but feel nervous.

I knew I shouldn’t have been afraid, but with one look, agents could have automatically thought my family and I were undocumented. Even when the deportation police would figure out that we weren’t undocumented, they’d still figure out a way to deport us—at least that was what was going through my head. It got so bad that I didn’t even want to do the simplest things like go grocery shopping because there was a rumor that the week before a person was taken from Walmart.

I felt scared and nervous, and I wasn’t even undocumented. I can’t even imagine how people who are undocumented must have felt, how they feel. All I can think is that it’s probably ten times worse than what I was feeling. Always worrying about being deported and separated from your family must be hard. I was living in fear, and I didn’t even have it that bad. My heart goes out to families that get separated from each other. It’s because of those fears that I detest the “Constitution-free zone.”

Legally documented and undocumented people who live in the Constitution-free zone are in constant fear of being deported. People shouldn’t have to live this way. In fact, there have been arguments that the 100-mile zone violates the Fourth Amendment, which gives people the right to be protected from unreasonable searches and seizures of property by the government. Unfortunately, the U.S. Supreme Court has consistently upheld these practices.

One question that Lornet Turnbull asks in her YES! article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’” is, “How should we decide who is welcome in the U.S and who is not?” Instead of focusing on immigrants, how about we focus on the people who shoot up schools, rape girls, exploit women for human sex trafficking, and sell drugs? These are the people who make our country unsafe; they are the ones who shouldn’t be accepted. Even if they are citizens and have the legal right to live here, they still shouldn’t be included. If they are the ones making this country unsafe, then what gives them the right to live here?

I don’t think that the Constitution-free zone is an effective and justifiable way to make this country more “secure.” If someone isn’t causing any trouble in the United States and is just simply living their life, then they should be welcomed here. We shouldn’t have to live in fear that our rights will be taken away. I believe that it’s unfair for people to automatically think that it’s the Hispanics that make this country unsafe. Sure, get all the undocumented people out of the United States, but it’s not going to make this country any safer. It is a society that promotes violence that makes us unsafe, not a race.

Emma Hernandez-Sanchez is a freshman who is passionate about literature and her education. Emma wan ts to inspire others to be creative and try their best. She enjoys reading and creating stories that spark imagination. 

  Powerful Voice Winner

Tiara Lewis

Columbus City Preparatory Schools for Girls,

Columbus, Ohio

Hold Your Head High and Keep Those Fists Down

How would you feel if you walked into a store and salespeople were staring at you? Making you feel like you didn’t belong. Judging you. Assuming that you were going to take something, even though you might have $1,000 on you to spend. Sometimes it doesn’t matter. This is because people will always judge you. It might not be because of your race but for random reasons, like because your hair is black instead of dirty blonde. Or because your hair is short and not long. Or just because they are having a bad day. People will always find ways to bring you down and accuse you of something, but that doesn’t mean you have to go along with it.

Every time I entered a store, I would change my entire personality. I would change the way I talked and the way I walked. I always saw myself as needing to fit in. If a store was all pink, like the store Justice, I would act like a girly girl. If I was shopping in a darker store, like Hot Topic, I would hum to the heavy metal songs and act more goth. I had no idea that I was feeding into stereotypes.

When I was 11, I walked into Claire’s, a well-known store at the mall. That day was my sister’s birthday. Both of us were really happy and had money to spend. As soon as we walked into the store, two employees stared me and my sister down, giving us cold looks. When we went to the cashier to buy some earrings, we thought everything was fine. However, when we walked out of the store, there was a policeman and security guards waiting. At that moment, my sister and I looked at one another, and I said, in a scared little girl voice, “I wonder what happened? Why are they here?”

Then, they stopped us. We didn’t know what was going on. The same employee that cashed us out was screaming as her eyes got big, “What did you steal?” I was starting to get numb. Me and my sister looked at each other and told the truth: “We didn’t steal anything. You can check us.” They rudely ripped through our bags and caused a big scene. My heart was pounding like a drum. I felt violated and scared. Then, the policeman said, “Come with us. We need to call your parents.” While this was happening, the employees were talking to each other, smiling. We got checked again. The police said that they were going to check the cameras, but after they were done searching us, they realized that we didn’t do anything wrong and let us go about our day.

Walking in the mall was embarrassing—everybody staring, looking, and whispering as we left the security office. This made me feel like I did something wrong while knowing I didn’t. We went back to the store to get our shopping bags. The employees sneered, “Don’t you niggers ever come in this store again. You people always take stuff. This time you just got lucky.” Their faces were red and frightening. It was almost like they were in a scary 3D movie, screaming, and coming right at us. I felt hurt and disappointed that someone had the power within them to say something so harsh and wrong to another person. Those employees’ exact words will forever be engraved in my memory.

In the article, “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’,” Lornet Turnbull states, “In January, they stopped a man in Indio, California, as he was boarding a Los Angeles-bound bus. While questioning this man about his immigration status, agents told him his ‘shoes looked suspicious,’ like those of someone who had recently crossed the border.” They literally judged him by his shoes. They had no proof of anything. If a man is judged by his shoes, who else and what else are being judged in the world?

In the novel  To Kill a Mockingbird , a character named Atticus states, “You just hold your head high and keep those fists down. No matter what anybody says to you, don’t you let’em get your goat. Try fighting with your head for a change.” No matter how much you might try to change yourself, your hairstyle, and your clothes, people will always make assumptions about you. However, you never need to change yourself to make a point or to feel like you fit in. Be yourself. Don’t let those stereotypes turn into facts.

Tiara Lewis is in the eighth grade. Tiara plays the clarinet and is trying to change the world— one essay at a time. She is most often found curled up on her bed, “Divergent” in one hand and a cream-filled doughnut in the other.

Hailee Park

 Wielding My Swords

If I were a swordsman, my weapons would be my identities. I would wield one sword in my left hand and another in my right. People expect me to use both fluently, but I’m not naturally ambidextrous. Even though I am a right-handed swordsman, wielding my dominant sword with ease, I must also carry a sword in my left, the heirloom of my family heritage. Although I try to live up to others’ expectations by using both swords, I may appear inexperienced while attempting to use my left. In some instances, my heirloom is mistaken for representing different families’ since the embellishments look similar.

Many assumptions are made about my heirloom sword based on its appearance, just as many assumptions are made about me based on my physical looks. “Are you Chinese?” When I respond with ‘no,’ they stare at me blankly in confusion. There is a multitude of Asian cultures in the United States, of which I am one. Despite what many others may assume, I am not Chinese; I am an American-born Korean.

“Then… are you Japanese?” Instead of asking a broader question, like “What is your ethnicity?,” they choose to ask a direct question. I reply that I am Korean. I like to think that this answers their question sufficiently; however, they think otherwise. Instead, I take this as their invitation to a duel.

They attack me with another question: “Are you from North Korea or South Korea?” I don’t know how to respond because I’m not from either of those countries; I was born in America. I respond with “South Korea,” where my parents are from because I assume that they’re asking me about my ethnicity. I’m not offended by this situation because I get asked these questions frequently. From this experience, I realize that people don’t know how to politely ask questions about identity to those unlike them. Instead of asking “What is your family’s ethnicity?,” many people use rude alternatives, such as “Where are you from?,” or “What language do you speak?”

When people ask these questions, they make assumptions based on someone’s appearance. In my case, people make inferences like:

“She must be really good at speaking Korean.”

“She’s Asian; therefore, she must be born in Asia.”

“She’s probably Chinese.”

These thoughts may appear in their heads because making assumptions is natural. However, there are instances when assumptions can be taken too far. Some U.S. Border Patrol agents in the “Constitution-free zone” have made similar assumptions based on skin color and clothing. For example, agents marked someone as an undocumented immigrant because “his shoes looked suspicious, like those of someone who had recently crossed the border.”

Another instance was when a Jamaican grandmother was forced off a bus when she was visiting her granddaughter. The impetus was her accent and the color of her skin. Government officials chose to act on their assumptions, even though they had no solid proof that the grandmother was an undocumented immigrant. These situations just touch the surface of the issue of racial injustice in America.

When someone makes unfair assumptions about me, they are pointing their sword and challenging me to a duel; I cannot refuse because I am already involved. It is not appropriate for anyone, including Border Patrol agents, to make unjustified assumptions or to act on those assumptions. Border Patrol agents have no right to confiscate the swords of the innocent solely based on their conjectures. The next time I’m faced with a situation where racially ignorant assumptions are made about me, I will refuse to surrender my sword, point it back at them, and triumphantly fight their ignorance with my cultural pride.

Hailee Park is an eighth grader who enjoys reading many genres. While reading, Hailee recognized the racial injustices against immigrants in America, which inspired her essay. Hailee plays violin in her school’s orchestra and listens to and composes music. 

Aminata Toure

East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y.

We Are Still Dreaming

As a young Muslim American woman, I have been labeled things I am not: a terrorist, oppressed, and an ISIS supporter. I have been accused of planning 9/11, an event that happened before I was born. Lately, in the media, Muslims have been portrayed as supporters of a malevolent cause, terrorizing others just because they do not have the same beliefs. I often scoff at news reports that portray Muslims in such a light, just as I scoff at all names I’ve been labeled. They are words that do not define me. 

In a land where labels have stripped immigrants of their personalities, they are now being stripped of something that makes them human: their rights. The situation described in Lornet Turnbull’s article, “Two-Thirds of Americans are Living in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’,” goes directly against the Constitution, the soul of this country, something that asserts that we are all equal before the law. If immigrants do not have protection from the Constitution, is there any way to feel safe?

Although most insults are easy to shrug off, they are still threatening. I am ashamed when I feel afraid to go to the mosque. Friday is an extremely special day when we gather together to pray, but lately, I haven’t been going to the mosque for Jummah prayers. I have realized that I can never feel safe when in a large group of Muslims because of the widespread hatred of Muslims in the United States, commonly referred to as Islamophobia. Police surround our mosque, and there are posters warning us about dangerous people who might attack our place of worship because we have been identified as terrorists.

I wish I could tune out every news report that blasts out the headline “Terrorist Attack!” because I know that I will be judged based on the actions of someone else. Despite this anti-Muslim racism, what I have learned from these insults is that I am proud of my faith. I am a Muslim, but being Muslim doesn’t define me. I am a writer, a student, a dreamer, a friend, a New Yorker, a helper, and an American. I am unapologetically me, a Muslim, and so much more. I definitely think everyone should get to know a Muslim. They would see that some of us are also Harry Potter fans, not just people planning to bomb the White House.

Labels are unjustly placed on us because of the way we speak, the color of our skin, and what we believe in—not for who we are as individuals. Instead, we should all take more time to get to know one another. As Martin Luther King Jr. said in his “I Have a Dream” speech, we should be judged by the content of our character and not the color of our skin. To me, it seems Martin Luther King Jr.’s dream is a dream that should be a reality. But, for now, we are dreaming.

Aminata Toure is a Guinean American Muslim student. Aminata loves spoken-word poetry and performs in front of hundreds of people at her school’s annual poetry slam. She loves writing, language, history, and West African food and culture. Aminata wants to work at the United Nations when she grows up.

From the Author 

Dear Alessandra, Cain, Daniel, Tiara, Emma, Hailee, Aminata and Ethan,

I am moved and inspired by the thought each of you put into your responses to my story about this so-called “Constitution-free zone.” Whether we realize it or not, immigration in this country impacts all of us— either because we are immigrants ourselves, have neighbors, friends, and family who are, or because we depend on immigrants for many aspects of our lives—from the food we put on our tables to the technology that bewitches us. It is true that immigrants enrich our society in so many important ways, as many of you point out.

And while the federal statute that permits U.S. Border Patrol officers to stop and search at will any of the 200 million of us in this 100-mile shadow border, immigrants have been their biggest targets. In your essays, you highlight how unjust the law is—nothing short of racial profiling. It is heartening to see each of you, in your own way, speaking out against the unfairness of this practice.

Alessandra, you are correct, the immigration system in this country is in shambles. You make a powerful argument about how profiling ostracizes entire communities and how the warrantless searches allowed by this statute impede trust-building between law enforcement and the people they are called on to serve.

And Cain, you point out how this 100-mile zone, along with other laws in the state of Texas where you attended school, make people feel like they’re “always under surveillance, and that, at any moment, you may be pulled over to be questioned and detained.” It seems unimaginable that people live their lives this way, yet millions in this country do.

You, Emma, for example, speak of living in a kind of silent fear since Donald Trump took office, even though you were born in this country and your parents are here legally. You are right, “We shouldn’t have to live in fear that our rights will be taken away.”

And Aminata, you write of being constantly judged and labeled because you’re a Muslim American. How unfortunate and sad that in a country that generations of people fled to search for religious freedom, you are ashamed at times to practice your own. The Constitution-free zone, you write, “goes directly against the Constitution, the soul of this country, something that asserts that we are all equal before the law.”

Tiara, I could personally relate to your gripping account of being racially profiled and humiliated in a store. You were appalled that the Greyhound passenger in California was targeted by Border Patrol because they claimed his shoes looked like those of someone who had walked across the border: “If a man is judged by his shoes,” you ask, “who else and what else are getting judged in the world?”

Hailee, you write about the incorrect assumptions people make about you, an American born of Korean descent, based solely on your appearance and compared it to the assumptions Border Patrol agents make about those they detain in this zone.

Daniel, you speak of the role of political fearmongering in immigration. It’s not new, but under the current administration, turning immigrants into boogiemen for political gain is currency. You write that “For some politicians, it is easier to sell a border wall to a scared population than it is to explain the need for reformed immigration policy.”

And Ethan, you recognize the contributions immigrants make to this country through the connections we all make with them and the strength they bring to our society.

Keep speaking your truth. Use your words and status to call out injustice wherever and whenever you see it. Untold numbers of people spoke out against this practice by Border Patrol and brought pressure on Greyhound to change. In December, the company began offering passengers written guidance—in both Spanish and English—so they understand what their rights are when officers board their bus. Small steps, yes, but progress nonetheless, brought about by people just like you, speaking up for those who sometimes lack a voice to speak up for themselves.

With sincere gratitude,

Lornet Turnbull

Lornet Turnbull is an editor for YES! and a Seattle-based freelance writer. Follow her on Twitter  @TurnbullL .

We received many outstanding essays for the Winter 2019 Student Writing Competition. Though not every participant can win the contest, we’d like to share some excerpts that caught our eye:

After my parents argued with the woman, they told me if you can fight with fists, you prove the other person’s point, but when you fight with the power of your words, you can have a much bigger impact. I also learned that I should never be ashamed of where I am from. —Fernando Flores, The East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y.

Just because we were born here and are privileged to the freedom of our country, we do not have the right to deprive others of a chance at success. —Avalyn Cox, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash.

Maybe, rather than a wall, a better solution to our immigration problem would be a bridge. —Sean Dwyer, Lane Community College, Eugene, Ore.

If anything, what I’ve learned is that I don’t know what to do. I don’t know how to change our world. I don’t know how to make a difference, how to make my voice heard. But I have learned the importance of one word, a simple two-letter word that’s taught to the youngest of us, a word we all know but never recognize: the significance of ‘we.’ —Enna Chiu, Highland Park High School, Highland Park, N.J.

Not to say the Border Patrol should not have authorization to search people within the border, but I am saying it should be near the border, more like one mile, not 100. —Cooper Tarbuck, Maranacook Middle School, Manchester, Maine.

My caramel color, my feminism, my Spanish and English language, my Mexican culture, and my young Latina self gives me the confidence to believe in myself, but it can also teach others that making wrong assumptions about someone because of their skin color, identity, culture, looks or gender can make them look and be weaker. —Ana Hernandez, The East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y.

We don’t need to change who we are to fit these stereotypes like someone going on a diet to fit into a new pair of pants. —Kaylee Meyers, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash.

If a human being with no criminal background whatsoever has trouble entering the country because of the way he or she dresses or speaks, border protection degenerates into arbitrariness. —Jonas Schumacher, Heidelberg University of Education, Heidelberg, Germany

I believe that you should be able to travel freely throughout your own country without the constant fear of needing to prove that you belong here . —MacKenzie Morgan, Lincoln Middle School, Ypsilanti, Mich.

America is known as “the Land of Opportunity,” but this label is quickly disappearing. If we keep stopping those striving for a better life, then what will become of this country? —Ennyn Chiu, Highland Park Middle School, Highland Park, N.J.

The fact that two-thirds of the people in the U.S. are living in an area called the “Constitution-free zone” is appalling. Our Constitution was made to protect our rights as citizens, no matter where we are in the country. These systems that we are using to “secure” our country are failing, and we need to find a way to change them. —Isis Liaw, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash.

I won’t let anyone, especially a man, tell me what I can do, because I am a strong Latina. I will represent where I come from, and I am proud to be Mexican. I will show others that looks can be deceiving. I will show others that even the weakest animal, a beautiful butterfly, is tough, and it will cross any border, no matter how challenging the journey may be. —Brittany Leal, The East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y.

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Key facts about U.S. immigration policies and Biden’s proposed changes

Since President Joe Biden took office in January 2021, his administration has acted on a number of fronts to reverse Trump-era restrictions on immigration to the United States. The steps include plans to boost refugee admissions , preserving deportation relief for unauthorized immigrants who came to the U.S. as children and not enforcing the “ public charge ” rule that denies green cards to immigrants who might use public benefits like Medicaid.

Biden has also lifted restrictions established early in the coronavirus pandemic that drastically reduced the number of visas issued to immigrants. The number of people who received a green card declined from about 240,000 in the second quarter of the 2020 fiscal year (January to March) to about 79,000 in the third quarter (April to June). By comparison, in the third quarter of fiscal 2019, nearly 266,000 people received a green card.

Biden’s biggest immigration proposal to date would allow more new immigrants into the U.S. while giving millions of unauthorized immigrants who are already in the country a pathway to legal status. The expansive legislation would create an eight-year path to citizenship for the nation’s estimated 10.5 million unauthorized immigrants , update the existing family-based immigration system, revise employment-based visa rules and increase the number of diversity visas . By contrast, President Donald Trump’s administration sought to restrict legal immigration in a variety of ways, including through legislation that would have overhauled the nation’s legal immigration system by sharply reducing family-based immigration.

The Biden administration has proposed legislation that would create new ways for immigrants to legally enter the United States. The bill would also create a path to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants living in the country.

To better understand the existing U.S. immigration system, we analyzed the most recent data available on federal immigration programs. This includes admission categories for green card recipients and the types of temporary employment visas available to immigrant workers. We also examined temporary permissions granted to some immigrants to live and work in the country through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals and Temporary Protected Status programs.

This analysis relies on data from various sources within the U.S. government, including the Department of Homeland Security, Citizenship and Immigration Services, the Department of State, Federal Register announcements and public statements from the White House.

The Senate is considering several immigration provisions in a spending bill, the Build Back Better Act , that the House passed in November 2021. While passage of the bill is uncertain – as is the inclusion of immigration reforms in the bill’s final version – the legislation would make about 7 million unauthorized immigrants eligible to apply for protection from deportation, work permits and driver’s licenses.

Amid a record number of migrant encounters at the U.S.-Mexico border, Biden reinstated in December 2021 a Trump-era policy that requires those who arrive at the U.S.-Mexico border and seek asylum to wait in Mexico while their claims are processed. Biden had earlier ended the Migration Protection Protocols , or “Remain in Mexico” policy, and then restarted it after the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a lawsuit by Texas and Missouri that challenged the program’s closure. Asylum seekers do not receive a legal status that allows them to live and work in the U.S. until the claim is approved.

Overall, more than 35 million lawful immigrants live in the U.S.; most are American citizens. Many live and work in the country after being granted lawful permanent residence, while others receive temporary visas available to students and workers. In addition, roughly 1 million unauthorized immigrants have temporary permission to live and work in the U.S. through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals and Temporary Protected Status programs.

Here are key details about existing U.S. immigration programs, as well as Biden’s proposed changes to them:

Family-based immigration

In fiscal 2019, nearly 710,000 people received lawful permanent residence in the U.S. through family sponsorship. The program allows someone to receive a green card if they already have a spouse, child, sibling or parent living in the country with U.S. citizenship or, in some cases, a green card. Immigrants from countries with large numbers of applicants often wait for years to receive a green card because a single country can account for no more than 7% of all green cards issued annually.

Biden’s proposal would expand access to family-based green cards in a variety of ways, such as by increasing per-country caps and clearing application backlogs. Today, family-based immigration – referred to by some as “ chain migration ” – is the most common way people gain green cards, in recent years accounting for about two-thirds of the more than 1 million people who receive green cards annually.

Refugee admissions

The U.S. admitted only 11,411 refugees in fiscal year 2021, the lowest number since Congress passed the 1980 Refugee Act for those fleeing persecution in their home countries. The low number of admissions came even after the Biden administration raised the maximum number of refugees the nation could admit to 62,500 in fiscal 2021 . Biden has increased the refugee cap to 125,000 for fiscal 2022, which started on Oct. 1, 2021.

The low number of admissions in recent years is due in part to the ongoing pandemic. The U.S. admitted only about 12,000 refugees in fiscal 2020 after the country suspended admissions during the coronavirus outbreak . This was down from nearly 54,000 in fiscal 2017 and far below the nearly 85,000 refugees admitted in fiscal 2016, the last full fiscal year of the Obama administration.

The recent decline in refugee admissions also reflects policy decisions made by the Trump administration before the pandemic. Trump capped refugee admissions in fiscal 2020 at 18,000 , the lowest total since Congress created the modern refugee program in 1980.

Employment-based green cards

In fiscal 2019, the U.S. government awarded more than 139,000 employment-based green cards to foreign workers and their families. The Biden administration’s proposed legislation could boost the number of employment-based green cards, which are capped at about 140,000 per year . The proposal would allow the use of unused visa slots from previous years and allow spouses and children of employment-based visa holders to receive green cards without counting them against the annual cap. These measures could help clear the large backlog of applicants. The proposed legislation also would eliminate the per-country cap that prevents immigrants from any single country to account for more than 7% of green cards issued each year.

Diversity visas

Each year, about 50,000 people receive green cards through the U.S. diversity visa program , also known as the visa lottery. Since the program began in 1995, more than 1 million immigrants have received green cards through the lottery, which seeks to diversify the U.S. immigrant population by granting visas to underrepresented nations. Citizens of countries with the most legal immigrant arrivals in recent years – such as Mexico, Canada, China and India – are not eligible to apply.

The Biden administration has proposed legislation to increase the annual total to 80,000 diversity visas. Trump had sought to eliminate the program .

In fiscal 2019, more than 188,000 high-skilled foreign workers received H-1B visas . H-1B visas accounted for 22% of all temporary visas for employment issued in 2019. This trailed only the H-2A visa for agricultural workers, which accounted for nearly a quarter (24%) of temporary visas. In all, nearly 2 million H-1B visas were issued from fiscal years 2007 to 2019.

The Biden administration is expected to review policies that led to increased denial rate s of H-1B visa applications under the Trump administration. In addition, Biden has delayed implementing a rule put in place by Trump that sought to prioritize the H-1B visa selection process based on wages, which would have raised the wages of H-1B recipients overall. Biden also proposed legislation to provide permanent work permits to spouses of H-1B visa holders. By contrast, the Trump administration had sought to restrict these permits. The Trump administration also created an electronic registration system that led to a record number of applicants for fiscal 2021.

Temporary permissions

A relatively small number of unauthorized immigrants who came to the U.S. under unusual circumstances have received temporary legal permission to stay in the country. One key distinction for this group of immigrants is that, despite having received permission to live in the U.S., most don’t have a path to gain lawful permanent residence. The following two programs are examples of this:

Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals

About 636,000 unauthorized immigrants had temporary work permits and protection from deportation through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, or DACA, as of Dec. 31, 2020. One of Biden’s first actions as president was to direct the federal government to take steps to preserve the program , which Trump had tried to end before the Supreme Court allowed it to remain in place . DACA recipients, sometimes called “Dreamers,” would be among the undocumented immigrants to have a path to U.S. citizenship under Biden’s immigration bill. Senators have also proposed separate legislation that would do the same.

Temporary Protected Status

Overall, it is estimated that more than 700,000 immigrants from 12 countries currently have or are eligible for a reprieve from deportation under Temporary Protected Status, or TPS , a federal program that gives time-limited permission for some immigrants from certain countries to work and live in the U.S. The program covers those who fled designated nations because of war, hurricanes, earthquakes or other extraordinary conditions that could make it dangerous for them to live there.

The estimated total number of immigrants is based on those currently registered, in addition to those estimated to be eligible from Myanmar – also called Burma – and Venezuela.

Immigrants from Venezuela and Myanmar are newly eligible for TPS under changes made after Biden took office in January 2021 by the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees the program. The government must periodically renew TPS benefits or they will expire. The department extended benefits into 2022 and beyond for eligible immigrants from nine nations: El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. In addition, the Biden administration expanded eligibility for immigrants from Haiti based on recent turmoil.

Biden and congressional Democrats have proposed granting citizenship to certain immigrants who receive TPS benefits. Under Biden’s large immigration bill, TPS recipients who meet certain conditions could apply immediately for green cards that let them become lawful permanent residents. The proposal would allow TPS holders who meet certain conditions to apply for citizenship three years after receiving a green card, which is two years earlier than usual for green-card holders. By contrast, the Trump administration had sought to end TPS for nearly all beneficiaries, but was blocked from doing so by a series of lawsuits.

Note: This is an update of a post originally published March 22, 2021.

• Citizenship
• Family Reunification
• High-Skilled Immigration
• Immigration & Migration
• Legal Immigration
• Political Issues
• Refugees & Asylum Seekers
• Visas & Employment

Jens Manuel Krogstad is a senior writer and editor at Pew Research Center .

Ana Gonzalez-Barrera is a former senior researcher focusing on Hispanics, immigration and demographics at Pew Research Center .

How Temporary Protected Status has expanded under the Biden administration

After declining early in the covid-19 outbreak, immigrant naturalizations in the u.s. are rising again, most americans are critical of government’s handling of situation at u.s.-mexico border, most latinos say u.s. immigration system needs big changes, naturalized citizens make up record one-in-ten u.s. eligible voters in 2020, most popular.

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Arizona GOP wants voters to weigh in on immigration. The plan is now one step closer to the ballot

Intense debate, anger and an alleged ethics violation marked the advancement of a Republican border security proposal out of the Arizona Senate on Wednesday.

Republican lawmakers amended the proposal before passing it on a 16-13 party-line vote, minus one absent Democrat, after almost four hours of squabbling and debate. The next step is for a state House vote on the revised measure, which is scheduled for June 4. If it clears the House and another pass through the Senate, it'll appear on the November ballot, where voters will make the final decision on it.

The ballot measure would make crossing the international border a state crime, allow for state officials to arrest and deport border crossers, enhance penalties when fentanyl sales result in death, prevent undocumented migrants from receiving state benefits and boost verification of employees’ immigration status. Based on Texas' SB4 bill that's stuck in court proceedings and opposed by the Biden administration, the provision about border crossers could not take effect unless courts uphold the Texas law.

Debate over a new amendment to House Concurrent Resolution 2060 devolved at times into accusations of name-calling and lack of decorum, with some of the barbs launched at pro-migrant visitors in the gallery who peppered the proceeding with groans and finger-snapping.

At one point, some gallery members shouted in a rage during a speech by Senate President Pro Tempore T.J. Shope, R-Coolidge. Shope, who is Hispanic, said he hoped fellow Hispanics didn't hear Democrats' complaints that police wear badges just to harass them, and accused Democrats of overusing the word "racism."

Security officers rushed to escort the raucous visitors out while Senate President Warren Petersen admonished one visitor for not having "self-control." About half the visitors left the gallery.

In another tense moment, Sen. John Kavanagh, a Fountain Hills Republican who gave forceful speeches supporting the bill, said he would file an ethics complaint against Phoenix Democratic Sen. Catherine Miranda, who accused him of racial profiling, unless she apologized to him. Kavanagh, a former East Coast Port Authority officer, had suggested some members of the gallery were "criminals" after the crowd murmured loudly following his comment that some criminals are "stupid."

A new amendment by Sen. David Gowan , R-Sierra Vista, removed a section on how the proposal would affect Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals beneficiaries. That came at the request of fellow Republican Sen. Ken Bennett, of Prescott. The original proposal allowed DACA recipients to escape punishment from the law, but not if courts abolished the program.

"We don't want to harm any DACA recipients," Gowan said. "We didn't believe we were, anyway."

The amendment also addressed a concern by critics that the border-crossing law could create civil rights violations by police who don’t have proper probable cause for an arrest. Pro-migrant groups have warned for months the provision would lead to police stopping people simply because they had dark skin. The amendment would require officers to personally witness an illegal border crossing, obtain a video of the alleged violation, or utilize some other constitutionally valid probable cause to make the arrest.

Bennett said he believes the amendment “tightens up” the notion that enforcement would primarily take place at the border.

Democrats pushed back on the amendment’s probable cause provision. Sen. Priya Sundareshan, D-Tucson, described the third probable cause stipulation as a catch-all that could be abused by police.

"It does underline a continuing concern, continuing fear, that this does open up communities to racial profiling," she said.

Sen. Anna Hernandez, D-Phoenix, whose brother was shot and killed by police in 2019 , said she respects Bennett’s belief that police are not likely to violate someone’s civil rights but doesn’t believe everyone has the same experience. She was worried the proposal wouldn’t limit enforcement to border areas, she said.

"We should be doing our job to help the families of Arizona, not to divide them, not to create a path by which they'll be separated," she said.

"Our concerns have not been addressed, in case there's any confusion," said Sen. Eva Burch, a Mesa Democrat who attacked the unfunded expense of the measure and other provisions. "It's going to hurt our economy, our law enforcement, our courts and our people."

Bennett, in explaining that his concerns had been alleviated, said he was disappointed some people felt the amendment didn't make the proposal better. But he added he's still concerned by comments brought up by Sen. Flavio Bravo, D-Phoenix, about the possibility that families of mixed immigration status might be deterred by the law from obtaining benefits for which they qualified. The bill could be further amended in the House, he noted.

Republicans hope their proposal will directly tackle the border crisis they blame on the Biden administration, allowing state law enforcement to capture, arrest or even deport migrants. They’re also looking for a political boost on an issue that crosses party registration .

Sen. Janae Shamp is a Surprise Republican who sponsored the original Arizona Border Invasion Act that the ballot measure was based on. She gave several impassioned speeches this year about the ravages of border crime and abuse of migrants by criminals. She and other Republicans held news conferences to promote the bill while House Speaker Ben Toma, R-Glendale, who’s running for Congress, touted his own proposal aimed at stopping undocumented immigrants from obtaining jobs or benefits in Arizona.

Lawmakers used a strike-all amendment this month to create the new, proposed ballot measure after Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs vetoed the Invasion Act in March.

Hobbs put out a statement reiterating her opposition to the new plan after the Senate's vote on Wednesday. It highlighted her December decision to deploy National Guard troops to the border .

"We desperately need more resources to secure our border, not empty political rhetoric," she wrote. "Arizona should not pay the price for the federal government’s inaction.”

Reach the reporter at [email protected]  or 480-276-3237. Follow him on X @raystern .