argumentative essay about politics in the philippines

Politics In The Philippines Essay

Politics is defined as the theory and practice of government, the interrelation between people who exercise and resist power, and the use of tactics and strategy to gain power in a certain number of people. However, a lot of deeper definitions have been correlated with the term “politics”, both in a positive and negative way. It is now said that politics is a gamble, dirty and decisive, that it already lost its noble meaning. It is once said that politics may be considered as the noblest profession, if only it is created for the service of the people.

Essay Example on About Politics In The Philippines

Ladies and gentlemen, politics covers a very comprehensive area, covering the physical, economical, social and moral aspect of a nation. And I would like to make the simplest yet profound presentation of this topic based on our very own. This is the anatomy of the Philippine Politics. The political system and the economical status are two inseparable factors on the growth of every country, and from there, we can say that we have no stable economic status because we have no stable government.

The economical status is displayed because there is the government that is supposed to manage and regulate the functions of the economy. Therefore, it is the government that plays a big part. The goal of the government MUST be to sustain its people the standard of living that every individual really deserves. But here in the Philippines, many Filipinos live in the upper class, more on the middle class, and MOST on the lowest class, just on or under the poverty line.

argumentative essay about politics in the philippines

Proficient in: Asia

“ Very organized ,I enjoyed and Loved every bit of our professional interaction ”

Why is this so? Is everything the government’s fault? Of is it the masses? Let’s dissect each of these two.

The government is supposed to be composed of the government officials only, since it is called the government. But the fact that a lot of Filipinos do not see is that aside from the gluttonous government officials who fights for power, there is also some of the elite class, the greedy businessmen who have hidden agendas as they make deeper coordination with the government transactions and processes. They both hypocritically reach their left hands to the “ordinary citizens” while their right hands are mischievously getting money from the funds of the people.

A very good example of “multi-tasking” isn’t it? But while they are too busy tricking the people, there is the police, the armed forces, and the courts that had grown inefficient to restore peace and order in the country. There are the once blue seas now black. There are the little children who go to school barefoot with rotten books in their broken bags. There is the usual Filipino family with a dozen children eating once a day under a leaking roof. You see? As the fortunate ruling class is pacifying themselves with power and luxury, the poor ones are suffering.

Now, are the masses blameless? NO. The ordinary citizens were rightfully given the bill of rights and granted with full democracy. But that doesn’t mean that they have to react violently and dogmatically. They were living with genuine sovereignty, free to speak themselves and do whatever pleases them. But that was often the misconception about freedom. They keep on exercising their own independence without even thinking and considering the rights of the other person. Just days ago, the president of the SGC of the University of the Philippines kept on barking about the inept governance of

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Essay: Politics in the Philippines

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If we are to look at the history of the Philippines, we can see that there have been precedents and attempts towards a federal government. Looking through our pre-colonial history, we can see that we were composed of small polities named barangays. Since Spain’s conquest, the type of government dominant in the Philippines has been a unitary one, ruled from the capital of colonial Philippines until today, the so called “Imperial Manila”. Centuries have passed since then and so it simply is no wonder that there would be calls for decentralization and an interest towards federalism to many people. Such notions may just be a natural progress of society, or a sensible choice and idea to a people that have been ruled and exploited by the elites for centuries. But whatever the case is, there have been numerous cases and attempts towards federalization already as seen throughout our Filipino history. In fact, the precedent of the Philippine Colonial government can be also seen resembling some areas of federalization, specifically, the numerous barangays of pre-colonial Philippines. To note, Hutchcroft, (2017) states that these historical precedents are important in efforts for reforms towards federalism, stating it as one of the three basic principles for political reform. Continuing, the advent of the Spanish subjugated and made all these barangays as mostly autonomous polities, but swearing allegiance and tributes to the Spanish Crown. The efforts of the Spanish though have undermined the aforementioned precedent, dividing and turning these barangays against each other through their strategy of “divide and conquer”. It also didn’t help that the Spanish rule have and cooperation with the Spanish administrators and friars have tremendously helped these rulers now known as cabeza de barangay, ruling as little kings of their land. This has affected the solidarity among the barangays, which Cyr (2014) states to be the foundation for a successful federalism. The various barangays have been cultivated to hate other barangays as their enemy and to form an identity different from other barangays. This “distinction” of identity is seen not only in the conquered barangays, which would ironically be their common identity in revolt against Spain, but this distinction or separation of identity was also present in the southern barangays in Mindanao that resisted and were unconquered by the Spanish. The works of Rizal though have been instrumental in reigniting the solidarity among these barangays, which along with the help of the illustrados, have resulted in the formation of the Malolos Constitution. This was one of the most substantial attempts towards federalization if it would have succeeded.

While the Spanish colonization has resulted in the formation of the Philippine state, its legacy is akin to a vicious circle that still persists until today, reinforced during the colonial rule of the Americans. Due to the misconception of the Americans then of the Spanish rule being an “overcentralized” rule, a view still persisting until today but contested by some, the following reforms of the Americans were focused on decentralization (Hutchcroft, 2000). It is further stated in Hutchcroft’s paper that the political necessity to pacify the islands, beliefs and ideologies that the American’s possessed greatly influenced the decentralization effort. One example of this is the right to suffrage that was extended to the land-holding elites only for a long time. Further down the line, the American administrators rule was characterized by further decentralization and compromises with local politicians, powers misused by the local politicians as what it eventually led to was local authoritarianism. The amount of powers decentralized to the local politicians and their political advantage allowed for the formation and preservation of political dynasties. This was followed by further attempts to decentralize by opening national elections. This is of great significance to Philippine politics. Local politicians and political dynasties saw this as further opportunity to advance their own interests and political power through the use of their local power. It was also during this period that patronage politics flourished. While there are many valid analyses as to how patronage politics manifested and has stayed strong, with one analysis regarding the Filipino culture being the most prominent, there is also the perspective of Hutchcroft claiming it stemmed from the US’ efforts in “the particular configuration of the U.S.-crafted colonial polity”, rather than the result from “tradition” or culture (Hutchcroft, 2000). These were the main contributing factors to the formation of aan image of a national oligarchy. While there were still attempts by the American administrators to centralize, it was ultimately insufficient, and the American period saw not the removal or curbing of the elites, but instead the further legalization and consolidation of their powers that would allow them to maintain their rule for decades to come. The political system in the Philippines eventually developed, though not strictly in a good direction, with frameworks like Anarchy of Families (Mccoy, 1993), Bossism (Sidel, 1997), and Patron-client framework being the most influential in viewing contemporary Philippine politics. Later in the paper, the researcher would be mainly using the Bossism framework to analyze federalism’s potential grave effects on Philippine development and shifting of frameworks used to view Philippine politics. It is imperative, however, to first examine and analyze other viewpoints so as to avoid reinforcing of biases and cross-referencing of facts.

First and foremost, federalism is decentralization from national to local governments. If we are to tackle the age old problem that is “Imperial Manila”, it would seem that decentralization would be the solution for it once and for all. Mendoza (2017) however, disagrees with such notions, but does still support federalism. Mendoza clarifies that even with the Local Government Code of 1991, which is a monumental legislature towards decentralization, still did little to curb the “Imperial Manila”. Mendoza proposes instead that the enactment of federalism shouldn’t be treated as a silver bullet to all our political ills, but instead as an opportunity to greatly affect and reform our systems within, akin to the Marcos regime essentially a “reset button” to the country. One of the issues that should be tackled in this period of reform should also be the problem of political dynasties and their lacking accountability. Not only is there a problem regarding governance when dynasties are involved, but these political dynasties are also a problem in the legislature. In fact, Yusingco and Yusingco(2018) have pointed out this issue specifically. Not only does the strong presence of political dynasties in the Houses pose a strong impediment for laws to address their problem, but can even impede reforms on a constitutional level. Even in researches, there is still a divide as to whether federalism can bring economic growth, with researches backed with data stating that federalism can bring economic prosperity, and some claiming it only leads to further inequality and average poverty from all the observed countries (Hatfield, 2006; Uy, 2018)

The political landscape of the Philippines after the American Colonization was viewed for a long time to be explained and dominated by patron-clientelism framework (PCF). Mccoy’s (1993) theory of anarchy of families also offer a glimpse of Philippine politics, and may even see a greater relevance as seen in the trend of increasing political dynasties. While it may seem that Philippine politics is greatly dominated by personal factors as seen in the frameworks of Mccoy and the PCF, there is often the ignored “impersonal and non-clientelist” means that politicians employ during elections. Of course this is not to discredit personalistic features in politics, but there is also a need to see the impersonal things that are clearly present in Philippine politics, especially since most of the opinion pieces and literature have been citing mostly such personalistic features like political dynasties. The Bossism framework by Sidel is a great framework that focuses on such.

As discussed earlier, local politicians are no stranger to using autocratic means, due in part to the vast powers granted to them and lacking accountability to the people. They truly are no different to kings in their own domain. It is simply common to see the usage of violence, vote-buying, and coercion in local elections, most prominently in areas farther from Manila or non-urban areas. Access to these impersonal means however, are mostly reliant on access to state instruments. These local politicians, with methods akin to bosses, were only able to win and gain access to government instruments through powerbrokers from the national government, in exchange for their support in national elections. This is the relation between the local and national government, acting as bosses through the use of state instruments. This is, from my understanding, Sidel’s framework of Bossism. It is also imperative that while using this framework to view Philippine politics, to keep in mind Sidel’s interpretation of the State as an instrument. This is important as viewing the state as such removes the notion that the state is a “weak state”, rather ours is a strong, but fragmented state. In its function as an extractive tool or institution, it is very much efficient. Such extractive function though is not only limited to the granting of monopolies, regulatory laws, land grabbing, and extraction of natural resources, but also to the extraction of the state itself as a resource. Such nature of fragmentation is also important to address as solidarity, one of the basic principles of federalism, is evidently lacking due in part to the division created by the Spanish and by our geography itself. Politicians, local or national, are only interested in furthering their own localities like stationary bandits only for the purpose of exploiting it more in the long term (Olson, 1993).

Sidel’s bossism framework also explains bosses and how political dynasties are established and maintained, which will be discussed later as to what federalism’s significance is in relation to these. Not all bosses necessarily employ violence, but grant monopolies to themselves and others to obtain support from local elites, and attempt to obtain propriety wealth. Most of the cases however, majority use an abundance of violence and coercion, resulting to these bosses also being called as “warlords”. These two are the most prominent types of bossism and the types examined in Sidel’s paper. These bosses that establish themselves mostly embrace this warlord identity. Their offspring or successor however, are educated and is prepared for politics that do not rely only on violence and coercive forces as a warlord does. Successive wins in election rely on the support of the superordinate power brokers, granting local bosses the previously discussed state apparatuses. It is also through this that these power brokers essentially hold control and support from local bosses. Thus the only alternative for these bosses to remove themselves from this state of uncertainty at the whims, victory, and decision of power brokers is to obtain power for themselves, wealth in this case, that is outside the control of the government. This is called propriety wealth, and without sufficient propriety wealth, even the longest standing political dynasties can still be toppled and simply replaced with another boss.

The researcher has picked the theory of Sidel’s bossism as this framework is not only one of the frameworks that can offer a detailed description of Philippine politics, but also due to the assumed effects of Federalism that will change the dynamics of this framework the most. The shift in power between the national or federal, and local government, as stated earlier, is the most important aspect of federalism. Viewing this matter through the lens of Bossism offers not only a different perspective from the PCF dominated views, but also examine the impersonal features of Philippine politics which arguably will be strengthened the most in a transition towards a federal government.

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Democracy in the Philippines Essay

Democracy in the philippines setting, travel and tourism scenario, organizational policy, public policies, problems in policy implementation, the policy of our organization.

The two questions to be answered and to form the main topic of discussion for this paper deal with democracy and the forms of government in a democratic society.

Chosen for an interesting topic of discussion is the country in the Philippines, as compared to the United States and its form of government.

The Philippines is chosen because of its unique background, the country having experienced two colonizers, one of which is the United States. The presidential form of government is a legacy of the American colonizers, while the Spaniards introduced Christianity.

Up to the present dispensation, the Philippines is a democratic society with a presidential form of government.

Over the years, there were attempts to change this form of government to parliamentary, but since the Filipinos have become accustomed to it, they have made their intention to oppose any move to change the status quo.

The second question is about a scenario which touches on Philippine tourism. The unique Philippines setting, with backdrops of heritage sites, unique architecture, beautiful scenic spots and islands the likes of the Caribbean, makes our scenario another interesting point of discussion.

A country whose people cherish democracy like the United States and Great Britain is the Republic of the Philippines. Filipinos are champions of democracy.

They introduced the term people power in the dictionary as a peaceful revolution when in 1986 they marched in the streets and opposed the guns and tanks of Marcos with their rosaries and flowers as peace offerings. Hours after that, Marcos fled to Hawaii.

The Philippines has a presidential form of government copied from the U.S. model. The branches of government, the bureaucracies and institutions are all U.S. made.

Democratic elections are being held for the president down to the barangay captain who is the head of a barangay, the smallest political unit.

But the democracy the Filipinos now cherish is the result of the sacrifices of heroes who fought in the battlefields of Bataan and Corregidor and the so-called ‘death march’ during World War II. (Canlas, 1999, p. 63)

In a presidential form of government, the people elect the president and vice president, and members of Congress. There are differences however in the manner of elections and the election of the higher and lower positions in government.

The Philippines is a multi-party system while the United States is a two-party system. The two parties are the Republican (GOP) and Democratic parties.

The executive branch in Washington is controlled by the party in power while in the Philippines the president can appoint cabinet secretaries who do not belong to their political party (Fernandez, 2007, p. 169).

More changes came in the style of governance in Washington, like instituting checks and balances within the executive branch itself. (Waldman, 1976, p. 260)

There are attempts to change the form of government from presidential to a parliamentary form of government, and this is through charter change.

But the people and the political leadership, along with the strong political opposition, are still not decided and there is a growing debate over this matter. I believe the Filipino is not ready yet for a parliamentary form of government.

Travel is an important human activity which affects our understanding of the world and our existence.

It is for this reason that we want to see and witness only the beautiful and pleasant things in the places we go, although there are people who want to see the bizarre and the unexpected.

In other countries, there are communities, human activities, wonderful things, or phenomena that we would like to personally see with our own eyes.

We want to record, write them down and video-tape them for posterity sake. Others consider them as part of their legacy to their children and grandchildren.

An outcome of travel is tourism, or shall we say, travel is a product of tourism. These two have become quite reciprocal, but I can consider it as synonymous.

Our organization considers travel and tourism as one. And our organizational policy must coincide with the policy of the country we conduct business with or guide travelers and tourists for the places they want to see and come in contact with.

We look at the Philippines in Asia with special attention because of its potential as a tourism destination which remains untapped for various reasons we would like to discuss here.

How the people and the government reacted to changes in the course of the country’s existence is an interesting point for discussion, considering that the political upheavals of this particular country influenced tourism policies.

The scenario created in those upheavals and history formed into what the country is today.

The Philippines is a developing country although in some respect it has been observed as more developed than some countries in the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Politics and the quest of a few greedy politicians for power have put it in a stagnant position, perhaps deteriorating during the time of Marcos, who ruled with impunity and countless human rights violation. (Beirman, 2003, p. 254)

Our organizational policy we introduced in the Philippines is the same as the policies we introduced on other countries, i.e., we wanted to be a part in promoting tourism in the country by promoting the various tourist and scenic spots, heritage sites, the culture of the people, and other places of human-interest.

We have been in this business for some time now, and we know how to promote our business by promoting others.

Networking is part of our activities. We have always consulted government agencies in our promotional campaigns. Thus, we took some time contacting the tourism offices of the Philippines of which they were also happy to help and partner with us regarding our organizational policy.

We explained that promoting tourism in the Philippines is part of our agenda as a travel agency. Regular consultations have been conducted ever since. We have offices and people in the field, and quite a number of these are in the islands and beautiful places in the country.

We looked forward to promoting the entire archipelago of thousands of islands, the scenic spots, the baroque churches and unique architecture imported from Spain, Greece, and other European countries.

We also noted the uniqueness of the people, the different tribes and ethnic groups, and a ‘new’ race, which can be said as a blending of the east and the west.

Some of its women are holders of international beauty titles, and the workforce is composed of professionals and extraordinary artisans who have gone to different parts of the world to introduce their skills, talents, and professionalism.

To indulge in the Philippines and its people is a unique experience for us as a business organization and as career travel agents whose clients are the peoples of the world.

We consider ourselves and our organization as global, but we know we always want to ‘localize’ our operations to be successful in our business.

With these unique tourism attractions, we also outlined our policies for the country. Promotion and advertising are a part of our policy, but first, we also made it clear with the government agencies we have dealt with, that our organization also have to promote our travel agency.

The activity is reciprocal – we would promote the country, and they can help us by endorsing our agency. That said, we also enumerated objects which were really of interest to our country of destination, the Philippines.

Tourism is one of the major dollar earners of most countries in the world. It is also one of the largest industries in the world when it comes to output, investment, and employment.

Tourism cannot be talked about without mentioning other subjects involving contemporary culture which is influenced by globalization, multiculturalism, transnationalism, and so forth. (Ness, 2003, p. 3)

Tourism is a mix of cultural, economic and political factors (Burns and Novelli, 2007, p. 1), but there is now a renewed focus on it with the emergence of what is called international tourism (Huybers, 2007, p. 5).

The Philippines is an archipelago of thousands of islands, inhabited by many ethnic tribes and people who have experienced colonization from the Spaniards down to the Americans. Filipinos, young and old, know their heritage.

There are ethnic tribes in the mountains, but for those who have settled in the cities and suburban areas, they look like quite similar with their foreign ancestors – different colors of skin like white and brown but fair skin, blue and black eyes, and women with unique beauty, said to be of world class.

Because of the country’s historical background, it has formed its own unique culture but a government based on its experience with two colonizers.

The Spaniards were responsible for the Christianization of the Philippines while the Americans introduced democracy and the presidential form of government. (Schirmer & Shalom, 1987, pp. 1-2)

The presidential form of government was passed on to history by the U.S. during the time of General Emilio Aguinaldo, the first president of the Philippine Republic in 1898, then during World War II, to the time of the dictator, and now the present leader, Benigno Aquino III, son of martyred political leader in the 1980s, Benigno Aquino Jr., who was killed during the Marcos era, and Corazon Aquino who succeeded Marcos after the people power uprising. (Official Gazette, n.d.)

To talk about Philippine tourism and the policies imposed upon it by the government and the people means to speak about its rich history, the culture, and the people.

The people experienced two colonizers and have ingrained in their national psyche the so-called colonial mentality. But they are happy and hospitable people. It is a common public policy to smile and be hospitable to any foreigner who comes in and visits one of their islands.

The Filipinos are a proud race. They smile when they see a tourist. That is tourism public policy number one, and the beginning of a scenario we would like to talk about.

The sad note, however, is this. The Philippines has a big portion of its population in poverty, and so promoting tourism is sometimes distracted with the slums and squatter colonies right in the heart of Manila.

Some laws of the country protect squatter colonies; they cannot just be sent away and their shanties demolished. Laws and regulations are most of the times ignored by ordinary citizens and motorists, and law enforcement is weak. Laws are not strictly enforced.

There are smoke belchers, illegal loggers and other environmental violators, and the government is infested by corruption. But the public sector sees the significant role of the tourism industry in the growth of the economy by providing local employment. (Bloom, 2009, p. 16)

Our organization sees tourism as a flourishing industry in the Philippines and an attractive business venture because of its beautiful scenic spots, baroque churches, white beaches, and various heritage sites, a legacy of the hundreds of years of Spanish colonization, and subsequent American colonization which led to Philippine independence on June 12, 1898.

However, the Philippine tourism industry has passed through various stages of decay and then development.

If public policies had been enforced to the letter, the Philippines could have been the number one tourist destination in Asia because of its rich heritage, historic spots, rich natural resources, and a hospitable people willing to receive any guests who have entered into their shorelines.

We have witnessed it, and we can testify to the beauty of a country. Something has to be done, and we have promoted this country for all of its natural beauty.

Politics and perhaps greed by politicians marred the history of a great nation. From the literature, we can read that tourism was used for political purposes during the regime of the despot Marcos.

Tourism policies were concentrated on government efforts to gain support from foreign governments, especially during martial law which lasted for more than a decade.

There was no popular support or cooperation from the local community who had mixed feelings of fear, hatred, and remorse over the dictatorship. Human rights violations were rampant. Resorts, hotels and other business establishments were owned by cronies.

Rebel groups started to surface, and anarchy reigned. People power, led by Corazon Aquino, which was staged after the killing of her husband and opposition leader, Benigno Aquino Jr., led to the toppling of the dictatorship. Tourism was down at that time. (Gray, 2008, p. 369)

Similarly, the Philippines has a growing population and a bulging bureaucracy. There have been suggestions for it to adapt to the federal form of government.

The regional areas can become states with their constitutions, copy the U.S. model with states having their constitutions, and a supreme constitution.

Checks and balances in the Philippines seem to be not so effective, what with the rampant graft and corruption in the different branches of government as reported in the media.

The media, however, is also as effective in ousting erring officials. People power uprising seems to be the most effective way of punishing politicians who have erred in office and could not be ousted through legal means. (Mayton, 2009, p. 27)

The erring public officials could not be ousted because of the support that they still have in their political base or bailiwicks. Legal means seem to be not effective. But as in the U.S. model, the law is the people. In the EDSA uprising, the Filipinos spoke by denouncing the rampant graft and corruption. The U.S. model uses legal means because of its strong institutions, as mandated by the constitution and the people.

Corazon ‘Cory’ Aquino took over, and once again, her government used tourism as a tool to reassure the international community, particularly Japan and the United States, that she was in control and that her government had gained popular support.

There was a slight improvement in tourism programs though. The people showed support to the government and its programs, and the international community was convinced that there were peace and tranquillity in the islands.

Public policies for tourism centered on making the Philippines the ultimate destination of people seeking refuge from city life. Slowly, tourism was alive again. (Gray, 2008, p. 371)

However, the ‘honeymoon’ period between the new government and the new opposition did not last long.

Opposition to the new government continued to mount protests, a faction in the military staged coup d’états after coup d’états, making tourism once again a dream of people who always love peace. (Gray, 2008, p. 372)

At present, the new administration of President Benigno Aquino III, son of Corazon Aquino and martyred Benigno Aquino Jr., has some bright plans to jumpstart the tourism programs as envisioned by the newly created Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority formerly named the Philippine Tourism Authority. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

However, tourism is at present going in an up-and-down trend because of terrorism and destabilization campaigns being staged by communist and secessionist groups from the south. Tourism in any country is always affected by threats of terrorism.

In the farther south, in Mindanao, there are various groups seeking to separate from the republic.

The Abu Sayaff group, which has links to Al Qaeda, the international terrorist group headed by Osama bin Laden, has been responsible for various kidnapping incidents involving tourists and businessmen, making tourism in the south down.

That portion of the country is supposed to be a tourist haven because of its natural habitats, but these habitats have become hiding places of terrorist groups. (Travelblog, 2006)

Unlike the other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Philippines cannot rely much on tourism as a dollar earner. The government has to institute measures to promote tourism.

The country is blessed with beautiful scenic spots, the likes of those in the Caribbean; but there are spots which are still not developed. (Richter, 2005, p. 255)

The constitution of the Republic of the Philippines provides for the conservation of lands and tourist parks and the promotion of tourist destinations which may include national parks and other natural resources. (Constitutional Commission, 1986)

The national agency that is taking the overall supervision of tourism is the Philippine Tourism Authority, which has recently been revitalized with a new name, the Tourism Infrastructure, and Enterprise Zone Authority.

It was created by law to develop and promote tourism destinations in the country, but it is under the Department of Tourism headed by a Cabinet Secretary who reports directly to the President of the Philippines. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

The agency is mandated by law

to enhance private sector participation in the development of tourism infrastructure in the country;
to implement privatisation efforts of some government facilities in order to contribute to the government income;
to maximise collection efforts of the government by promoting tourism destinations;
to maintain a pool of talented professional and skilled employees and managers to handle tourism. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

The public policy remains focused on acquiring foreign reserve for the economy to flourish.

The economy now depends on overseas-Filipino-workers’ (OFW) remittances and the volatile markets of a few products such as sugar, pineapple, cotton, coconut, and electronic products, being exported to major countries like the United States. OFW remittances remain the lifeblood of the economy.

The present administration of President Benigno Aquino III has yet to prove how the government can push through with new economic reforms.

Political will is difficult to impose, but the government has shown strength in instituting reforms in the midst of mounting terrorist threats and travel advisories from at least six countries including the United States for their respective citizens not to travel to the Philippines, particularly the provinces in the southern portion of the country which are being threatened by secessionist groups.

The local government units are composed of provinces, which are governed by governors; towns and cities, which are under the leadership of mayors; and barangays which are governed by barangay captains. The centralized form of government had barriers in local governance.

This was amended through the passage of the law known as the Local Government Code of 1991. It pushed for local autonomy where local government units were given a chance to govern.

Local autonomy enabled local officials to govern with authority and responsibilities for the resources of their local areas.

The Code transformed the provinces, towns, cities, and barangays into self-reliant and active local government units (LGU) by providing power, authority, responsibilities, and resources. (General Primer, 1991)

The local government units have the responsibility to promote tourism in their jurisdiction. Our organization has penetrated in these local areas. We have coordinated with the local tourism government agencies so that we could conduct business and promote our product.

Tourists are also guided accordingly. In other parts of the world, we have promoted the different localities of the Philippines as tourist destinations.

Tourism policies have not been clear. Past administrations have had difficulties in implementing the policies, not for lack of professional and expert policymakers, but due to politics. The present public policy is to promote these scenic spots and make them major dollar earners.

This is with the support and collaboration of the public and private sectors. The government acts as a catalyst and to help in what the private sectors are doing for tourism. The strategy is to develop a closer partnership and cooperation of all stakeholders involved in tourism.

The World Tourism Organization has recommended that the government should not duplicate what the private sectors are doing in tourism so that there will be no overlapping of functions. (Cruz, 2005, p. 49)

There are instances that conflicts arise between the government and private sectors due to the following:

The private sectors refuse to finance some projects because they don’t believe that it will generate profit, but the government has given it a go and has prioritized it due to its potential as a tourist spot.
A tourism project has no more market potential, and cannot be sold; the government may be forced to buy it, but conflict arises when the government has not enough money to buy the facility.
The government is forced to build low-cost “social tourism” which is devoted to the poor, the sick, and the aged.
The government encourages private sectors to develop tourism activities through pilot projects. (Cruz, 2005, p. 50)

In areas where there are no tourism plans, the government identifies tourism opportunities so that the private sector can invest and provide capital.

The presence of beautiful ‘white’ beaches, mountains and thousands of islands, not to mention the declared UNESCO World Heritage sites, makes the Philippines an attraction to tourists from neighboring countries in Asia, Europe, and the United States. (World Heritage Convention, 2010)

Likewise, it has a rich cultural heritage that has never waned even during economic hardships, political upheavals, and natural calamities.

The eruption of the active volcano in Central Luzon, a major island where Manila is located, has produced new land formation, making the neighboring towns and cities a tourist attraction.

Our organization has promoted these places as a sight to behold. Once they were flood-prone areas but after the flow of ‘lahar’ (lava mixed with sand) coming from the volcano, the places seemed to have ‘grown,’ and the local folks have regarded it as a blessing in disguise.

Filipinos celebrate fiestas, holidays and anniversaries like they are a part of religious obligations. During Lenten season, the Catholic celebration of the Holy Week which observes and honors the Lord Jesus’ passion and death on the cross, Filipinos celebrate it with the actual crucifixion of some of their devotees.

Although this is not permitted by the Catholic Church, the penitents flag their bodies, and the climax is the crucifixion on a hilltop.

At least three penitents are crucified, their hands extended and the nails are pounded hard injuring the penitents who are tied to the three wooden crosses, commemorating the crucifixion of Jesus Christ and the two criminals beside him, more than two thousand years ago. (The Oxford Business Group, 2008, p. 128)

The Filipinos observe fiestas and Christmases which attract tourists from around the world. Tourism spots are everywhere.

If you go northward, you would be happy to pass by the ‘Hundred Islands’ in Lingayen Gulf, a constant feature in movies depicting World War II, but now a national park. But if you divert to the Visayas islands, there are several places attractive to tourists, one of which is Boracay.

The island is at the tip of the group of Islands, and it is equipped with fine ‘white’ beaches. It is also a constant scene of reality shows featuring local movie stars. Beaches of the world-class are sprawling everywhere in the Visayas and Mindanao.

In each of these tourist destinations, the local community has a big role to play in the promotion and catering to the needs of the tourists. Travel companies and guides also have a big role to play in the promotion of these tourist spots. (Philippines Board, n.d.)

Lingayen Gulf in Pangasinan is a historical site because it is the site of one of the fierce sea battles fought between the Japanese and American forces reinforced by Filipino guerrilla forces. The Hundred Islands is not a hundred islands, although the number is approximate.

These places are the source of livelihood of most of its inhabitants, aside of course from fishing. (Hundred Islands National park, n.d.)

Being an archipelagic country, the Philippines has porous borders. The islands in the south, which are known as the ‘backdoor’ because they are not closely guarded and you can easily travel to other countries like Indonesia by way of a small commercial boat, are a tourists’ haven.

The Philippines has purged partnerships with neighboring Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, and Malaysia, to make Davao, the ‘backdoor’ city, and surrounding places, as development areas. (Ness, 2003, p. 113)

Puerto Princesa in the island Palawan, itself a province and which is just near Davao, has also been developed, with the help of the UNESCO Development Programme.

The strategy involves community-based tourism in which the local folks, the young and the old, the public and private sectors, join hands to promote tourism destinations. (Gray, 2008, p. 375)

Still in the south of the country, in Zamboanga City, there are beautiful tourist spots being taken care of by residents. The city is inhabited by an ethnic group who speaks ‘Chabacano,’ a dialect which has some semblance to the Spanish language.

The city, however, is a melting pot because of the presence of other ethnic groups. Economic activity is very much alive in this city.

It is also home to the regional headquarters of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, which keeps guarding the presence of kidnap-for-ransom groups and other criminal elements. Foreign tourists are advised by their respective governments not to venture into this city. (Travelblog, 2006)

The situation affects tourism. Over the past years, tourists from different countries had been kidnapped. Some were killed while others were released on ransom. It is the duty of the government to safeguard the lives of the people, local and foreign.

The local inhabitants, no matter how they want that tourism should improve in their community, could do nothing except rely on the government and to God for peace and unity.

Our organization has a big role to play in the promotion of this beautiful country as a tourist destination. We have recruited tourist guides who are well knowledgeable of the areas tourist are more attracted to go and see the places and human activities which can fulfill human interest.

The present government has a present policy of establishing tourism infrastructure through a close partnership between the public and private sectors. We have taken hold of this opportunity.

It has proven to be effective in developing tourism as a major source of income for the local folks and the government in the form of taxes. This is demonstrated in the various examples of public policies in the Philippines setting.

During a recent dialogue with a government agency in charge of promoting tourism, we have made some suggestions.

It is of great importance to any place or country to develop first the community, emphasizing on the capability of the natives or inhabitants to promote tourism and to have an active part in dealing or living with tourists and tourism. It has to be a part of their lives. Tourism can alleviate poverty.

The folks have to perform a hands-on role in formulating those policies because they are the ones directly involved. Tourism affects their livelihood, family, and the whole society in general.

Where there are tourists, there is economic activity. This close coordination between the different sectors of the community has proven to be effective in developing tourism as a major source of livelihood for the local population, and income in the form of taxes for the government.

The most recent public tourism policy the Filipino people are crying and pushing for is to allow the eight-division world boxing champion Manny Pacquiao to be a part of the tourist attraction; in fact, it has already happened.

The world champ, who has been hailed by the Filipinos as a hero, is a boxing phenomenon when he earned the eighth belt upon defeating former world champion, Antonio Margarito. (Sports Newscaster, 2010)

Our organization hailed this recent development in the country and has helped in promoting Pacquiao as another tourist attraction.

Our guides have been instructed to mention Manny Pacquiao and his hometown in Sarangani province. Pacquiao can boost economic activity and tourism, at the same time promote the Philippines and erase all the negative news about the country. This is what the Filipino people want.

Beirman, D. (2003). A comparative assessment of three Southeast Asian tourism recovery campaigns: Singapore Roars: Post SARS 2003, Bali Post- the October 12, 2002 Bombing, and WOW Philippines 2003. In Y. Mansfeld and A. Pizam (Eds.) 2006, Tourism security and safety: from theory to practic e (p. 254). Oxford, UK: Elsevier Inc.

Bloom, G., (2009). Philippines . Oakland, CA: Lonely Planet Publications Ltd.

Burns, P. & Novelli, M. (2007). Tourism and politics: introduction. In P. Burns and M. Novelli, Eds. Tourism and politics: global frameworks and local rea lities (p. 1). Oxford, UK: Elsevier Ltd.

Canlas, L. P. (1999). Philippines’ 2 millennium history . United States of America: Infinity Publishing.com.

Constitutional Commission (1986). The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines . Quezon City, Philippines: National Government Center.

Cruz, Z. (2005). Principles of tourism part II (Updated edition) . Manila, Philippines: Rex Book Store, Inc.

Fernandez, L. H. (2007). A brief history of the Philippines . United States of America: University of Michigan.

General Primer (1991). The local government code of 1991. Philippines: Republic of the Philippines Press.

Gray, J. (2008). Responsible destination development: Puerto Princesa, Palawan, Philippines. In J. Cochrane, Ed. Asian tourism: growth and change (p. 369). UK: Elsevier Ltd.

Hundred Islands National Park (n.d). Web.

Huybers, T. (2007). Tourism in developing countries: economics and management of tourism 2 . UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.

Mayton, D. M. (2009). Non violence and peace psychology . United States of America: Springer Science+Business Media, LLC.

Ness, S. (2003). Where Asia smiles: an ethnography of Philippine tourism. United States of America: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Official Gazette (n.d.). Philippine official papers & documents. Web.

Oxford Business Group (2008). The Report: the Philippines 2010 . Manila, Philippines: Oxford Business Group.

Philippines Board (n.d.) Tourist spots in Bacolod – Philippines. Web.

Richter, L. (2005). The Philippines: the politicization of tourism. In Y. Apostolopoulos, S. Leivadi and A. Yiannakis (Eds), The Sociology of Tourism (p. 255). New York, USA: Routledge.

Schirmer, D. B. & Shalom, R. S. (Eds.). (1987). The Philippines reader: a history of colonialism, neocolonialism, dictatorship, and resistance. United States of America: South End Press.

Sports Newscaster (2010). Pacquiao vs Margarito results and post game boxing fight analysis. Web.

Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority (Philippine Tourism Authority) (2010). Pushing tourism ahead: a message from the general manager. Web.

Travelblog (2006). Mindanao: Abu Sayyaf the MILF and a bloke called Joe. Web.

Waldmann, R. J. (1976). The domestic council: innovation in presidential government. Public Administration Review. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2022, August 23). Democracy in the Philippines. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/

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IvyPanda . (2022) 'Democracy in the Philippines'. 23 August.

IvyPanda . 2022. "Democracy in the Philippines." August 23, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

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IvyPanda . "Democracy in the Philippines." August 23, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

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Philippine elections and the politics behind it

Filipino voters go to the polls to choose who will govern them but not necessarily how they will be governed.

Lining up to register to vote in Antipolo City, Philippines (Ryan Eduard Benaid/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Philippines

While broadly similar to other presidential forms of government, the Philippines’ system of choosing its leaders does hold some nuisances which reveal deeply-rooted problems in Philippine democracy. The following are some of the long-standing realities of its politics:

Leaders elected based on minority votes

In the country’s plurality or “first-past-the-post” system, the candidate with the highest number of votes wins, while others are left with nothing in this “winner takes all” set up. But with multiple candidates vying for a single post, “vote splitting” is inevitable. Thus, a broadly unpopular candidate who nonetheless has solid voter support can emerge victorious based on the rule of minority .

In 2016, Rodrigo Duterte was elected with a single term, six-year presidency not by a majority, but with a plurality of only 39 per cent, or 16.6 million votes out of the 44 million votes cast . Duterte’s victory was made possible as votes were split among four other presidential candidates, similar to past Philippine presidents who have wielded their power on the back of a minority of voters. Without a run-off election similar to what takes place in Indonesia, the Philippines effectively elects a president with a less popular mandate who was “ picked by some but rejected by many ”.

The Philippine president and vice president are elected separately

Unlike other presidential systems such as in the United States, which field candidates on a joint ticket, the Philippines allows for split-ticket voting even when political parties push for candidates as a tandem. Split-ticket voting has become a trend in Philippine elections based on preconceived ( and misleading ) notions of providing checks and balances between the president and vice president when they are from different parties. What it tends to produce instead is a conflict of interests in terms of policy formulation and implementation.

The deeply-rooted patronage system in the Philippines bolsters money politics, especially during elections.

Moreover, the vice president’s authority is largely dependent on the president and therefore has limited power to “check” on the president. The commander-in-chief can assign a cabinet post to his/her second-in-command as a sign of “partnership for convenience” or totally isolate him/her as an indication of “open hostility”. This latter scenario aptly describes the current relationship between Duterte and Vice President Leni Robredo. Duterte sees Robredo as a critical opposition figure ( she has declared her own bid for the presidency ) and has shunned her from his administration.

A focus on candidates’ personalities rather than platforms

This year’s election, set for 9 May, is another personality-based popularity contest for the presidency. Except for Robredo and Senator Panfilo Lacson , who are banking on their government experience, presidential candidates are emphasising their stardom and family connections to get elected – international boxing legend Manny Pacquiao , former movie actor Isko Moreno , and Ferdinand Marcos Jr , son of and namesake of the former dictator.

Such a line-up means that the candidates’ campaign narratives generally swirl around their persona. Duterte’s victory in 2016 was attributed to his well-curated “strongman” image , amplified by a solid social media campaign. Thus, charisma and mass appeal are the focus rather than policy platforms or track record. This is amply demonstrated in most campaign events that sideline substantive debates in favour of entertainment shows. “The people won’t listen if you debate an issue or present a platform,” remarked Senator Ronald dela Rosa in 2019 about his campaign rallies. “If you have said several platforms, they think this politician is just … full of words, but no action.”

Political parties serve as candidate-centric, non-ideological alliances

While they have names that describe them as “nationalist”, “democratic”, and “liberal”, the various Philippine political parties are far from being ideological organisations. Instead they are viewed as “catch-all” parties that seek to generate support from all sectors of society. In a personality-driven election promoted by non-ideological parties, Filipino voters go to the polls to choose who will govern them but not necessarily how they will be governed.

Philippine political parties rarely pay attention to their platforms but are used to perpetuate their members’ personal and clan interests . They do not rigorously select qualified candidates as they revolve around political stars seen to have the best chance of electoral victory. In some cases, parties are instantly organised to support the presidential ambition of a political personality.

The politics of personal patronage trumps development policies

The deeply-rooted patronage system in the Philippines bolsters money politics, especially during elections. Some candidates engage in vote buying rather than promoting their platforms, others misuse public service delivery for electoral purposes instead of broader development objectives.

This tradition is partly enabled because many poor Filipinos are motivated to obtain material benefits in exchange for their votes. One recent study found “about 40 per cent of the poor said they saw vote buying take place in their community while only 20 per cent admitted to selling their votes.” Though entirely rational from the voters’ perspective, accepting “payments” for their ballots reinforces a condition of dependence and can weaken the capacity to demand accountability from their leaders. This patron-client relationship essentially prioritises short-term personal gains for both leaders and their constituencies, rather than the long-term development goals of the nation.

With this year’s polls, the Philippines can anticipate another political reset through a new clutch of leaders. Hopefully the next administration will work to address the adverse features of Philippine politics and push for institutional reforms that will make democracy work for its people.

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Democratic expressions amidst fragile institutions: Possibilities for reform in Duterte’s Philippines

Subscribe to this week in foreign policy, nicole curato nicole curato associate professor, centre for deliberative democracy and global governance - institute for governance and policy analysis at the university of canberra @nicolecurato.

January 22, 2021

14 min read

Executive Summary

Despite the intensification of authoritarian practices in the Philippines, there remains robust albeit fragmented democratic expressions in the form of standout local mayors, digital innovations, and electoral resilience. These micropolitical democratic practices may have limited scope, but they are meaningful in consequence. The primer concludes by offering possibilities for scaling up these seemingly mundane yet nevertheless powerful expressions of counterauthoritarian practices.

Introduction

At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte registered an approval rating of 91%. A vast majority of Filipinos support the government’s pandemic response, despite the Philippines recording one of the highest numbers of infections and COVID-19-releated deaths in Southeast Asia.

The debate continues about the reasons behind the president’s popularity, but one thing is for certain: that public satisfaction lends legitimacy to Duterte’s authoritarian project. The Senate opposition did not win a single seat in the midterm elections. The Supreme Court is packed with Duterte’s appointees. The media is facing increasing constraints. Indeed, there are fewer obstacles for the current administration to mainstream authoritarian practices.

This primer begins by providing an inventory of authoritarian practices by the Duterte regime and reflect on their implications to democratic institutions. The term “ authoritarian practice ” is deliberately used to refer to patterns of action that disable voice and accountability. Instead of using the catch-all term “authoritarianism,” which confounds rather than clarifies political transformations in the Philippines, the term authoritarian practice lends precision in identifying political decisions, policies, and rhetoric that undermine democratic contestation and scrutiny of power. The key message in the first part of the primer is that authoritarian practices corrode the quality of democratic institutions by rendering them vulnerable to abuses of power.

But this is not the whole story. As the Philippines witness the intensification of authoritarian practices, there remains room for democratic action that facilitate participation and creative forms of co-governance. These not only serve to push back against authoritarian practices but also develop democratic projects that fit the Philippines’ youthful, global, and digital participatory cultures. This primer spotlights these democratic expressions as opportunities for reform, and concludes by considering possibilities to scale up these counter-authoritarian practices in the remainder and in the aftermath of the Duterte regime.

Fragility of democratic institutions

The Philippines has an uneven trajectory of building democratic institutions. Three decades after the 1986 People Power Revolution that put an end to Ferdinand Marcos’ dictatorship, the country appears to have developed an electoral habit of rotating power between populist and reformist presidents. 2016 was a populist leader’s turn, but instead of perpetuating a rich-versus-poor narrative, Rodrigo Duterte amplified the latent anxiety of many Filipinos that pit the virtuous citizens against unscrupulous criminals. Duterte referred to Davao — the city where he was mayor for over two decades — as Exhibit A. With unconventional methods of governance, Duterte, so the story goes, was able to transform Davao from the murder capital of the Philippines to a peace and order paradise. Becoming president allowed him to scale up this effort. “It will be bloody,” he warned the nation.

Four years into his term, President Duterte did fulfill his campaign promise. He empowered the Philippine National Police to lead his “war against drugs” which has resulted in over 8,000 deaths, as reported by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Even the pandemic did not halt drug-related killings.

The drug war is not only Duterte’s landmark policy. It also serves as the organizing logic of his rule.

The drug war is not only Duterte’s landmark policy. It also serves as the organizing logic of his rule. A nation at war justifies authoritarian practices, for due process is a slow-moving process, and protests of “ bleeding heart liberals ” get in the way of the president’s law and order agenda.

The policy and rhetoric of the drug war have vast implications. They create fragile democratic institutions that are prone to abuse. Three key areas of concern are worth highlighting.

Coercive institutions

First, the drug war mainstreamed the securitization of social issues. Coercive institutions such as the police have been at the forefront of implementing social policies. Addressing the issue of illegal drugs is a clear example, with the Philippines bucking the global trend of treating substance abuse as a public health issue rather than a law and order issue.

The logic of securitizing social issues extended to pandemic response. The police were among the most visible front-liners enforcing curfew and social distancing policies with punitive measures. Protesters were dispersed and arrested with the police wearing full battle gear. Military tanks were deployed in Cebu City to communicate strict lockdown policies. A little over a month since Manila went on lockdown, over 30,000 people were arrested for breaking quarantine restrictions. Cases of police brutality surfaced. Some violators were locked in dog cages while others were made to sit under the sun. The tone from the top guarantees impunity for the state’s security forces. “ Shoot them dead ” was the president’s order for violators, just like the “ permission to kill ” in the drug war.

The result of the president’s rhetoric is the culture of impunity in the police force. Decades-long efforts at institutionalizing democratic control over security forces are being undermined, where a new generation of police officers is socialized to an unaccountable institution where police offers who killed suspects on drug raids were hailed as heroes and rewarded with promotions. A greater role is also accorded to ex-military generals who sit in key sites of power including the task force in charge of pandemic response. The growing power of the military is further legitimized by legislation such as the Anti-Terror Law , which broadens the definition of terrorism and legalizes detention without charge for 14 days. These developments, among others, illustrate the reach of authoritarian practice as far as curtailing prospects for accountability and democratic control of security forces are concerned.

Monitory institutions

Second, authoritarian practices compromise monitory institutions or bodies designed to scrutinize power. Among the earliest signs of monitory institutions’ fragility is the complicity, if not active participation of lawmakers, to the prosecution of opposition Senator Leila De Lima. As former human rights commissioner, De Lima led a Senate investigation into Duterte’s death squads a few months after Duterte assumed the presidency. Sixteen of her fellow senators voted to oust her as chair of the Senate Committee on Human Rights , followed by a series of humiliating investigations that suggested De Lima had taken money from drug lords. De Lima has been in detention for three years based on what appears to be politically-motivated charges.

De Lima’s case is a clear manifestation of authoritarian practice. It constrains accountability by subverting the role of the Senate as a check to executive power. It also constrains voice as De Lima was made an example of how far the state can go in retaliating against critical voices. Following De Lima’s detention is the ouster of Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno, also a former human rights lawyer, justified based on her failure to disclose financial earnings when she was first appointed to the Supreme Court. Threats and humiliation of critical voices extend outside formal political institutions. Other controversial examples include a military general who tagged female celebrities who speak up for human rights as communist sympathisers and threatened they would “ suffer the same fate” as activists killed in military encounters. The cases of Senator De Lima and Chief Justice Sereno serve as a reminder that such threats may be carried out. This sends a strong signal to watchdogs and whistleblowers to think twice about scrutinizing power.

The public sphere

Third, authoritarian practices create a fragile public sphere. The Duterte regime is notorious for its systematic distortion of public discourse. Academic studies as well as investigative reports have uncovered the administration’s mobilization of state-sponsored troll armies, which creates a toxic online environment that punishes dissenting voices. Press freedom in the Philippines is also eroding , as news organizations not only face threats of being shut down but have actually been closed by congressional votes and judicial rulings. As in previous sections, these authoritarian practices are given the green light from Duterte, who labelled journalists as “ presstitutes ” and propagators of fake news. Meanwhile, the Philippines’ protest culture is confronted by pandemic-related restrictions, leading to arrests of activists despite protestors practicing social distancing.

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The fragility of the public sphere, however, is not the sole creation of the Duterte regime. Long before Duterte assumed power, the Philippines already suffered from a patchy track record of press freedom. The Philippines is widely celebrated as having a vibrant media environment and robust commentary culture, especially when compared to its neighbours in Southeast Asia. This reality, however, uncomfortably co-exists with the country’s track record as the deadliest peacetime country for journalists. Similarly, increasing mistrust of news organizations has made the public sphere more vulnerable to disinformation.

One cannot overstate the worry of seeing an increasingly fragile public sphere. The Philippines may not have well-established political parties, but the highly networked and vibrant public sphere has always been a political force in sparking change, whether it was ousting the Marcos dictatorship or calling out the corruption of Presidents Joseph Estrada and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Many observers find it curious that dissent against the Duterte regime has not crystallized to date. At best, protests have been fragmented and fleeting. Could this be an indication of the normalization of authoritarian practices?

There are two ways of answering this question. A pessimistic answer is yes, all these developments signal the normalization of authoritarian practices. The Philippines’ pathway to democratization has long been undermined by political elites’ refusal to institutionalize reforms that strengthen political competition and accountability. President Duterte, one could argue, is simply a beneficiary of clan politics that has long defined electoral democracy in the Philippines. With political families dominating all sectors of government, including Duterte’s own family in Davao City, there is little space for alternative voices — whether in the form of opposition parties, social movements, or civil society groups — to offer credible democratic projects that can withstand the political machinery of political elites that benefit from the Duterte regime.

Democratic expressions and political transformation

On the other hand, a less pessimistic take, is no, the fragmented and fleeting contestation of the Duterte regime does not signal the normalization of authoritarian practices. What it could signal, however, are less spectacular expressions of democratic participation today. This section of this briefing, therefore, places a spotlight on some of these democratic expressions. These, one could argue, are plausible efforts at sustaining democratic action amidst authoritarian practices. Three bright spots are worth paying attention to.

Standout mayors

The first bright spot can be found in local governance. The pandemic has generated attention to standout local mayors whose open and participatory approaches to governance stand in contrast to the Duterte regime’s centralised and militarized approach. Vico Sotto — the thirty-year-old mayor who put an end to the three-decade reign of a political clan in Pasig City — has established a reputation for institutionalizing good governance practices inspired by participatory practices in cities like Naga in the Bicol region. Sotto focused on democratizing government data — from creating Freedom of Information kiosks to soliciting citizen-centred scorecards that monitor and assess the local government’s delivery of public services. He also championed inclusive governance during the pandemic. He granted financial aid to LGBTQ families and converted hotels to quarantine facilities for communities living in poverty. The young mayor is not the first and certainly not the only local chief executive that has embraced the language and practice of inclusive and participatory governance. But what is curious about his governance style is it is pitched not as an opposition to the Duterte regime — indeed the mayor has been cautious in not condemning the Duterte administration — but an alternative way of governing effectively without an iron fist. This is worth spotlighting for it invites observers to notice practices that are not overtly oppositional but nevertheless creates pockets of democratic innovations even in challenging times.

Digital innovations

The second bright spot rests on the emergence of digital governance cultures in the Philippines. The rise of troll armies has been diagnosed as an outcome of a tech-savvy generation left with little choice but to engage in precarious digital labor. The flipside of this development, however, is the rise of a generation confident in proposing technological interventions to complex governance problems. Millennial data scientists have creatively used mobility apps like Waze and Google Maps to track the spread of COVID-19, while others focused on developing a dashboard that allows citizens to monitor government spending during the pandemic. These examples, among others, lend insight into the character of democratic innovations embraced by young Filipinos today. Beyond expression of dissent in social media, the digital public sphere is also made alive by seemingly depoliticized yet nevertheless important behind-the-scenes work that promote open data critical for inclusive governance.

Electoral resilience

Despite the fragility of democratic institutions, one can argue that elections remain as one of the most resilient features of the Philippine democracy.

The third, final, and undoubtedly most obvious avenue for democratic expression are elections. As the Duterte administration’s rule draws to a close in 2022, speculations about “no election” scenarios are being raised, while questions about succession increasingly heat up. Despite the fragility of democratic institutions, one can argue that elections remain as one of the most resilient features of the Philippine democracy. It not only serves a mechanism for peaceful transfer of power but it has, in local culture, been celebrated as a “ ritualized gamble .” Elections, as anthropologists describe, are “hugely popular, are taken seriously, and draw very high participation rates.” It is therefore important to focus attention towards identifying political actors that enhance competitive elections, such as grassroots movements and community leaders that can challenge entrenched political clans. The Philippine legislature continues to be controlled by a handful of families but there are exceptional success stories of so-called “ dragon-slayers ” that challenge the configuration of local power.

Paths for reform

The three avenues of democratic expressions discussed in the previous section send a key message — micropolitical reforms may have limited scope, but they are meaningful in consequence. This briefing concludes by offering three possibilities for scaling up these seemingly mundane yet nevertheless powerful expressions of counter-authoritarian practices.

First, champions of participatory governance at the local level warrant support, but this must go beyond idealizing individual leaders. The success stories discussed above are not singlehanded achievements of heroic politicians, but are built on a cadre of professionalized and committed civil servants who not only have the technical skills to manage day-to-day problems of running local governments but also have the sensibility to listen and engage with the feedback of ordinary citizens. A critical space for reform, therefore, rests on normalizing this ethos of civil service and drawing attention to collective achievements rather than glamorizing individual leaders.

Second, it is critical for the Philippines’ large population of digital natives to serve as main defenders of the digital public sphere. Doing this goes beyond campaigns of digital literacy and education against disinformation. As the previous section suggests, the thriving disinformation industry was a beneficiary of a precarious class of digital workers left with little choice but to work for shady clients. A polluted public sphere cannot be rescued without addressing the political economy of disinformation.

Finally, expanding field for electoral competition remains a challenge for the Philippines. Large-scale efforts at voters’ education remain futile if voters are left with a narrow field of candidates to choose from. The discourse of voter-blaming does little to deepen democratic practice. Advocacies on party building and reform remain relevant today, as well as a more serious recognition of cultural agents that shape citizens’ views on democracy and politics. While celebrities and influencers have been disparaged as insignificant voices in politics, it is worth recognizing that some of the most successful albeit fleeting campaigns against authoritarian practice, especially disinformation, are sustained by supporters of these cultural actors who are key vectors in shaping public conversation.

As authoritarian practices in the Philippines’ national politics continue to unfold, increasing attention is needed to consistent, behind-the-scenes, less spectacular forms of democratic labor. These, as this primer argues, have the power from preventing fragile democratic institutions from completely breaking apart.

Essay on Philippines Issues

Students are often asked to write an essay on Philippines Issues in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Philippines Issues

Introduction.

The Philippines is a beautiful country with friendly people. But like all nations, it has its share of problems. This essay will discuss some of the major issues the Philippines is facing.

Poverty is a big problem in the Philippines. Many people do not have enough money to buy food or pay for basic needs. This is because jobs are hard to find and often do not pay much. The government is trying to help, but progress is slow.

Corruption is another serious issue in the Philippines. Some people in power use their position to take money that should be used for the public. This makes it harder for the government to improve things like schools and hospitals.

Natural Disasters

The Philippines is often hit by natural disasters like typhoons and earthquakes. These can destroy homes and make people’s lives very hard. The government is working on ways to better prepare for these events.

The Philippines is facing many challenges. But the people are strong and hopeful. With time and effort, these issues can be overcome. It’s important for everyone to work together to make the Philippines a better place.

250 Words Essay on Philippines Issues

The problem of poverty.

The Philippines has a big problem with poverty. Many people do not have enough money to buy food or pay for their homes. This is because jobs do not pay enough, and there are not enough jobs for everyone. Also, many people do not have the skills or education they need to get good jobs. This makes it very hard for them to improve their lives.

Environmental Concerns

The Philippines is also facing many environmental issues. One of these is deforestation, where trees are cut down and not replaced. This causes problems for animals and plants, and it also affects the climate. Another problem is pollution, especially in the cities. This is bad for people’s health and it makes the cities dirty and unpleasant places to live.

Political Issues

There are also political issues in the Philippines. Some people are not happy with the government. They say it is not fair or honest. There are often protests and sometimes violence. This makes it hard for the country to move forward and solve its problems.

Healthcare Challenges

Healthcare is another big issue in the Philippines. Many people do not have access to good healthcare. This means they can get very sick and not get the help they need. The government is trying to improve healthcare, but it is a big challenge.

In conclusion, the Philippines is facing many serious issues. These include poverty, environmental problems, political unrest, and healthcare challenges. It is important for everyone to work together to solve these problems and make the Philippines a better place to live.

500 Words Essay on Philippines Issues

The Philippines, a beautiful island nation in Southeast Asia, is known for its stunning beaches and warm people. But like all countries, it faces many challenges. This essay will talk about some of these problems.

One of the biggest problems in the Philippines is poverty. Many people do not have enough money to buy food or pay for their basic needs. This is due to a lack of jobs and low wages. People in rural areas often suffer the most. They rely on farming, but sometimes, the crops fail because of bad weather. This makes it hard for them to earn a living.

Education is another major issue. Many children do not go to school because their families cannot afford it. Also, some schools are very far from where the children live, making it difficult for them to attend. Even when they can go to school, the quality of education is often poor. There are not enough teachers, and the ones that are there are often not well-trained.

Healthcare is also a problem in the Philippines. Many people do not have access to good healthcare. This is because there are not enough hospitals and clinics, especially in rural areas. Also, the cost of healthcare is often too high for poor people to afford. This means that many people do not get the medical help they need when they are sick.

Environment

The environment is another big issue. The Philippines is home to many unique plants and animals, but they are at risk because of pollution and deforestation. People cut down trees to make room for farms and buildings. This destroys the habitats of many animals. Also, waste from factories and homes pollutes the air and water, making it hard for plants and animals to survive.

Corruption is another serious problem. Some people in power use their positions to take money or resources that should go to the public. This makes it hard for the country to solve its other problems. For example, money that could be used to build schools or hospitals is taken by corrupt officials.

In conclusion, the Philippines faces many challenges. These include poverty, lack of education, poor healthcare, environmental damage, and corruption. Solving these problems is not easy. It will take a lot of work and cooperation from everyone in the country. But if people work together, they can make the Philippines a better place for everyone to live.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

Essay on Philippines History
Essay on Philippines Fun
Essay on Philippines Culture

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

Happy studying!

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Debate Proposition and Debate Issues: Philippine Context

DEBATE PROPOSITION necessarily involves an “issue” or that which is the subject of concern or the central topic in a debate. For instance, in the proposition “Resolved that Death Penalty should be legalized,” the debate issue is evidently ‘death penalty’ or ‘capital punishment.’

The following are some of the nationally relevant debate issues. Under each issue, useful discussions are provided to comprehensively introduce the debate topics. In most cases, useful accounts or reasons for and against the issues are enumerated to help the students in drafting arguments and cases for the debates in class or in debate tournaments.

As they are enlightening, the information and arguments provided for each issue may also be used by students in speech or public speaking class. (As a disclaimer, the contentions provided for the various issues are not necessarily the personal beliefs of the author.)

Sex Education

Also called ‘sexuality education’ and ‘sex and relationships education,’ the so-called sex education entails teaching and learning information about sex, sexual identity, relationships, and intimacy.

In the Philippines, sex education is recently one of the most controversial issues. The debate on the issue involves inquiring whether such kind of education could be a suitable solution to pertinent social problems like overpopulation or could only become a ‘black torch’ which would bring curse and immorality to our society particularly to the youth. Discussions on the topic also revolves on whether or not it will really develop young people’s minds so that they would make informed choices about their behaviors, and feel confident and competent about acting on their choices.

Some possible reasons for taking the stand that it is proper to implement sex education in the Philippines are:

1. Awareness.

Sex education will provide more knowledge on the negative and disastrous consequences of engaging in pre-marital sex.

2. Formality.

Academic institutions are far better place to learn things about sex compared to other venues like the various kinds of media like some websites.

3. Enlightenment.

Students at an early age can be enlightened on the harsh realities that can be brought about by sexual activity such as early pregnancy, depression, confusion, abortion, etc.

4. Fine Lining.

Sex education will provide lectures that will provide clear distinction between love and lust.

5. Morality.

Sex education will provide proper understanding of the concept “sex” which is by nature good or moral within proper context.

On the other hand, some reasons which could be submitted for the position that sex education is improper are:

1. Curiosity leads to activity.

Sex education will only stimulate the students’ curiosity on sex. Due to their curiosity, students might be unhesitant to engage in sexually activities.

2. Inappropriate responsibility.

It is improper to delegate the responsibility to teach such kind of education to public or private school teachers. It is part of the basic duties and responsibilities of the parents and of the church.

3. Promiscuity.

Especially that young people are not that mentally matured and responsible yet, sex education could promote indiscriminate sexual relations.

4. Encouragement.

Sex education might encourage the youth, especially those engaged in boyfriend-girlfriend relationships, to engage in pre-marital sex given the fact that the teens today can be sexually active especially when given constant stimulus.

5. Improper timing.

Various proposals mention teaching sex education to students as young as Grade 4 to 6 pupils who are too young to understand the things that should be taught to high school or college students.

Sangguniang Kabataan (SK)

The Youth Council in the Philippines locally termed Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) is the governing body in every chapter of the Youth Federation or Katipunan ng Kabataan .

Each barangay in the Philippines is mandated by law to have its own chapter of the Katipunan ng Kabataan , composed of the youth aging from 15 to 18 years old who reside in their respective barangays for at least 6 months and registered in the Sangguniang Kabataan , or in the official list in the custody of the barangay secretary. It is the local youth program-and-project-implementation partner of the government.

The Sangguniang Kabataan is an off-shoot of the KB or the Kabataang Barangay (Village Youth) which was abolished when the Local Government Code of 1991 was enacted. In the current system, the Katipunan ng Kabataan members elect their officers collectively known as Sangguniang Kabataan which serves as the local youth legislature in the barangay or village.

The main function of the Sangguniang Kabataan is to initiate policies, programs, and projects for the development of youth in their respective political territories. The SK Chairman acts as the Chief Executive of the Sanggunian (Council), while the Kagawad (Councilor), as the legislative council. The Kagawads approve resolutions of the Sanggunian and appropriate the money allotted to the council, a share in the revenue of the Barangay .

There is an ongoing debate on whether or not the Sangguniang Kabataan should be abolished. Some possible reasons to call for its abolition are:

1. SK officers are youths who are (and should be) in school studying. Either they focus on studying well preparing for their future or function well as political leaders, but not both.

2. The SK functions can be absorbed by the Sangguniang Barangay (SB). The state will save a huge amount of money in abolishing the SK.

3. Abolishing SK will remove the youth from the culture of politics which is usually associated with corruption.

4. Young as they are, SK officials are unprepared to discharge their duties. Exposed to older corrupt officials, SK could only be a training ground for corruption.

Some possible reasons to hold that SK should not be abolished, but be somewhat reformed instead, are:

1. The youth should really be represented in the barangay government and SK officers are the best ones to represent them in various government programs and projects.

2. SK projects provide venues to enhance and develop the different skills and abilities of the youth.

3. The Sangguniang Kabataan trains the youth to become good leaders of the community.

4. SK officers are elected by the youth, so their being the voice of the youth in their respective community is the will of the youth.

Also Check Out: Reasoning and Debate: A Handbook and a Textbook by Jensen DG. Mañebog

Nuclear Power in the Philippines

Electric bills among Filipino households have been increasing almost incrementally not necessarily because of increase in energy utilization but because of the increase in charges by electric companies.

Furthermore, many places in the Visayas and Mindanao regions experience electric interruptions due to insufficiency of energy resources. To solve this problem, two congressmen, namely Rep. Mark Cojuangco and Rep. Juan Miguel Arroyo, pushed in 2009 the reestablishment and reopening of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant through House Bill 4631.

The Bataan Nuclear Power Plant was built by the late president Ferdinand Marcos to ease the country’s problem on electric energy sources and to lessen the burden of the Filipinos in paying high cost for electricity. Yet, this billion-worth project was never used, so it did not really become beneficial to the country. Different environmental groups backed up by some politicians opposed and hindered the proposed operation of the power plant.

Many scientific studies prove that nuclear power provides a cheap alternative to fossil fuel sources of electricity. Aside from its economic advantage, its operation is considered the cleanest among the currently known viable energy source. In addition, nuclear power’s safety record is exemplary. Efficient as it is, it is possible to generate a great amount of electrical energy in one single plant. Lastly, this technology, as far our country is concerned, is readily available—it does not have to be build from scratch for it is already there.

On the other hand, some studies state that despite a generally high security standard, accidents can still occur in nuclear power operation. In addition, the problem of radioactive waste is still an unsolved issue. Nuclear power plants as well as the nuclear waste could also be the preferred targets for terrorist attacks or during wars.

Furthermore, the energy source for nuclear energy is Uranium which is a scarce resource. Its supply is estimated to last only for the next 30 to 60 years depending on the actual demand. Lastly, nuclear power plant may harm the environment and may cause contagious diseases to those who will be exposed to its radiation, like what happened in Japan, after the tsunami incident.

Philippine Supreme Court Justices

In the Philippines, the Judiciary is one of the three branches of the government which is co-equal with the Legislative and the Executive. Under the Judiciary branch is the Supreme Court which is the highest court of the country. The court is composed of 14 Associate Justices appointed by the President of the Philippines. The Judiciary is the only branch of the government with officials not elected by the voting citizens but basically appointed instead by the president.

In the near past, the 8-5 votes of the Supreme Court in favor of a temporary restraining order filed by former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo on the watch list order issued by the Department of Justice was so controversial. As they were appointed by her, most of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court then, many say, were part of the elaborate scheme laid down by the past administration to frustrate the efforts of exacting accountability and justice from the Arroyo couple. So, not to taint the dignity of the Supreme Court decisions, among other things, should the Supreme Court Justices be elected and not appointed?

Some usable justifications for the proposal to subject Supreme Court Justices to election are:

1. The proposal will fortify the principle of co-equality among the branches of government. In effect, it will strengthen the power of the Judiciary branch and make it more independent from the Executive counterpart.

2. As should be the case, the Supreme Court Justices will owe their allegiance to the electorates and the nation, not to the president who, in the current system, appoints them.

3. The Supreme Court’s decisions will not be blemished with suspicions (like of being politically influenced) since justices are elected by people and not appointed by a politician.

4. The proposed system will increase people’s trust on the Supreme Court and our Justice system for it is the people themselves who get to choose and elect the justices.

5. Current and past presidents would no longer receive special favors from the land’s highest court.

To dispute the proposition, the following reasons can be offered:

1. In the proposed system, the Justices will have campaign contributors like big personalities, politicians, and companies which may also affect their future decisions in favor of their election sponsors.

2. The system will limit the Justices’ freedom to rule based on what they feel is best because they will have to make decisions that are popular to the voters to keep their “political career.”

3. Conducting an election for Supreme Court Justices means additional expenses to the nation.

4. The proposal will not make the Supreme Court doubt-free. For one thing, the nation’s electoral system is not yet that efficient to produce trustworthy results.

5. Experientially, only the rich and the famous have the capacity to launch a nationwide campaign. So competent but poor candidates have minimal chance of becoming part of the Supreme Court.

Ferdinand Marcos’ Remains

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos, Sr. was the President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. Born on September 11, 1917, he was a lawyer, member of the Philippine House of Representatives (1949–1959), and a member of the Philippine Senate (1959–1965). A Filipino leader, Marcos was the Senate President from 1963–1965.

During his terms as president, he implemented nationwide infrastructure development programs and monumental economic reform. However, his accomplishments were somewhat overshadowed by his authoritarian way of ruling the country after 1972. His administration was marred by charges of massive corruption, nepotism, political repression, and human rights violations.

Marcos died on September 28, 1989 of kidney, heart, and lung ailments. His remains are currently interred inside a refrigerated crypt in his home province, Ilocos Norte. One controversial issue for an academic debate is whether or not his remains should be transferred to Heroes’ Cemetery.

Some possible justifications for the proposal to transfer Marcos’ remains to the Heroes’ Cemetery are:

1. He was a bona fide Filipino soldier, former Philippine president, and he held various other national political positions for a long time. By law, he is thus qualified for the honor to be buried in ‘Libingan ng Mga Bayani.’

2. In terms of accomplishments, he had built more schools, hospitals, and infrastructures than any of his predecessors had done.

3. His declaration of Martial Law had maintained peace and order in the community which paved the way for educational reforms, labor forms, land reforms, and other social services and programs.

4. He promoted ‘crony capitalism’ which redistributed the monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen.

5. He promoted Filipino culture and nationalism through the establishment of Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) in accordance to Executive Order No. 30 s. 1966.

On the other hand, the following claims can be used to oppose the idea of transferring Marcos’ remains to heroes’ cemetery:

1. Marcos’ martial law was the dark, if not the darkest, era in modern Philippine history. Human rights violations were rampant such as the tortures of political prisoners in the hands of Marcos’ military men.

2. As a president, Marcos financed his extravagant projects by borrowing huge amounts of money from international lenders, thereby making the Philippines one of the most indebted countries in Asia.

3. He in effect suspended the writ of habeas corpus, thereby permitting the military to pick up and incarcerate many innocent citizens on trumped-up charges like sedition. More often than not, these people were convicted without trial, and were thus deprived of the due process of law.

4. Marcos’ crony capitalism practically led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Some estimate that Marcos alone stole at least $5 billion from the Filipino treasury.

5. Some allege that there were misuse and misapplication of funds for the construction of the Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films were purportedly exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions.

The K to 12 Basic Education Program in the Philippines

Some claim that just because it is underway does not mean that it is okay. So the debate continues on whether or not the K to 12 Basic Education Program in the Philippines is proper.

The new educational program adds two years to the former 10-year basic education system. The K to 12 program includes Kindergarten, 6 years of elementary education, four (4) years of junior high school (Grades 7 to 10), and two (2) years of senior high school.

The 2010 Department of Education Briefing Report explains that the last two years (Grades 11 and 12) will provide time for the student to consolidate the acquired academic skills and competencies. Basically, the program aims to prepare the basic education graduates for becoming part of the nation’s competent workforce.

The following accounts can be used to refute the appropriateness of K to 12 program in the Philippines:

1. As the proposal is costly, it is impractical for a country that has a relatively low budget for education.

2. Additional years to finish basic education literally mean extra expenses for Filipino families, the majority of which evidently belong to the poor. K to 12 thus just adds up to the burden of parents.

3. The program jut reinforces cheap semi-skilled Filipino labor for foreign markets.

4. The implementation is untimely just as the program itself is unrealistic. Many Filipino educators are not prepared to teach the curriculum and K to 12 will just drive more youths to drop out of school, especially the many poor students.

In contrast, the following points can be used to defend the K to 12 basic education program in the Philippines:

1. In the current program, the incompetence of high school graduates for work, entrepreneurship, and college education is evident. The K to 12 is thus a good opportunity for the nation to produce Filipino youths who will match the academic and skill levels of their counterparts in other countries.

2. Carefully implementing the K to 12 program is enhancing our basic education program in a manner that is not disruptive to the current curriculum and most affordable to the government.

3. The program will provide time for the students to consolidate acquired academic skills and competencies. It is thus a big opportunity for us to produce well experienced, competitive, and international skilled graduates.

4. As the additional two years will decongest the basic education curriculum and provide quality learning, the program will produce graduates who will be at par with other countries which provide more years for basic education.

The Government’s Treatment on Poor Filipinos

The late Philippine President Ramon Magsaysay once said that “He who has less in life must have more in law.” Ideally pro-poor, this principle is appealing to the Filipino mass which generally comprises people in poverty.

Under the Philippine Constitution, the poor citizens should at least be treated equally, if not necessarily favorably. In the Bill of Rights, particularly in Article III Section 1 of the 1987 Constitution, “No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor shall any person be denied the equal protection of laws.“

In Metropolitan areas, the poor are basically seen in the slums which are densely populated, usually filthy parts of cities. Many Filipinos in the areas are too poor to pay for at least decent quarters so instead they choose to build makeshift homes on un-chartered lands. How does the government treat these people and their counterpart in the provinces? Are not the laws and political decisions favoring the rich in the country?

Some usable justifications to propose that the government is favoring the wealthy sector of the nation are:

1. The so-called selective justice is palpable. The poor, without the decent means to defend themselves, have to rot in jail after being charged of committing an offense. On the other hand, the rich, committing the same crime, could enjoy life outside of prison with their brilliant lawyers and money working on their behalf.

2. Despite approved charters and budget for it, there is inadequate housing for the poor and insufficient jobs created by the government for them. Implemented projects basically serve the interest of those in the middle and upper classes.

3. The so-called ‘double standard’ exists in the country’s judicial system. Many cases can be referred to proving that there is a standard for the poor and another for the rich.

4. The poor do not have a voice in many government bodies. It is the rich people who become appointed officials and they have the means either to run for offices or sponsor the election of people who will keep them enjoy their lifestyles.

5. The government fails to have reasonable and humane methods to address ‘illegal settling.’ Some programs even become opportunities for rich people to benefit off the poor—such as the case of politicians and other public officials who illegally subdivide plots which are supposedly awarded to the poor.

Contrariwise, the following are reasons that could be submitted to counter the claim that the Philippine government is favoring the rich.

1. Government-sponsored bills like the RH Bill is pro-poor. It promotes parity favoring the poor families as the bill addresses the severe inequities between the rich and poor as regards reproductive health. According to OurHappySchool.com (“Philippine Government,” 2011), 94% of women in the richest quintile have a skilled attendant at birth compared to only 26% in the poorest. Compared to the poorest families, the richest have three (3) times higher tubal ligation rates—something that partly explains why the wealthy hardly exceed their planned number of children, while the poorest get an extra two (2). The RH law will provide stronger public health services accessible to poor families.

2. Because of the government’s accomplishments in its efforts to promote national growth through good fiscal management, improved investment climate, and programs in human capital (specifically in health and education), the World Bank’s Board of Executive Directors approved some years ago a US$250 million financing for the Philippines. This is a recognition of the Philippine government’s achievement in good governance, growth, and poverty reduction as its programs enable the poor to take advantage of emerging economic opportunities.

3. On June 21, 2011, Benigno “PNoy” Aquino, the Philippine President, signed the ‘Pro-poor Laws’ that include the Mandatory Immunization for Children, a bill allowing the Employment of Female Night Workers, and the Extension of the Lifeline Electricity Rates for the Poor Consumers. The Extension of a Lifeline Rates for Electricity would allow the poor citizens to put more of their resources into feeding themselves, or into saving enough money to pay for their medical needs. Thus, it would allow the poor to focus more of their resources into keeping themselves and their families alive, while also giving them access to electricity. The Mandatory Infants and Children Immunization Act mandate that all children under 5 years old must be given basic immunization against vaccine-preventable diseases. The bill that allows female night workers to get employed would exempt night-working female employees from the Department of Labor and Employment.

4. Quezon City, an example of Local Government Unit (LGU), is currently enforcing the Social Housing Tax Ordinance which imposes an additional 0.5% tax on lands with assessed value exceeding P100,000.00 that shall accrue to a special account under the city government’s general fund over the next five years. District II Councilor Roderick Paulate said that the ordinance was pro-poor and pro-people for the fund would be translated into more public services.

5. In partnership with many private companies, various government agencies sponsor job fairs for the unemployed which are continuously conducted every month. This program gives opportunities for the poor to get a job and be economically successful.

Also Check Out: From Socrates to Mill: An Analysis of Prominent Ethical Theories , also by author Jensen DG. Mañebog

The Philippine National Hero

If we were to choose only one national hero who is best fitting to be regarded as ‘the’ Philippine national hero, who would it be? Though many Filipino reformers and revolutionaries are deemed national heroes, two of them typically stand out: Jose Rizal and Andres Bonifacio.

Jose Rizal (José Protasio Rizal Mercado y Alonso Realonda) was born on June 19, 1861 to a relatively well-off family in a Dominican-owned tenant land in Calamba, Laguna. He lived and died during the Spanish colonial era in the Philippines.

At an early age, Jose had mastered the alphabet and learned to write and read. At age eleven, Rizal attended the Ateneo Municipal de Manila and obtained at age 16 his Bachelor of Arts degree with an average of “excellent”. In the same year (1877), he took Philosophy and Letters at the University of Santo Tomas, while at the same time enrolled in a course in land surveying at the Ateneo. He finished his surveyor’s training in 1877 and passed the licensing exam in May 1878. He enrolled in medicine at the University of Santo Tomas in 1878. On May 3, 1882, he went to Spain and enrolled at the Universidad Central de Madrid. In June of 1884, he received the degree of Licentiate in Medicine at the age of 23. A year later, he completed his course in Philosophy and Letters with the grade of “excellent.” Wanting to cure his mother’s advancing blindness, Rizal went to Paris, Heidelberg, and Berlin to get further knowledge and training in ophthalmology. In Heidelberg, he completed his eye specialization.

Being well-traveled, Rizal was said to have learned 22 languages. He wrote extraordinary poems, contributed nationalistic essays to publications, religiously kept his diary, and corresponded to his friends and relatives. In March 1887, he published in Berlin his first controversial novel, the Noli Me Tangere , which revealed the tyranny and arrogance of the Spanish clergy and officials in the Philippines. To bring to light that the Filipinos had an impressive civilization even long before the Spanish colonization, he annotated and reprinted in Paris Morga’s Successos De Las Islas Filipinas . On September 18, 1891, Rizal’s more militant novel, El Filibusterismo was printed in Ghent.

As leader of patriotic Filipinos, he became one of the leaders of the literary and cultural organization Propaganda Movement , the patriotic society Asociacion La Solidaridad (Solidaridad Association), the temporary social society Kidlat Club , the society of Filipino patriots in Paris Indio Bravo , the mysterious Redencion de los Malayos (Redemption of the Malays), and founded the La Liga Filipina , a civic organization that subsequently gave birth to the Katipunan. In various ways, Rizal asked for radical reforms in the Spanish colonial system and clerical powers in the Philippines and advocated equal rights before the law for Filipinos.

In 1892, he was imprisoned in Fort Santiago from July 6 to July 15 on a trump-up charge that anti-priest leaflets were found in the pillow cases of his sister Lucia who arrived with him from Hong Kong. He was then exiled to Dapitan, an island in Mindanao. While an exile, he engaged in agriculture, fishing, and commerce while operating a hospital and maintaining a school for boys. Moreover, he did scientific researches, collected specimens of rare species, corresponded with scholars abroad, and led construction of water dam and a relief map of Mindanao.

In 1896, Rizal received a permission from the Governor General to become a volunteer military physician in the revolution in Cuba, which was at the time also raged by yellow fever. But the ‘Katipunan’ started the Philippine Revolution in August 1896. The powerful people whose animosity Rizal had provoked took the opportunity to implicate him to the rebellion.

After a trial in a kangaroo court, he was convicted of rebellion and sentenced to death by firing squad at Bagumbayan Field (now Luneta). Not even an Andres Bonifacio or Emilio Aguinaldo had saved him from the executioners’ Remingtons and Mausers. Facing the sky, Rizal died in the serene morning of December 30, 1896. But since then, he has lived perpetually in the hearts and minds of true Filipinos.

On the other hand, Andres Bonifacio (Andres Bonifacio y de Castro) was born on November 30, 1863 and died on May 10, 1897. He was a co-founder and later the ‘ Supremo’ (supreme leader) of the Filipino revolutionary group Katipunan .

Bonifacio was the eldest of five children of Santiago Bonifacio, a tailor who served as a teniente mayor of Tondo, Manila, and Catalina de Castro, a mestiza born of a Spanish father and a Filipino-Chinese mother. When his parents died of sickness, Andres stopped attending school to support his siblings. He made and sold canes and paper fans, crafted posters for commercial firms, worked in the British trading firm ‘Fleming and Company’, later transferred as storehouse worker to the German trading firm ‘Fressell and Company’, and even moonlighted as an actor in moro-moro plays.

Andres was self-educated, having read local and international books in his time. Aside from Spanish and Tagalog, he could speak English, which he learned from the British firm where he worked. Bonifacio had read Jose Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo.

On July 3, 1892, he joined Rizal’s La Liga Filipina , being one of the 20 attendees in the meeting administered by Rizal at the house of Doroteo Ongjunco at Ilaya Street, Tondo, Manila. When Rizal was exiled to Mindanao, Bonifacio and others revived La Liga in Rizal’s absence, recruiting members for it.

Bonifacio and his compatriots officially founded the Katipunan on July 7, 1892 when Rizal was to be deported to Dapitan. Bonifacio, whose pseudonym in the society was ‘May Pag-asa’ ( There is Hope), became Katipunan’s Supremo (supreme leader) in 1895. The Katipunan created its organ, ‘ Kalayaan’ (Freedom) in which Bonifacio wrote several articles like the poem ‘ Pag-ibig sa Tinubúang Lupa’ (Love for One´s Homeland) under the penname ‘ Agapito Bagumbayan’ .

Being the Supremo, Bonifacio supervised a council meeting of Katipunan leaders in Pasig on May 3, 1896. When the council decided to consult first Jose Rizal before launching a revolution, Bonifacio sent Pio Valenzuela to Dapitan. Rizal nonetheless politely refused to sanction the uprising, believing that a revolution would be unsuccessful without arms and monetary support from wealthy Filipinos. He nonetheless advised that if the Katipunan were to start a revolution, it had to ask for the support of rich and educated Filipinos.

Bonifacio led the launching of the Philippine Revolution toward the end of August 1896. Rizal, on the other hand, left for Cuba on September 3, but was later declared as prisoner onboard, and was imprisoned in Monjuich when he reached Spain in October. He was then sent back to the Philippines and imprisoned in Fort Santiago upon his return.

At the onset of December1896, the criminal hearing of Rizal’s case started. When asked about his connections to Katipunan leaders, he denied to the end that he knew Andres Bonifacio (Bantug & Ventura, 1997, p. 141). Rizal was charged, among other things, with being the principal organizer and the living soul of the Filipino insurrection that was launched by Bonifacio’s group.

After Rizal’s martyrdom, Bonifacio wrote the first Tagalog translation of Rizal’s farewell poem (later named ‘Mi Ultimo Adios’) to which he (Bonifacio) gave the title ‘ Pahimakas’ (Farewell).

Together with his brother Procopio, Andres was charged with sedition and treason against Emilio Aguinaldo’s government and conspiracy to murder ‘El Presidente.’ Found guilty by the jury consisted exclusively of Aguinaldo’s men, the Bonifacio brothers were executed on May 10, 1897 in the Maragondon mountains in Cavite.

On February 16, 1921, just twenty five (25) years after the launching of the revolution by the Katipunan, the members of the Philippine Legislature passed Act No. 2496, proclaiming November 30 of every year a legal holiday to commemorate the birth of its Supremo, Andres Bonifacio.

Despite the absence of any official and legal declaration categorically stating them as national heroes, both Rizal and Bonifacio are given the implied recognition of being such for having shown exemplary acts of patriotism and heroic deeds to attain Philippine independence. Both heroes are commemorated annually nationwide on their respective birth day. But, who do you think, between the two, deserves to be considered ‘the’ Philippine national hero?

Check out: Jose Rizal’s Collaborations with Other Heroes by Jensen DG. Mañebog

Read Also: The Interesting Tales of the Jose Rizal Family by Jensen DG. Mañebog

Divorce Bill

The Encarta Dictionary defines ‘divorce’ as “official ending of marriage: an ending of a marriage by an official decision in a court of law” (“Divorce,” 2009). The Wikipedia.org further explains this dissolution of marriage’ as “the termination of a marital union, the canceling of the legal duties and responsibilities of marriage and the dissolving of the bonds of matrimony between a married couple” (“Divorce,” n.d.).

Divorce is not the same with annulment which pronounces the marriage null and void. Though divorce laws substantially vary around the world, divorce typically requires the sanction of an authority (such as a court) and allows each former partner to marry another.

Aside from the Vatican City (a religious state), the only country that does not allow divorce is the Philippines (though an annulment is permitted in the country). In a referendum held on the 28th May 2011, the country Malta voted in favor of divorce legislation, leaving the Philippines and the Vatican City the only sovereign states where divorce is legally forbidden.

Divorce can be a taxing and strenuous experience affecting both parties’ finances, children, living arrangements, health conditions, household jobs, schedules, and the like. It may also involve other issues like that of alimony (spousal support), distribution of property, child custody and support, and division of debt.

ALSO CHECK OUT: Reasoning and Debate: A Handbook and a Textbook by Jensen DG. Mañebog

For STUDENTS : Write your ASSIGNMENT here: Contemporary Issues Comments

Anti-americanism In World Politics: The Philippines

Category: Sociology
Topic: Americanism

Pages: 6 (2639 words)

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Introduction

Firstly, the legal and contractual base of economic, political and military cooperation was created, which allowed the United States to obtain 'major' advantages in the economy of the country on 'legitimate' grounds.
Second, a massive ideological treatment of the Philippine population was carried out to control the political situation in the country and to provide a dependent character of its foreign policy.

Conclusion

References .

Will Duterte End the US-Philippines Military Alliance? : http://thediplomat.com/2016/10/will-duterte-end-the-us-philippine-military-alliance
http://www.legisworks.org/congress/73/publaw-127.pdf
Philippines Turning Away From US to 'Diversified Contacts' With China, Russia: https://sputniknews.com/politics/201610201046548768-philippines-us-russia/
Zolotukhin I.N. The Philippines on the path to 'independent foreign policy' through the prism of relations with the great powers of Pacifiki / I.N. Zolotukhin // Oikumen. - 2017. - No. 3. - P.156 - 171. : http://ojkum.ru/images/articles/2017-3/_2017_3_0042-13.pdf
Levtonov Yu.O. The history of the Philippines. Brief essay / Yu.O. Levtonov - M .: Nauka,. - 2017. - 296 pp. http://thediplomat.com/2016/10/will-duterte-end-the-us-philippine-military-alliance

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