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Case Study – Methods, Examples and Guide

Table of Contents

A case study is a research method that involves an in-depth examination and analysis of a particular phenomenon or case, such as an individual, organization, community, event, or situation.

It is a qualitative research approach that aims to provide a detailed and comprehensive understanding of the case being studied. Case studies typically involve multiple sources of data, including interviews, observations, documents, and artifacts, which are analyzed using various techniques, such as content analysis, thematic analysis, and grounded theory. The findings of a case study are often used to develop theories, inform policy or practice, or generate new research questions.

Types of Case Study

Types and Methods of Case Study are as follows:

Single-Case Study

A single-case study is an in-depth analysis of a single case. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to understand a specific phenomenon in detail.

For Example , A researcher might conduct a single-case study on a particular individual to understand their experiences with a particular health condition or a specific organization to explore their management practices. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of a single-case study are often used to generate new research questions, develop theories, or inform policy or practice.

Multiple-Case Study

A multiple-case study involves the analysis of several cases that are similar in nature. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to identify similarities and differences between the cases.

For Example, a researcher might conduct a multiple-case study on several companies to explore the factors that contribute to their success or failure. The researcher collects data from each case, compares and contrasts the findings, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as comparative analysis or pattern-matching. The findings of a multiple-case study can be used to develop theories, inform policy or practice, or generate new research questions.

Exploratory Case Study

An exploratory case study is used to explore a new or understudied phenomenon. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to generate hypotheses or theories about the phenomenon.

For Example, a researcher might conduct an exploratory case study on a new technology to understand its potential impact on society. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as grounded theory or content analysis. The findings of an exploratory case study can be used to generate new research questions, develop theories, or inform policy or practice.

Descriptive Case Study

A descriptive case study is used to describe a particular phenomenon in detail. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to provide a comprehensive account of the phenomenon.

For Example, a researcher might conduct a descriptive case study on a particular community to understand its social and economic characteristics. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of a descriptive case study can be used to inform policy or practice or generate new research questions.

Instrumental Case Study

An instrumental case study is used to understand a particular phenomenon that is instrumental in achieving a particular goal. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to understand the role of the phenomenon in achieving the goal.

For Example, a researcher might conduct an instrumental case study on a particular policy to understand its impact on achieving a particular goal, such as reducing poverty. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of an instrumental case study can be used to inform policy or practice or generate new research questions.

Case Study Data Collection Methods

Here are some common data collection methods for case studies:

Interviews involve asking questions to individuals who have knowledge or experience relevant to the case study. Interviews can be structured (where the same questions are asked to all participants) or unstructured (where the interviewer follows up on the responses with further questions). Interviews can be conducted in person, over the phone, or through video conferencing.

Observations

Observations involve watching and recording the behavior and activities of individuals or groups relevant to the case study. Observations can be participant (where the researcher actively participates in the activities) or non-participant (where the researcher observes from a distance). Observations can be recorded using notes, audio or video recordings, or photographs.

Documents can be used as a source of information for case studies. Documents can include reports, memos, emails, letters, and other written materials related to the case study. Documents can be collected from the case study participants or from public sources.

Surveys involve asking a set of questions to a sample of individuals relevant to the case study. Surveys can be administered in person, over the phone, through mail or email, or online. Surveys can be used to gather information on attitudes, opinions, or behaviors related to the case study.

Artifacts are physical objects relevant to the case study. Artifacts can include tools, equipment, products, or other objects that provide insights into the case study phenomenon.

How to conduct Case Study Research

Conducting a case study research involves several steps that need to be followed to ensure the quality and rigor of the study. Here are the steps to conduct case study research:

• Define the research questions: The first step in conducting a case study research is to define the research questions. The research questions should be specific, measurable, and relevant to the case study phenomenon under investigation.
• Select the case: The next step is to select the case or cases to be studied. The case should be relevant to the research questions and should provide rich and diverse data that can be used to answer the research questions.
• Collect data: Data can be collected using various methods, such as interviews, observations, documents, surveys, and artifacts. The data collection method should be selected based on the research questions and the nature of the case study phenomenon.
• Analyze the data: The data collected from the case study should be analyzed using various techniques, such as content analysis, thematic analysis, or grounded theory. The analysis should be guided by the research questions and should aim to provide insights and conclusions relevant to the research questions.
• Draw conclusions: The conclusions drawn from the case study should be based on the data analysis and should be relevant to the research questions. The conclusions should be supported by evidence and should be clearly stated.
• Validate the findings: The findings of the case study should be validated by reviewing the data and the analysis with participants or other experts in the field. This helps to ensure the validity and reliability of the findings.
• Write the report: The final step is to write the report of the case study research. The report should provide a clear description of the case study phenomenon, the research questions, the data collection methods, the data analysis, the findings, and the conclusions. The report should be written in a clear and concise manner and should follow the guidelines for academic writing.

Examples of Case Study

Here are some examples of case study research:

• The Hawthorne Studies : Conducted between 1924 and 1932, the Hawthorne Studies were a series of case studies conducted by Elton Mayo and his colleagues to examine the impact of work environment on employee productivity. The studies were conducted at the Hawthorne Works plant of the Western Electric Company in Chicago and included interviews, observations, and experiments.
• The Stanford Prison Experiment: Conducted in 1971, the Stanford Prison Experiment was a case study conducted by Philip Zimbardo to examine the psychological effects of power and authority. The study involved simulating a prison environment and assigning participants to the role of guards or prisoners. The study was controversial due to the ethical issues it raised.
• The Challenger Disaster: The Challenger Disaster was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the Space Shuttle Challenger explosion in 1986. The study included interviews, observations, and analysis of data to identify the technical, organizational, and cultural factors that contributed to the disaster.
• The Enron Scandal: The Enron Scandal was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the Enron Corporation’s bankruptcy in 2001. The study included interviews, analysis of financial data, and review of documents to identify the accounting practices, corporate culture, and ethical issues that led to the company’s downfall.
• The Fukushima Nuclear Disaster : The Fukushima Nuclear Disaster was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the nuclear accident that occurred at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant in Japan in 2011. The study included interviews, analysis of data, and review of documents to identify the technical, organizational, and cultural factors that contributed to the disaster.

Application of Case Study

Case studies have a wide range of applications across various fields and industries. Here are some examples:

Business and Management

Case studies are widely used in business and management to examine real-life situations and develop problem-solving skills. Case studies can help students and professionals to develop a deep understanding of business concepts, theories, and best practices.

Case studies are used in healthcare to examine patient care, treatment options, and outcomes. Case studies can help healthcare professionals to develop critical thinking skills, diagnose complex medical conditions, and develop effective treatment plans.

Case studies are used in education to examine teaching and learning practices. Case studies can help educators to develop effective teaching strategies, evaluate student progress, and identify areas for improvement.

Social Sciences

Case studies are widely used in social sciences to examine human behavior, social phenomena, and cultural practices. Case studies can help researchers to develop theories, test hypotheses, and gain insights into complex social issues.

Law and Ethics

Case studies are used in law and ethics to examine legal and ethical dilemmas. Case studies can help lawyers, policymakers, and ethical professionals to develop critical thinking skills, analyze complex cases, and make informed decisions.

Purpose of Case Study

The purpose of a case study is to provide a detailed analysis of a specific phenomenon, issue, or problem in its real-life context. A case study is a qualitative research method that involves the in-depth exploration and analysis of a particular case, which can be an individual, group, organization, event, or community.

The primary purpose of a case study is to generate a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the case, including its history, context, and dynamics. Case studies can help researchers to identify and examine the underlying factors, processes, and mechanisms that contribute to the case and its outcomes. This can help to develop a more accurate and detailed understanding of the case, which can inform future research, practice, or policy.

Case studies can also serve other purposes, including:

• Illustrating a theory or concept: Case studies can be used to illustrate and explain theoretical concepts and frameworks, providing concrete examples of how they can be applied in real-life situations.
• Developing hypotheses: Case studies can help to generate hypotheses about the causal relationships between different factors and outcomes, which can be tested through further research.
• Providing insight into complex issues: Case studies can provide insights into complex and multifaceted issues, which may be difficult to understand through other research methods.
• Informing practice or policy: Case studies can be used to inform practice or policy by identifying best practices, lessons learned, or areas for improvement.

Advantages of Case Study Research

There are several advantages of case study research, including:

• In-depth exploration: Case study research allows for a detailed exploration and analysis of a specific phenomenon, issue, or problem in its real-life context. This can provide a comprehensive understanding of the case and its dynamics, which may not be possible through other research methods.
• Rich data: Case study research can generate rich and detailed data, including qualitative data such as interviews, observations, and documents. This can provide a nuanced understanding of the case and its complexity.
• Holistic perspective: Case study research allows for a holistic perspective of the case, taking into account the various factors, processes, and mechanisms that contribute to the case and its outcomes. This can help to develop a more accurate and comprehensive understanding of the case.
• Theory development: Case study research can help to develop and refine theories and concepts by providing empirical evidence and concrete examples of how they can be applied in real-life situations.
• Practical application: Case study research can inform practice or policy by identifying best practices, lessons learned, or areas for improvement.
• Contextualization: Case study research takes into account the specific context in which the case is situated, which can help to understand how the case is influenced by the social, cultural, and historical factors of its environment.

Limitations of Case Study Research

There are several limitations of case study research, including:

• Limited generalizability : Case studies are typically focused on a single case or a small number of cases, which limits the generalizability of the findings. The unique characteristics of the case may not be applicable to other contexts or populations, which may limit the external validity of the research.
• Biased sampling: Case studies may rely on purposive or convenience sampling, which can introduce bias into the sample selection process. This may limit the representativeness of the sample and the generalizability of the findings.
• Subjectivity: Case studies rely on the interpretation of the researcher, which can introduce subjectivity into the analysis. The researcher’s own biases, assumptions, and perspectives may influence the findings, which may limit the objectivity of the research.
• Limited control: Case studies are typically conducted in naturalistic settings, which limits the control that the researcher has over the environment and the variables being studied. This may limit the ability to establish causal relationships between variables.
• Time-consuming: Case studies can be time-consuming to conduct, as they typically involve a detailed exploration and analysis of a specific case. This may limit the feasibility of conducting multiple case studies or conducting case studies in a timely manner.
• Resource-intensive: Case studies may require significant resources, including time, funding, and expertise. This may limit the ability of researchers to conduct case studies in resource-constrained settings.

About the author

Muhammad Hassan

Researcher, Academic Writer, Web developer

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Case Study Research Method in Psychology

Saul Mcleod, PhD

Editor-in-Chief for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

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Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MSc Psychology of Education

Olivia Guy-Evans is a writer and associate editor for Simply Psychology. She has previously worked in healthcare and educational sectors.

On This Page:

Case studies are in-depth investigations of a person, group, event, or community. Typically, data is gathered from various sources using several methods (e.g., observations & interviews).

The case study research method originated in clinical medicine (the case history, i.e., the patient’s personal history). In psychology, case studies are often confined to the study of a particular individual.

The information is mainly biographical and relates to events in the individual’s past (i.e., retrospective), as well as to significant events that are currently occurring in his or her everyday life.

The case study is not a research method, but researchers select methods of data collection and analysis that will generate material suitable for case studies.

Freud (1909a, 1909b) conducted very detailed investigations into the private lives of his patients in an attempt to both understand and help them overcome their illnesses.

This makes it clear that the case study is a method that should only be used by a psychologist, therapist, or psychiatrist, i.e., someone with a professional qualification.

There is an ethical issue of competence. Only someone qualified to diagnose and treat a person can conduct a formal case study relating to atypical (i.e., abnormal) behavior or atypical development.

 Famous Case Studies

• Anna O – One of the most famous case studies, documenting psychoanalyst Josef Breuer’s treatment of “Anna O” (real name Bertha Pappenheim) for hysteria in the late 1800s using early psychoanalytic theory.
• Little Hans – A child psychoanalysis case study published by Sigmund Freud in 1909 analyzing his five-year-old patient Herbert Graf’s house phobia as related to the Oedipus complex.
• Bruce/Brenda – Gender identity case of the boy (Bruce) whose botched circumcision led psychologist John Money to advise gender reassignment and raise him as a girl (Brenda) in the 1960s.
• Genie Wiley – Linguistics/psychological development case of the victim of extreme isolation abuse who was studied in 1970s California for effects of early language deprivation on acquiring speech later in life.
• Phineas Gage – One of the most famous neuropsychology case studies analyzes personality changes in railroad worker Phineas Gage after an 1848 brain injury involving a tamping iron piercing his skull.

Clinical Case Studies

• Studying the effectiveness of psychotherapy approaches with an individual patient
• Assessing and treating mental illnesses like depression, anxiety disorders, PTSD
• Neuropsychological cases investigating brain injuries or disorders

Child Psychology Case Studies

• Studying psychological development from birth through adolescence
• Cases of learning disabilities, autism spectrum disorders, ADHD
• Effects of trauma, abuse, deprivation on development

Types of Case Studies

• Explanatory case studies : Used to explore causation in order to find underlying principles. Helpful for doing qualitative analysis to explain presumed causal links.
• Exploratory case studies : Used to explore situations where an intervention being evaluated has no clear set of outcomes. It helps define questions and hypotheses for future research.
• Descriptive case studies : Describe an intervention or phenomenon and the real-life context in which it occurred. It is helpful for illustrating certain topics within an evaluation.
• Multiple-case studies : Used to explore differences between cases and replicate findings across cases. Helpful for comparing and contrasting specific cases.
• Intrinsic : Used to gain a better understanding of a particular case. Helpful for capturing the complexity of a single case.
• Collective : Used to explore a general phenomenon using multiple case studies. Helpful for jointly studying a group of cases in order to inquire into the phenomenon.

Where Do You Find Data for a Case Study?

There are several places to find data for a case study. The key is to gather data from multiple sources to get a complete picture of the case and corroborate facts or findings through triangulation of evidence. Most of this information is likely qualitative (i.e., verbal description rather than measurement), but the psychologist might also collect numerical data.

1. Primary sources

• Interviews – Interviewing key people related to the case to get their perspectives and insights. The interview is an extremely effective procedure for obtaining information about an individual, and it may be used to collect comments from the person’s friends, parents, employer, workmates, and others who have a good knowledge of the person, as well as to obtain facts from the person him or herself.
• Observations – Observing behaviors, interactions, processes, etc., related to the case as they unfold in real-time.
• Documents & Records – Reviewing private documents, diaries, public records, correspondence, meeting minutes, etc., relevant to the case.

2. Secondary sources

• News/Media – News coverage of events related to the case study.
• Academic articles – Journal articles, dissertations etc. that discuss the case.
• Government reports – Official data and records related to the case context.
• Books/films – Books, documentaries or films discussing the case.

3. Archival records

Searching historical archives, museum collections and databases to find relevant documents, visual/audio records related to the case history and context.

Public archives like newspapers, organizational records, photographic collections could all include potentially relevant pieces of information to shed light on attitudes, cultural perspectives, common practices and historical contexts related to psychology.

4. Organizational records

Organizational records offer the advantage of often having large datasets collected over time that can reveal or confirm psychological insights.

Of course, privacy and ethical concerns regarding confidential data must be navigated carefully.

However, with proper protocols, organizational records can provide invaluable context and empirical depth to qualitative case studies exploring the intersection of psychology and organizations.

• Organizational/industrial psychology research : Organizational records like employee surveys, turnover/retention data, policies, incident reports etc. may provide insight into topics like job satisfaction, workplace culture and dynamics, leadership issues, employee behaviors etc.
• Clinical psychology : Therapists/hospitals may grant access to anonymized medical records to study aspects like assessments, diagnoses, treatment plans etc. This could shed light on clinical practices.
• School psychology : Studies could utilize anonymized student records like test scores, grades, disciplinary issues, and counseling referrals to study child development, learning barriers, effectiveness of support programs, and more.

How do I Write a Case Study in Psychology?

Follow specified case study guidelines provided by a journal or your psychology tutor. General components of clinical case studies include: background, symptoms, assessments, diagnosis, treatment, and outcomes. Interpreting the information means the researcher decides what to include or leave out. A good case study should always clarify which information is the factual description and which is an inference or the researcher’s opinion.

1. Introduction

• Provide background on the case context and why it is of interest, presenting background information like demographics, relevant history, and presenting problem.
• Compare briefly to similar published cases if applicable. Clearly state the focus/importance of the case.

2. Case Presentation

• Describe the presenting problem in detail, including symptoms, duration,and impact on daily life.
• Include client demographics like age and gender, information about social relationships, and mental health history.
• Describe all physical, emotional, and/or sensory symptoms reported by the client.
• Use patient quotes to describe the initial complaint verbatim. Follow with full-sentence summaries of relevant history details gathered, including key components that led to a working diagnosis.
• Summarize clinical exam results, namely orthopedic/neurological tests, imaging, lab tests, etc. Note actual results rather than subjective conclusions. Provide images if clearly reproducible/anonymized.
• Clearly state the working diagnosis or clinical impression before transitioning to management.

3. Management and Outcome

• Indicate the total duration of care and number of treatments given over what timeframe. Use specific names/descriptions for any therapies/interventions applied.
• Present the results of the intervention,including any quantitative or qualitative data collected.
• For outcomes, utilize visual analog scales for pain, medication usage logs, etc., if possible. Include patient self-reports of improvement/worsening of symptoms. Note the reason for discharge/end of care.

4. Discussion

• Analyze the case, exploring contributing factors, limitations of the study, and connections to existing research.
• Analyze the effectiveness of the intervention,considering factors like participant adherence, limitations of the study, and potential alternative explanations for the results.
• Identify any questions raised in the case analysis and relate insights to established theories and current research if applicable. Avoid definitive claims about physiological explanations.
• Offer clinical implications, and suggest future research directions.

5. Additional Items

• Thank specific assistants for writing support only. No patient acknowledgments.
• References should directly support any key claims or quotes included.
• Use tables/figures/images only if substantially informative. Include permissions and legends/explanatory notes.
• Provides detailed (rich qualitative) information.
• Provides insight for further research.
• Permitting investigation of otherwise impractical (or unethical) situations.

Case studies allow a researcher to investigate a topic in far more detail than might be possible if they were trying to deal with a large number of research participants (nomothetic approach) with the aim of ‘averaging’.

Because of their in-depth, multi-sided approach, case studies often shed light on aspects of human thinking and behavior that would be unethical or impractical to study in other ways.

Research that only looks into the measurable aspects of human behavior is not likely to give us insights into the subjective dimension of experience, which is important to psychoanalytic and humanistic psychologists.

Case studies are often used in exploratory research. They can help us generate new ideas (that might be tested by other methods). They are an important way of illustrating theories and can help show how different aspects of a person’s life are related to each other.

The method is, therefore, important for psychologists who adopt a holistic point of view (i.e., humanistic psychologists ).

Limitations

• Lacking scientific rigor and providing little basis for generalization of results to the wider population.
• Researchers’ own subjective feelings may influence the case study (researcher bias).
• Difficult to replicate.
• Time-consuming and expensive.
• The volume of data, together with the time restrictions in place, impacted the depth of analysis that was possible within the available resources.

Because a case study deals with only one person/event/group, we can never be sure if the case study investigated is representative of the wider body of “similar” instances. This means the conclusions drawn from a particular case may not be transferable to other settings.

Because case studies are based on the analysis of qualitative (i.e., descriptive) data , a lot depends on the psychologist’s interpretation of the information she has acquired.

This means that there is a lot of scope for Anna O , and it could be that the subjective opinions of the psychologist intrude in the assessment of what the data means.

For example, Freud has been criticized for producing case studies in which the information was sometimes distorted to fit particular behavioral theories (e.g., Little Hans ).

This is also true of Money’s interpretation of the Bruce/Brenda case study (Diamond, 1997) when he ignored evidence that went against his theory.

Breuer, J., & Freud, S. (1895).  Studies on hysteria . Standard Edition 2: London.

Curtiss, S. (1981). Genie: The case of a modern wild child .

Diamond, M., & Sigmundson, K. (1997). Sex Reassignment at Birth: Long-term Review and Clinical Implications. Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine , 151(3), 298-304

Freud, S. (1909a). Analysis of a phobia of a five year old boy. In The Pelican Freud Library (1977), Vol 8, Case Histories 1, pages 169-306

Freud, S. (1909b). Bemerkungen über einen Fall von Zwangsneurose (Der “Rattenmann”). Jb. psychoanal. psychopathol. Forsch ., I, p. 357-421; GW, VII, p. 379-463; Notes upon a case of obsessional neurosis, SE , 10: 151-318.

Harlow J. M. (1848). Passage of an iron rod through the head.  Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 39 , 389–393.

Harlow, J. M. (1868).  Recovery from the Passage of an Iron Bar through the Head .  Publications of the Massachusetts Medical Society. 2  (3), 327-347.

Money, J., & Ehrhardt, A. A. (1972).  Man & Woman, Boy & Girl : The Differentiation and Dimorphism of Gender Identity from Conception to Maturity. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Money, J., & Tucker, P. (1975). Sexual signatures: On being a man or a woman.

Further Information

• Case Study Approach
• Case Study Method
• Enhancing the Quality of Case Studies in Health Services Research
• “We do things together” A case study of “couplehood” in dementia
• Using mixed methods for evaluating an integrative approach to cancer care: a case study

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• Case Study | Definition, Examples & Methods

Case Study | Definition, Examples & Methods

Published on 5 May 2022 by Shona McCombes . Revised on 30 January 2023.

A case study is a detailed study of a specific subject, such as a person, group, place, event, organisation, or phenomenon. Case studies are commonly used in social, educational, clinical, and business research.

A case study research design usually involves qualitative methods , but quantitative methods are sometimes also used. Case studies are good for describing , comparing, evaluating, and understanding different aspects of a research problem .

Table of contents

When to do a case study, step 1: select a case, step 2: build a theoretical framework, step 3: collect your data, step 4: describe and analyse the case.

A case study is an appropriate research design when you want to gain concrete, contextual, in-depth knowledge about a specific real-world subject. It allows you to explore the key characteristics, meanings, and implications of the case.

Case studies are often a good choice in a thesis or dissertation . They keep your project focused and manageable when you don’t have the time or resources to do large-scale research.

You might use just one complex case study where you explore a single subject in depth, or conduct multiple case studies to compare and illuminate different aspects of your research problem.

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Once you have developed your problem statement and research questions , you should be ready to choose the specific case that you want to focus on. A good case study should have the potential to:

• Provide new or unexpected insights into the subject
• Challenge or complicate existing assumptions and theories
• Propose practical courses of action to resolve a problem
• Open up new directions for future research

Unlike quantitative or experimental research, a strong case study does not require a random or representative sample. In fact, case studies often deliberately focus on unusual, neglected, or outlying cases which may shed new light on the research problem.

If you find yourself aiming to simultaneously investigate and solve an issue, consider conducting action research . As its name suggests, action research conducts research and takes action at the same time, and is highly iterative and flexible. 

However, you can also choose a more common or representative case to exemplify a particular category, experience, or phenomenon.

While case studies focus more on concrete details than general theories, they should usually have some connection with theory in the field. This way the case study is not just an isolated description, but is integrated into existing knowledge about the topic. It might aim to:

• Exemplify a theory by showing how it explains the case under investigation
• Expand on a theory by uncovering new concepts and ideas that need to be incorporated
• Challenge a theory by exploring an outlier case that doesn’t fit with established assumptions

To ensure that your analysis of the case has a solid academic grounding, you should conduct a literature review of sources related to the topic and develop a theoretical framework . This means identifying key concepts and theories to guide your analysis and interpretation.

There are many different research methods you can use to collect data on your subject. Case studies tend to focus on qualitative data using methods such as interviews, observations, and analysis of primary and secondary sources (e.g., newspaper articles, photographs, official records). Sometimes a case study will also collect quantitative data .

The aim is to gain as thorough an understanding as possible of the case and its context.

In writing up the case study, you need to bring together all the relevant aspects to give as complete a picture as possible of the subject.

How you report your findings depends on the type of research you are doing. Some case studies are structured like a standard scientific paper or thesis, with separate sections or chapters for the methods , results , and discussion .

Others are written in a more narrative style, aiming to explore the case from various angles and analyse its meanings and implications (for example, by using textual analysis or discourse analysis ).

In all cases, though, make sure to give contextual details about the case, connect it back to the literature and theory, and discuss how it fits into wider patterns or debates.

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• Research article
• Open access
• Published: 12 April 2018

Understanding community-based participatory research through a social movement framework: a case study of the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project

• Marie-Claude Tremblay   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4965-2515 1 ,
• Debbie H. Martin 2 ,
• Alex M. McComber 3 , 4 ,
• Amelia McGregor 3 &
• Ann C. Macaulay 4  

BMC Public Health volume  18 , Article number:  487 ( 2018 ) Cite this article

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A longstanding challenge of community-based participatory research (CBPR) has been to anchor evaluation and practice in a relevant theoretical framework of community change, which articulates specific and concrete evaluative benchmarks. Social movement theories provide a broad range of theoretical tools to understand and facilitate social change processes, such as those involved in CBPR. Social movement theories have the potential to provide a coherent representation of how mobilization and collective action is gradually developed and leads to systemic change in the context of CBPR. The current study builds on a social movement perspective to assess the processes and intermediate outcomes of a longstanding health promotion CBPR project with an Indigenous community, the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project (KDSPP).

This research uses a case study design layered on a movement-building evaluation framework, which allows progress to be tracked over time. Data collection strategies included document (scientific and organizational) review ( n  = 51) and talking circles with four important community stakeholder groups ( n  = 24).

Findings provide an innovative and chronological perspective of the evolution of KSDPP as seen through a social movement lens, and identify intermediate outcomes associated with different dimensions of movement building achieved by the project over time (mobilization, leadership, vision and frames, alliance and partnerships, as well as advocacy and action strategies). It also points to areas of improvement for KSDPP in building its potential for action.

While this study’s results are directly relevant and applicable to the local context of KSDPP, they also highlight useful lessons and conclusions for the planning and evaluation of other long-standing and sustainable CBPR initiatives. The conceptual framework provides meaningful benchmarks to track evidence of progress in the context of CBPR. Findings from the study offer new ways of thinking about the evaluation of CBPR projects and their progress by drawing on frameworks that guide other forms of collective action.

Peer Review reports

Community-based participatory research (CBPR) is an approach to research that involves collective, reflective and systematic inquiry in which researchers and community stakeholders engage as equal partners in all steps of the research process with the goals of educating, improving practice or bringing about social change [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. At its core, CBPR questions the power relationships that are inherently embedded in Western knowledge production, advocates for power to be shared between the researcher and the researched, acknowledges the legitimacy of experiential knowledge, and focuses on research aimed at improving situations and practices [ 3 ]. This approach to research is recognized as particularly useful when working with populations that experience marginalization – as is the case for some Indigenous communities—because it supports the establishment of respectful relationships with these groups, and the sharing of control over individual and group health and social conditions [ 3 , 4 ].

A longstanding challenge of CBPR has been to anchor evaluation and practice in a relevant and comprehensive theoretical framework of community change [ 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 ]. Given the complex causal web linking CBPR projects to specific health outcomes, traditional measurement strategies may neither be sensitive enough nor adequate to assess change and document successes or failure at the community level [ 6 , 9 , 10 ]. In addition, our understanding of the processes that link community-based collaborative action to changes in systemic determinants of health outcomes is still limited [ 6 , 8 ]. To date, most evaluative frameworks of CBPR have focused on the internal characteristics of coalitions and partnerships [ 7 , 11 ], provided general guidance on implementation steps [ 8 , 12 ] or used logic models to map out desired outcome categories [ 13 ]. There is a need to articulate specific, concrete and sequential evaluation benchmarks for CBPR in a detailed and theoretically consistent framework [ 6 ].

Social movements, generally viewed as large group actions that promote social change [ 14 , 15 ], share a set of common features with CBPR, such as aiming to reverse unequal relations of power by creating broad social, policy and systemic changes [ 4 , 16 , 17 ]. The field of social movement research has produced a vast array of theoretical approaches, providing substantial theoretical tools to understand and facilitate collective action and social change [ 14 , 15 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 ]. While many fields of research and action aimed at social betterment have been inspired by social movements [ 10 , 22 , 23 ], to our knowledge social movement theories have never been explicitly used to inform and better understand CBPR processes. We believe these theories can provide a coherent representation of how mobilization and collective action is gradually developed and leads to systemic change in the context of CBPR.

As a first step in assessing the relevance of social movement theories to understanding CBPR, we conducted a framework synthesis of illustrative CBPR projects (8) using a multidimensional social movement theory-based framework [ 24 ]. This synthesis, presented elsewhere [ 24 ], resulted in the development of a multidimensional framework through which to conceive and map community change processes in the context of CBPR. In addition, our synthesis demonstrated the relevance of using modern social movement theories, such as resource mobilization theory [ 15 , 20 , 25 , 26 ], political process theory [ 14 , 20 , 21 , 27 ] and framing theory [ 14 , 28 , 29 , 30 ], to understand and examine CBPR processes. More specifically, it demonstrated that CBPR projects, like social movements, can be envisioned as collective processes evolving dynamically and iteratively through a four-stage lifecycle: (1) emergence, (2) coalescence, (3) momentum, (4) maintenance, consolidation, integration or decline. Key elements of this four-stage process include capitalizing on resources, opportunities, and building partnership and collaboration among different organizations and entities. Just like a social movement, CBPR also makes strategic use of collective framing processes to define a representation of a social problem (cause), mobilize around the cause as well as to define a collective action strategy leading to system changes addressing the problem [ 24 ]. Here, we draw on the conclusions of our previous work to design and evaluate a specific CBPR project.

Purpose of the study

The goal of the current study is to assess the community-level processes and intermediate outcomes of a longstanding CBPR initiative developed with an Indigenous community, the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project (KSDPP), using a social movement theory perspective. More specifically, this research builds on a movement-building evaluation framework to assess the general process underlying KSDPP as well as intermediate outcomes related to core movement-building concepts. In keeping with the purpose of most evaluative research, this study aims to provide results that are directly relevant and applicable to KSDPP, but also to highlight useful lessons for CBPR planning and evaluation more broadly.

Conceptual framework

There are a range of evaluative frameworks and benchmarks used to assess social movement building, advocacy efforts and policy-change action [ 31 , 32 , 33 ]. Amongst them, Master and Osborn’s [ 31 ] comprehensive framework, which builds on a literature review of outcomes associated with social change, is particularly relevant for this study. Whereas many existing evaluative frameworks only provide end-of-project benchmarks, Master and Osborn’s framework provides a general perspective of how social movements can be conceived and allows for an meaningful exploration of movements’ development over time. This framework appeared particularly relevant to synthesize the most important concepts of social change.

Master and Osborn’s framework incorporates intermediate outcomes of five core components of movement building: base building and mobilization, leadership, vision, alliances, and advocacy infrastructure (Table  1 ). Each of these five components develop across four stages of movement building, facilitating a comprehensive and dynamic portrayal and assessment of a movement’s evolution over time. This comprehensive array of intermediate outcomes at different stages of a collective action process (distinct from impact outcomes related to a movement’s activities) are useful in the assessment of the development of a CBPR project over time.

The Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project

Kahnawake is a north-eastern Kanien’kehá:ka (Mohawk) community of 7859 residents (2017) that is situated on the south shore of the St. Lawrence River, 10 miles from downtown Montreal (Quebec, Canada). The Kanien’kehá:ka are part of the Haudenosaunee, or “People of the Longhouse”, historically known as the Five Nations, or Six Nations Iroquois Confederacy. Traditional and cultural Haudenosaunee values emphasize collective thinking, shared responsibility, listening, taking into account the impact of current decisions on future generations, consensus decision-making, as well as a wholistic view of health, all of which provide a fertile ground for developing a CBPR project [ 34 ]. As a community, Kahnawake has demonstrated independence and autonomy in many domains, resulting in decentralization in the provision of a number of community services such as education, health, youth recreation programs for youth, and social services.

Despite this history of strength and independence, Kahnawake has been transformed by Western colonization, which has created social conditions that promote poorer food and lifestyle choices [ 35 ]. In 1985, two family physicians working in Kahnawake perceived high rates of Type 2 diabetes, and conducted a study to assess the prevalence of this condition in the community. Findings from the study showed that 12% of adults aged 45–64 had Type 2 diabetes, which was twice the rate of the general population [ 36 ]. Study findings also showed a high prevalence of diabetes related complications [ 37 , 38 ]. Based on these results, the physicians made a series of community presentations that raised awareness about diabetes, and shifted perceptions relating to the preventability of this disease [ 39 ]. Acting on this new awareness, community leaders mobilized and sought the expertise of academic researchers to develop a diabetes prevention program which became the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project (KSDPP), a CBPR project with a high degree of community involvement and ownership [ 40 , 41 , 42 ].

KSDPP aims to change the physical environment and social norms of the schools and community by promoting healthy eating and regular physical activity not only among children, but also parents, teachers, and all community members [ 43 , 44 ]. The project initially developed around a school-based component bolstered by community outreach interventions. The school-based component originally consisted of a health education curriculum delivered by teachers in Kahnawake elementary schools and a nutrition policy promoting healthy food choices at school. This policy was later expanded to include the promotion of physical activity and a whole range of healthy lifestyle activities. Community interventions include a variety of activities, many conducted in partnership with community organisations. The central goals of the community interventions are to create environments that support behavior change through activities tailored for parents, grand-parents and other community members [ 34 , 43 ]. While the program of activities is anchored in evidence-based theories of behavior and community change, the core of KSDPP’s actions are based on Kanien’kehá:ka values and traditions, and a wholistic view of health which incorporates the physical, emotional, mental and spiritual dimensions of life, true to a Haudenosaunee perspective of well-being [ 34 , 45 ]. For instance, the intervention’s primary target is elementary school children, which is consistent with the Kanien’kehá:ka value of taking responsibility to protect and promote the health of present and future generations (Seven Generations) [ 43 ]. The general approach of building supportive environments for health is in line with the Kanien’kehá:ka wholistic approach to education which takes into account the broader environment in which children develop [ 46 ]. In addition, KSDPP’s style of governance is deeply rooted in Kanien’kehá:ka values, which involve consensus in decision-making and a collective vision for the community [ 43 ].

Since the project’s inception, many studies have attempted to evaluate the impact of KSDPP on the health status and lifestyles of residents in the community. These studies have shown mixed results in the areas of physical activity, nutrition, weight and rates of diabetes [ 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 ]. The present study applies social movement concepts to expand and enrich this examination by identifying intermediate outcomes of KSDPP in the area of community mobilization and change, dimensions that are viewed as highly relevant and meaningful by KSDPP stakeholders. The goal of this research evaluation project was to develop a new understanding of KSDPP’s evolution, identify potential areas of improvement, and action paths for further mobilization of community workers and members around the issue of diabetes prevention. Results of the study were meant to inform the work of KSDPP and the greater Kahnawake community.

Research approach and design

We used a case study design, which is a systemic approach to qualitative research that allows the researcher to examine in depth the holistic nature of contemporary phenomena in natural contexts, with a multitude of data sources [ 52 , 53 ]. The case observed is the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project (KSDPP), bounded in time from its first ideation (around 1987) to present.

In accordance with KSDPP principles, this study builds on a community-based participatory approach, involving partnership building, regular exchange among partners, and experience sharing between the researchers, KSDPP intervention staff and the Community Advisory Board (CAB) [ 54 ]. This study uses an interpretivist perspective, which holds that reality is constructed through the meanings developed by social actors, including the investigators. Thus, findings emerged through dialogue and negotiation of interpretations between the researchers and stakeholders involved in this study.

In 2012, the first author approached KSDPP to explore their interested in the innovative idea of evaluating the community level processes and outcomes of KSDPP using social movement theories. As a result, the first author was invited to join the KSDPP research team as a postdoctoral investigator, attend monthly meetings of the CAB and the research team, and to engage in KSDPP activities and with the community of Kahnawake. As a settler, the first author did not have any previous research experience in partnership with an Indigenous community, and therefore sought to immerse herself in the culture and realities of the community. During her work, she was supervised by and benefited from the valuable advice, insight and knowledge of community leaders (AMG and AMC). The research proposal was designed and developed in full partnership with the KSDPP team to ensure cultural relevancy, and benefits for both KSDPP and the broader community. Stakeholders were involved in developing the research questions and methodology, as well as in data collection, the interpretation of findings and dissemination of results.

Data collection

Two data collection strategies were used in this case study (1) document review and (2) talking circles with four important stakeholder groups (data sources are described in Table  2 ).

Included in the review were documents that provided a comprehensive portrait of KSDPP’s evolution since 1994 in terms of key aspects of collective action such as leadership, community mobilization, KSDPP’s discourse and meta-narrative, alliance and partnerships, as well as program of activities. Documents reviewed were past and current KSDPP summaries of activity or work plans covering the years 1994 to 2016 ( n  = 12), as well as published scientific papers stemming from the project ( n  = 39). Organizational documents dating from before 2006 were only available in paper format and were digitized. Scientific publications that included KSDPP as one of a number of cases and published abstracts were discarded ( n  = 6), since these publications only provided shallow descriptions of KSDPP and redundant information. A list of all included publications is presented in Additional file  1 . Scientific and organizational documents were collected in January 2016 through direct solicitation, or downloaded from KSDPP and the research team websites ( ksdpp.org ; pram.mcgill.ca ) as well as a bibliographical database.

Talking circles are widely used to collect data in many Indigenous contexts, offering a means to collect data that encourages story-telling and collective listening – both important elements for sharing and gathering information within Indigenous contexts. Importantly, talking circles have been accepted by the Kahnawake community as a relevant data collection strategy. In a talking circle, participants sit in a circle and discuss specified topics until consensus is reached. An object (an eagle feather, a talking stick or a stone), is passed from one participant to another and the holder of the object has an opportunity to speak [ 55 ]. Talking circles were deemed useful in gathering stakeholder perceptions about the evolution of KSDPP, its collective action process and strategies, leadership, vision and partnerships. They also served to document the last stage of the project given the dearth of scientific publications after 2009. A talking circle guide, informed by the conceptual framework, was developed in partnership with the KSDPP team. This guide had questions about: (1) the importance of diabetes for the community; (2) the evolution of mobilization around diabetes in the community over the last 20 years; (3) community leaders (people or organizations) involved in diabetes prevention (4) perception of KSDPP and its impact over the last 20 years; (5) KSDPP’s vision (goal) (6) evolution of KSDPP’s action (7) community partners and collaborators of KSDPP; (8) strengths of KSDPP and actual challenges for diabetes prevention.

Participants involved in the study talking circles ( n  = 24) were also KSDPP stakeholders, i.e. individuals or groups with a vested interest in the focus of the evaluation or research [ 56 ]. They included: (1) KSDPP intervention staff and Community Advisory Board (CAB) members; (2) research team members; (3) community workers; (4) community members (see Table  2 for a full description). Recruitment of talking circle participants proceeded on a voluntary basis. Participants in the first two circles were recruited through a formal email invitation sent to current and past KSDPP staff members, CAB members and researchers, one month prior to the beginning of the study (the KSDPP team assisted in the creation of the lists). Participants in the remaining circles were recruited using general invitations mailed directly to a list of partner organizations created by the KSDPP team, announcements in the local newspaper, and direct solicitation of community members at community events, such as community walks.

In total, 5 talking circles were held between October and December 2015, each including 2 to 7 participants. In general, there was one talking circle for each stakeholder group, except the community worker group (group 3), which required 2 talking circles to fit the availability of participants. Talking circles were held in community facilities (community rooms and schools) over lunchtime to accommodate participants. Participants were provided with a light meal, which is a culturally appropriate manner in which to thank them for their participation. The average length of the talking circles, including the time spent explaining the study, was 2 h (range 1 h to 2 h 20 min). Talking circles provided a respectful and ordered structure through which to collect in-depth data, triangulate information, and build a common representation of events and times. Consensus was achieved when everyone felt that they could agree with the suggested statement. Following Kanien’kehá:ka decision making style, all participants came to ‘one mind’ as close as possible, all agreed to have a voice in the discussion.

Ethics approval and consent to participate

As with all KSDPP research projects, this project was conducted in accordance with the KSDPP Code of Research Ethics [ 57 ], which serves as a binding research agreement between the researchers and the community. Ethical approval was obtained first from the CAB and then from the McGill University ethics institutional review board. Participants in the talking circle provided individual written informed consent.

Data analysis

The analytic technique used in this study is framework analysis, a method for analysing primary data in applied social research that draws upon the work of Bryman and Burgess [ 58 ] and Miles and Huberman [ 59 ]. Framework analysis is useful for synthesizing knowledge from diverse sources [ 60 ]. This analysis technique typically involves five phases [ 61 ]: (1) familiarisation with the data; (2) identification of a relevant thematic framework; (3) application of the thematic framework by indexing all the data to specific themes; (4) organization of the data according to themes in a chart containing distilled summaries of views and experiences; (5) interpretation of findings, which involves mapping the range and nature of phenomena, creating typologies and finding association between themes.

Hard copies of publications (mostly organizational documents dated 2005 or earlier) were scanned and converted to PDF. All talking circles were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. To perform the analysis, a database including all sources of data (full-text scientific papers, organisational documents, and transcripts from the talking circles) was constructed using QSR NVivo 11 [ 62 ]. Using the framework analysis method, the first author immersed herself in the data, identifying key ideas (mobilization, leadership, goal and vision, collaboration and partnership, activities and strategies), and then searched the literature for a relevant thematic framework. Our work in this phase was informed by the results of a framework synthesis we conducted previously that demonstrated the relevance of modern social movement theories in the study of CBPR projects [ 24 ]. For the current study, we chose to use Master and Osborn’s movement-building framework, which provides a means to examine the development of various components of social movements over time. Based on Master and Osborn’s framework, the first author developed a coding grid and performed sentence by sentence coding to assign text to specific themes (components and stages). At this stage, we also added an inductive component building on thematic analysis to identify potential new themes from the data [ 59 ]. All coded material was organized in a chart presenting summaries of views and experiences for each theme, and facilitating a comprehensive interpretation of KSDPP process and intermediate outcomes in terms of movement building.

The first author conducted the majority of the analysis, but all provisional interpretations were discussed with the KSDPP research team, staff and CAB members. Two formal data interpretation sessions were held to discuss interpretations, add context to information collected, and facilitate a better understanding of project documentation. For instance, during these sessions participants built consensus on the start and end dates of each stage, as well as markers of change for each period (referred to as “benchmarks” in the framework). The resulting interpretation was therefore consensual and co-created by the different team members. Construct and internal validity of the study were ensured by triangulation of data sources and methods, member checking, and the in-depth involvement of the researcher in the field. Finally, reliability of the study was improved by the development and use of a case study protocol and the development of database and a chain of evidence [ 52 ].

Results show an innovative and chronological perspective of KSDPP’s evolution as seen through a social movement lens, as well as intermediate outcomes associated with different dimensions of movement building achieved by this project over time. The inductive component of the analysis suggests new benchmarks pertaining to some movement-building components (bolded in the table). The dates proposed for each stage are approximate and should be understood as temporal benchmarks, as phases often overlap.

The next section outlines the different stages of KSDPP in narrative style, describing the important benchmarks reached, which are summarized in Table  3 .

The emergence of KSDPP: from early 1987 to mid-1997

The first stage of KSDPP, which we call emergence, began in 1987 when community leaders first evoked the idea of developing an intervention to prevent type 2 diabetes in Kahnawake [ 39 ].

The first stage emerged following a shift in the perception of diabetes following a lengthy community awareness-building process implemented from the mid- to late-1980s [ 39 , 43 ]. During this process, baseline research results were shared with the community shifting the perception of diabetes from being a personal issue to a community issue. The idea that diabetes could be prevented was slowly articulated in the late 1980s and early 1990s [ 39 ].

Volunteer community leaders, including elders and family physicians who raised the alarm about diabetes, invited academic researchers with expertise in community research to join the effort of elaborating a project proposal and developing a partnership [ 43 ]. After a few unsuccessful attempts, the team secured national research and intervention funding in 1994, and formally initiated the project [ 41 ]. One of the early exercises of the team consisted in elaborating operating guidelines and conditions for the participatory research process underlying KSDPP through a Code of Ethics [ 43 , 57 ]. “The process of creating a KSDPP partnership involving community researchers, academic researchers, and the community has been facilitated and strengthened by the joint development of a Code of Research Ethics during the first year of the project” [ 41 ].

The underlying philosophy of KSDPP (a participatory research process) was easily implemented because it converged with a Kanien’kehá:ka tradition of consensus decision-making [ 43 ]. At the same time, the partners also defined an inspirational and shared vision for Kahnawake that portrayed a community free of diabetes, living healthily and in wholistic balance. This vision, which laid the ground for the elaboration of strategic goals, was framed according to important cultural values of the Kanien’kehá:ka, such as a collective concern for the welfare of future generations (Seven Generations) and a wholistic philosophy of health [ 34 ]. As mentioned by one talking circle participant, in the first stage of KSDPP, collective reflection around the project, its goals and processes was highly important and helped set the stage for future steps:

“It took a year, a year and a half to prepare things once we had the grant. I remember saying things like ‘We need to do things, it takes time that we are out there. If we want to have an effect, we need to do things’. So we did such things as developing a code [of research ethics], a vision, developing all those kinds of things that take a lot of time, take a lot of discussion of participatory nature (…). I think that the way we did things put a very solid foundation; that what is sustained there, this kind of vision, this kind of relationship, the code of research ethics, and those kinds of things are traceable through those times.” (group 2)

KSDPP developed from a partnership that was initially formed through an alliance of professionals from the Kahnawake Education Centre, the Kateri Memorial Hospital Centre and Kahnawake Shakotiia’takehnhas Community Services (social family services), as well as researchers from McGill University and Université de Montréal. A talking circle participant (group 1) discussed the importance KSDPP’s roots in community: “I think that the grassroots connection that KSDPP has from the beginning is a very important strength. It’s the people from the community that… we, people in the community who are associated with KSDPP”. Over the first three years, the partnership recruited around 40 volunteers from multiple local organizations who formed the KSDPP Community Advisory Board (CAB) [ 43 ]. This CAB was (and is still) responsible for supervising all aspects of the project, from the design of the intervention through implementation and assessment. Through this new structure, “partnerships among local health, education, recreation, and community service organisations were formed, enhancing community participation” [ 41 ] as well as collaborative leadership.

In the first years of program implementation (1994–1997), the intervention team was staffed by two full-time community members, selected for their leadership and their role as agents for change [ 43 ]. As evoked by a talking circle participant (group 3), the choice of these persons was strategic, because they “came from the education system, so not only they were from the community but they were teachers so everyone knows them in that circle”. These staff members participated in formal training activities in order to acquire new skills in health promotion or enhance their competencies [ 41 ]. The program also provided many opportunities for collaborators to acquire new competencies. For instance, KSDPP supported the implementation of a new health curriculum in the elementary schools. While the curriculum was created by nurses and a nutritionist it was developed to be delivered by teachers (as opposed to health care professionals) who assumed full responsibility for the program in 1997 [ 46 ].

Coalescence of KSDPP: from mid-1997 to 2000

Beginning in August 1997, KSDPP experienced a series of events prompting the partnership to reinforce, take shape and deepen its ties in the community.

As the initial 3-year intervention and research grant was coming to an end in mid-1997, KSDPP began to seek new sources of support [ 41 ]. In June 1997, community partners (the Mohawk Council of Kahnawake, Kahnawake Shakotiia’takehnhas Community Services, and the Kahnawake Education Center) provided funds to enable the project to continue for one year (1997–1998) (funding was for the intervention component of KSDPP) [ 63 ]. These new funding partners, who were essentially new constituencies, were fully committed to the project. For talking circle participants (group 1), the fact that community partners provided funds for KSDPP to continue is an indicator of the value given to KSDPP by community stakeholders, who “were highly mobilized by the cause and pooled resources”. Following the year of community funding, continuing funds were secured from external private foundations (1999–2001).

Already at this stage, the participatory decision-making process and collaborative governance of the project were well established. In fact, study findings for that period point to a participatory democracy or non-hierarchical decision-making process as the primary mode of KSDPP governance [ 42 , 64 ]. For instance, it was reported that “The influence of multiple partners in determining the overall direction of KSDPP demonstrates the responsiveness and accountability of the egalitarian leadership style promoted by project staff” (p. 184) [ 64 ]. In addition, in one of the talking circles (group 3), a participant from a community organization and former CAB member described the way KSDPP invited partners to join the CAB, emphasizing the leadership style that KSDPP put in place:

“(KSDPP) went up there, spoke and invited people to come and sit on the Community [Advisory] Board… [this] was a place where your ideas were acceptable. Like you had to be the ones to write the terms of reference, you had to be the one for this mission, (...) it was always like a corporate thing.”

KSDPP’s coalescence was characterized by the translation of KSDPP’s vision into a full and workable action strategy that builds on, and integrates traditional and cultural values: “Activity implementation was embedded within an overall program intervention cycle directed towards promoting living in balance, in turn, a reflection of local cultural values” [ 34 ]. Living in balance, which “reflects being well in mind, body, emotion, and spirit” [ 34 ] is congruent with the Haudenosaunee wholistic approach of health [ 34 , 46 ]. By 1997, the team had established the core intervention activities and had experience implementing activities in the community [ 65 ]. Through collaboration community partners leveraged and optimized resources, shared responsibilities and supported each other’s efforts [ 65 ]. At that time, the partnership broadened to other community partners (such as teachers teaching the new curriculum in 1997) [ 46 ] thereby extending awareness and commitment to the cause of KSDPP (talking circle, groups 1): “At that time, teachers began to be more comfortable with the new curriculum, and were very committed to the cause”.

An analysis of programming approaches implemented in 1996–1997 reveals that half of the activities were conducted by KSDPP independently whereas half resulted from collaborative partnerships with community organizations [ 65 ]. Interestingly, this analysis “found that more than two thirds of collaborations occurred in response to invitations received by KSDPP from other community entities” [ 65 ]. In these collaborations, community members and organisations “brought their knowledge of the community, and contributed ideas on how best to carry out the activities in which they were involved” [ 41 ]. According to talking circle participants (group 1), trust and respect characterized the relationship with the education system at that time.

KSDPP’s moment: from 2001 to 2006

Based on its experience in the second stage, KSDPP developed into a stronger organization in the third stage, with well-established partnerships in the community, a well-oiled program of activities and significant community and political recognition. During this period, KSDPP became a leader in Canada for addressing diabetes prevention among First Nations communities [ 50 ].

In 2001, KSDPP secured major funding for 5 years from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), permitting the hire of an additional 4 people (including a public relations officer) and the development of the KSDPP Center for Research and Training in Diabetes Prevention [ 43 , 66 , 67 ]. This grant, which acknowledged KSDPP’s experience, expertise and leadership in diabetes prevention and community mobilization, allowed the organization to further community mobilization within Kahnawake, while developing a community mobilization training program to disseminate its intervention model to over 30 Indigenous communities across Canada (from 2001 to 2014) [ 68 ]. Inside its own community, KSDPP also reached a high level of credibility owing to its participatory approach, as emphasized by some participants: “I think [that] a lot of the development of KSDPP was done alongside community members so it taught us to have credibility in community” (group 1). “The other organizations within the community have come around recognizing the central role that KSDPP can play in [health promotion and diabetes prevention]” (group 2). At that time, “KSDPP’s visibility in and acceptance by the community suggests that it is perceived as an accessible community resource for health promotion” [ 65 ].

During this stage KSDPP’s leaders acquired external recognition from public institutions. For example, in 1999, a KSDPP staff member who was also a community researcher was elected to the Board of Directors of the Canadian National Aboriginal Diabetes Association (NADA), serving as vice-chairperson until 2002 and eventually chairperson from 2002 to 2004. In the years 1999–2001, a physician-researcher deeply involved in KSDPP’s formation and work was elected president of the North American Primary Care Research Group (NAPCRG). She was key in the development of a new policy promoting participatory research in this international organization. In 2010, KSDPP received a Partnership Award from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research for their exemplary work [ 69 ]. Even if not specific to the third stage, this award recognized the strength of KSDPP’s work in these times, as well as its contribution to developing ethical agreements with Indigenous communities.

From 2001 to 2006, with funding from the CIHR and the National Aboriginal Diabetes Initiative (Health Canada), KSDPP became active on many levels and continued to extend its reach and vision [ 41 , 70 ]. As indicated in a scientific article describing KSDPP over this period, “this programme has grown, it has sustained itself and enriched itself in interaction with the community (…)” [ 41 ]. KSDPP’s staff disseminated information about the program locally, nationally and internationally by participating in national forums addressing diabetes and health issues for Indigenous people [ 41 ]. Inside the community, a KSDPP public relationship office was created to actively disseminate KSDPP’s news through radio shows, newsletters and other means of communication [ 70 ] (talking circle, group 1). In 2000, the local Onkwata’karitáhtshera Health and Social Service Research Council was created by the community health board to act as the community ethics board for all health and social research conducted in Kahnawake. This entity acknowledged KSDPP’s CAB as a valid and autonomous ethics authority to evaluate proposals for diabetes prevention research, and added KSDPP’s Code of Research Ethics to its original research agreement terms (talking circles, groups 1 and 2).

At that time, most activities of KSDPP were already collaborative in nature [ 34 ], capitalizing on a core of partner organizations that have “taken KSDPP to work together more or less systematically” (talking circle – group 2). They also developed new partnerships with organizations in the private sector of the community, including a local computer software company [ 66 ]. Collaborating with new partners allowed “the creation and production of new activities and activity tools (e.g., diabetes awareness booth, cooking demonstrations with students)” [ 34 ]. Respect among partners has allowed the program to consistently evolve: “Because each partner’s voice was heard and respected, constructive negotiation occurred allowing transformations in the programme in a way that did not threaten its identity” [ 41 ].

KSDPP’s momentum was characterized by the full achievement of its collective action strategy, building on a core program of activities that achieved maturity with the addition of other activity components. A paper describing KSDPP at this period emphasizes that the project “evolved by increasing both the reach and intensity of healthy living interventions” [ 43 ]. In addition to the core activities, KSDPP’s program expanded to include preschool children and also engaged adolescents in youth empowerment projects through the community high school [ 66 ]. By 2003, there were more than 100 different interventions per year, many in partnership with other community organizations [ 66 ]. A descriptive case study of KSDPP at this period highlights that: “There is continuous momentum in active participation of community members involved in diverse activities ranging from research to supporting interventions” [ 66 ].

KSDPP’s maintenance, integration and consolidation: from 2007 to present

The current stage of KSDPP can be characterized by the emergence of a new form of leadership, resource constraints, lower levels of community mobilization and sensitiveness to KSDPP’s message, as paradoxically KSDPP’s vision and goals have become more integrated inside the community and within the agendas and priorities of partner organisations.

Major decreases in funding since 2006 have resulted in the majority of the staff, including the public relations position, retiring from the project. This made it difficult for KSDPP to keep the momentum going in mobilizing the community, as explained by a participant: “(…) To me, [KSDPP brought] very positive changes, but then I guess because of decreased funding and decreased staff, the momentum didn’t keep going” (group 3). According to talking circle participants (group 1), the administrative environment in the community became less supportive of KSDPP activity. Decreases in resources, coupled with a lack of innovation, rendered KSDPP less visible. This phenomenon was highlighted by some community participants (group 4): “When it was very popular, like in the first years… the people knew about it, they were active in schools… Some people didn’t like some of the ideas they were bringing, but it was more known and now it’s very quiet, we don’t hear about it anymore”. An hypothesis evoked is that KSDPP’s action became so integrated into the community that it appeared less noticeable to community members. One participant (group 1) mentioned that “[KSDPP] has become part of the social fabric in the community”, which is, paradoxically, a form of success.

The current stage is characterized by the rise of a new generation of leaders in different parts of the partnership, including the KSDPP research team and KSDPP intervention staff. From a research team perspective, since 2006 the research team has been involved in smaller research projects (many led by postgraduate students, under the supervision of the KSDPP research team) and has included new determinants of diabetes prevention (i.e. food security, adequate sleep) (talking circle, group 2). From a staff perspective, this era is also seen as a turbulent one, with high levels of staff turnover and hiring based on programmatic activity and the availability of funding. New staff members have brought a fresh perspective on the KSDPP collective action strategy and vision, providing renewed energy, all the while ensuring continuity in KSDPP’s overall work (talking circle, group 1). As explained by one participant (group 3): “There have been many different people, different staff over the years, but I see now there are a few new young [people] who work for KSDPP and I see the exact same strength. It’s the way that they’re part of the community and the way that they go and mobilize all their contacts within the community”.

During this stage, the vision promoted by KSDPP (a healthy community, free of diabetes) and the norm underlying this vision (diabetes is a preventable disease) appeared as successfully disseminated in the community. Some participants described this shift in beliefs and norms: “There was a whole change (...), this idea of diabetes being preventable has now become the normal way of thinking…”(group 1). “I remember (...) people coming in and teaching you different things about eating healthier and being healthier and being active, it was sort of like new to us. And now it’s like normal for all the kids to have a nutrition policy in the schools” (group 4). Talking circle participants involved directly in KSDPP (group 1 and 2) were unambiguous about the role the project played in promoting this vision: “KSDPP certainly played the role of that catalyst [for diabetes prevention] in the community” (group 1). “KSDPP was the catalyst to the whole movement. They were the ones that caused this whole spark and this whole awareness and this [desire] to do something about it and the energy that just infiltrated the whole community” (group 2). However, the vision is still not shared by everyone in the community, with some interpreting KSDPP’s message and efforts to implement it as a form of policing: “(…) [some community organizations] have sodas and junk food and things like that in their vending machines. And again, it’s that response ‘It’s our choice to do that” (talking circle, group 1). “I think that there’s part of the population that think that health promotion and diabetes prevention is important but there’s a part of the population that don’t wanna hear about it” (talking circle, group 4).

Regarding the issue of collaboration, KSDPP has allowed many partners to build capacity, and these partners are now taking over some of the responsibilities initially held by KSDPP. For instance, a Masters student research project led to the development and implementation of a physical activity policy in the elementary schools (2011–2013) and a PhD student project conducted in collaboration with a multi-sectorial committee contributed to the development of an active school transportation project (2013–2015). These projects involved representatives of partner organizations, who are now assuming the leadership of these initiatives [ 71 , 72 ]. A staff member mentioned: “It’s intentionally with everything KSDPP does… we’re working this way, we’re putting ourselves in with everyone else, intentionally trying to mobilize people to take ownership of these issues for themselves” (group 1).

KSDPP’s continuous action has resulted in the integration of its collective action agenda, i.e. fostering healthy eating and physical activity, in some partnering organisations. For instance, the physical activity policy (2011–2013) was developed in close collaboration with the community elementary schools [ 73 ]. Participants emphasized the pervasiveness of KSDPP’s agenda on partner organisations: “People have talked about the importance of the wellness policies in the schools and I have a very strong feeling that those would never ever have happened in the early years of KSDPP” (group 2). “KSDPP as a separate entity is able to challenge either the utility of that direction or to explore other areas that perhaps the organisations aren’t focusing on at the moment” (group 1). However, participants (group 1) recognize that there is still resistance from some sectors of the community and some participants (group 2) highlighted the need to build stronger collaborations with some health organizations in the community to get funding instead of competing with each other.

New proposed benchmarks

Findings from the study point to potentially new benchmarks in the examination and assessment of the development of KSDPP (bolded in Table  3 ). For instance, in the third stage, a recurrent theme in the “vision and frames” component was broader dissemination of the KSDPP vision and approach across levels of implementation (i.e. local, national and international). This phenomenon has been emphasized both in KSDPP publications over this period, and by KSDPP stakeholders in the talking circles. We therefore propose that broadening dissemination of a project’s vision might be a significant benchmark at this stage. Using the same rationale, additional benchmarks are proposed for stage 3 (Alliances, partnerships, networks; Advocacy agenda and action strategy) and stage 4 (Base building and mobilization; Alliances, partnerships, networks).

KSDPP’s areas of potential improvement

By comparing the actions and processes of KSDPP to the chosen theoretical framework, this analysis has exposed potential areas of improvement for the initiative.

First, and as emphasized by participants, is the question of continuing leadership: “Looking ahead, [one thing to do] is nurturing the torch bearers for health promotion, diabetes prevention. I don’t know if we have enough of those still generated from KSDPP (…) We served our term and beyond (…) and there needs to be more.” (group 2). Even if some evidence shows a renewing of the research and intervention leadership in KSDPP, there is still some room to plan and foresee the future of the partnership leadership, which is essential in avoiding stagnation or dissipation in a movement. Such an exercise could involve “creating time for intellectual and spiritual reflection by leaders as well as a commitment to training a new generation of leadership” [ 74 ].

Second is the need to continuously review and redefine the partnership’s vision and strategies. For instance, one talking circle participant (group 1) suggested broadening the vision and collective action strategy to focus more generally on wellness: “I think one area that we have talked about is the area of wellness in general (…). I think KSDPP started where it was safe, around physical activity and healthy eating (...) we’ve already started to work with stress, mental health and wellness. So is this an area that KSDPP will develop more fully in the future?” Along similar lines, some participants (groups 3 and 4) suggested finding more efficient strategies to ingrain healthy behaviours in children, such as more systematic and direct engagement with parents: “I think sometimes where we miss the mark is that it was aimed primarily at the schools, but it’s the parents who are the role models, it’s the parents who are making the purchases of the food in the home and maybe sometimes there should be more emphasis put on the parents than on the children” (group 3). As suggested by some participants (group 2), renewing KSDPP strategies may also require scaling up or developing further alliances with the political and economic sectors of the community so as to tackle political and systemic determinants of diabetes prevention and health promotion that can’t be addressed by KSDPP alone:

“Something that we talked about (...) is working with the economic sector of the community on health promotion. (...) Because if we look at the people that are selling food, are providing food services, we know that they are supplying demand; the community is demanding salt, fat, sugar, carbs, etcetera. We want them to shift to something else but we always backed off from them.”

The end of this study coincided with KSDPP’S strategic planning exercise (“strategic conversations” with key community actors and members). The first author was invited to participate in the design of these conversations and integrated the results of this study, including potential area of improvement and action paths, in this reflection.

This framework analysis, based on a social movement-building framework [ 31 ], portrays the development of KSDPP in a four-stage process of emergence, coalescence, momentum and maintenance/integration; each stage assessed by the achievement of intermediate outcomes, and influenced at different levels and by different kinds of resources, and mobilization, partnership and collective action activities. Based on the framework benchmarks, we conclude that KSDPP has reached the last stage of movement-building, which is the maintenance and integration stage into the Kahnawake community.

Based on this analysis, we can see that KSDPP’s overall reach has expanded from its original vision which was focused on diabetes prevention. Framing KSDPP as a social movement, this study points to other significant processes and outcomes, such as creating awareness; shifting norms and beliefs about diabetes in the community; fostering community mobilization, collaboration and leadership around this issue; building community capacity, skills and expertise in diabetes prevention; creating culture of collaboration and resource sharing among community organizations and permeating the diabetes prevention agenda into other organizations. Previous studies that have looked at KSDPP’s outcomes have tended to provide a mixed picture of the project’s impact on health and the behaviors of residents. One could say that the design of these studies may have failed to capture events and trends in the broader context that influence people’s behaviors and health, such as the introduction of satellite television in the community in 2008, the increasing availability of fast-food restaurants over the last 20 years, as well as strong positive secular trends in the prevalence of obesity [ 47 ]. We believe that studies with an exclusive focus on health outcomes pose paradoxes to the very nature of CBPR, which is based on the ecological premise that “an individual’s behavior is shaped by a dynamic interaction with the social environment” [ 6 ]. In addition, community-level changes and processes in their own constitute valuable outcomes, and they sometimes have a “more profound impact on well-being than did the intended outcomes of planned interventions” [ 5 ]. Our study highlights important community-level processes and outcomes in Kahnawake, which can be considered as transitional steps towards health improvement.

A movement-building framework such as that by Masters and Osborn [ 31 ] is an applicable and innovative tool with which to understand and assess CBPR projects. Although the movement-building framework has been applied retrospectively in the current study, it can be used prospectively to encourage ongoing reflection and assessment in the context of CBPR [ 31 ]. Using the framework retrospectively can help coalitions situate and assess themselves with respect to the collective action they led and the progress made over the years. Using the framework prospectively can assist coalitions plan ahead by providing general guidance about aspects of the action that are important at a specific moment. While the phases of the framework are modeled on social movement development stages, they nonetheless provide useful markers to assess the development and progress of CBPR projects and other collective action strategies over time, Furthermore, the core concepts of movement-building (i.e. base building and mobilization; leadership; vision and frames; alliances, partnerships, networks; advocacy agenda and action strategy) resonate with the CBPR approach and allow an identification and examination of core CBPR processes and action. Moreover, the benchmarks associated with each phase help identify key accomplishments at each stage as well as areas where additional efforts need to be focused. For instance, it suggests that in the second stage (coalescence) of development, CBPR teams should not expect to pervade the agendas of collaborating organizations, but should rather focus on refining collective action goals; in addition, CBPR leaders should not expect to be recognized from the base, but rather should work at building and expanding core collaboration.

However, while the framework offers a number of distinct intermediate goals on which to focus, it does not provide strategies with which to achieve these goals, which might be a limitation to translating findings into implementation. For example, in the third stage (movement’s moment) of implementation the movement/CBPR project is supposed to see “public support of the meta-narratives increase”, but the framework doesn’t specify how to achieve this benchmark; it only offers examples of trackable progress.

We believe that social movement frameworks, such as the one used in this study, apply particularly well to long-standing, sustainable community-based projects. However, it is important to acknowledge that these frameworks may not be useful or relevant to all CBPR projects. In the case of KSDPP, the specificities of Kahnawake and the Mohawk culture favored the emergence of this form of large, sustainable community-based projects – one that is similar to social movements.

The current study assessed the processes and intermediate outcomes of the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project using a social movement building framework. This framework analysis describes the development of KSDPP’s in a four-stage process, each stage defined and described by the achievement of important intermediate outcomes and the identification of potential areas of improvement. The framework’s central concepts provide useful markers to situate long-standing and sustainable CBPR projects within its own life course, and inform the development of recommendations to provide guidance for future action. This study proposes some innovative insights regarding the evaluation of CBPR projects and the assessment of their progress by building on their similarities with other forms of collective action.

Abbreviations

Community Advisory Board

• Community-based participatory research

Canadian Institutes of Health Research

Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project

National Aboriginal Diabetes Association

North American Primary Care Research Group

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Acknowledgements

MCT gratefully thanks the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project and the community of Kahnawake for their support and their contribution to this project. Special thanks are owed to Judi Jacobs (KSDPP general manager), who provided a helpful support with data collection logistics and community research review. The authors wish to acknowledge the contribution of Selma Chipenda-Dansokho, who carefully reviewed the manuscript for English.

MCT was awarded a postdoctoral fellowship from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Research in First Nations, Métis and/or Inuit Health (302299).

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to the KSDPP research agreement, but are available from KSDPP on reasonable request ([email protected]). KSDPP retains ownership of all data, and control over data and their use is managed by the KSDPP Community Advisory Board. Scientific publications analyzed in this study is presented in Additional file  1 .

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This research has been first designed and developed by the principal author (MCT) in collaboration with co-authors (AM, DH, AMC) and KSDPP. MCT mainly collected the data and carried out the first analysis. Results have been interpreted and discussed by all authors (MCT, AM, DH, AMC, AMG). MCT wrote a first version of the paper. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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As with all KSDPP research projects, this project has been conducted in accordance with the KSDPP Code of Research Ethics ( http://www.ksdpp.org/elder/code_ethics.php ), which serves as a binding research agreement between the researcher and the community. Full ethical approval was obtained first from the Community Advisory Board of KSDPP and then from the McGill University ethics institutional review board (project A11-B52-14A). Participants in the talking circle provided individual written informed consent.

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Additional file 1:.

List of scientific and organisational documents included in the document review (n = 51). (DOCX 25 kb)

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Tremblay, MC., Martin, D.H., McComber, A.M. et al. Understanding community-based participatory research through a social movement framework: a case study of the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project. BMC Public Health 18 , 487 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-018-5412-y

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• Social movements
• Collective action
• Process evaluation
• Program evaluation
• Indigenous health
• Health promotion
• Diabetes prevention

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What the Case Study Method Really Teaches

• Nitin Nohria

Seven meta-skills that stick even if the cases fade from memory.

It’s been 100 years since Harvard Business School began using the case study method. Beyond teaching specific subject matter, the case study method excels in instilling meta-skills in students. This article explains the importance of seven such skills: preparation, discernment, bias recognition, judgement, collaboration, curiosity, and self-confidence.

During my decade as dean of Harvard Business School, I spent hundreds of hours talking with our alumni. To enliven these conversations, I relied on a favorite question: “What was the most important thing you learned from your time in our MBA program?”

• Nitin Nohria is the George F. Baker Jr. Professor at Harvard Business School and the former dean of HBS.

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5 Benefits of Learning Through the Case Study Method

• 28 Nov 2023

While several factors make HBS Online unique —including a global Community and real-world outcomes —active learning through the case study method rises to the top.

In a 2023 City Square Associates survey, 74 percent of HBS Online learners who also took a course from another provider said HBS Online’s case method and real-world examples were better by comparison.

Here’s a primer on the case method, five benefits you could gain, and how to experience it for yourself.

Access your free e-book today.

What Is the Harvard Business School Case Study Method?

The case study method , or case method , is a learning technique in which you’re presented with a real-world business challenge and asked how you’d solve it. After working through it yourself and with peers, you’re told how the scenario played out.

HBS pioneered the case method in 1922. Shortly before, in 1921, the first case was written.

“How do you go into an ambiguous situation and get to the bottom of it?” says HBS Professor Jan Rivkin, former senior associate dean and chair of HBS's master of business administration (MBA) program, in a video about the case method . “That skill—the skill of figuring out a course of inquiry to choose a course of action—that skill is as relevant today as it was in 1921.”

Originally developed for the in-person MBA classroom, HBS Online adapted the case method into an engaging, interactive online learning experience in 2014.

In HBS Online courses , you learn about each case from the business professional who experienced it. After reviewing their videos, you’re prompted to take their perspective and explain how you’d handle their situation.

You then get to read peers’ responses, “star” them, and comment to further the discussion. Afterward, you learn how the professional handled it and their key takeaways.

HBS Online’s adaptation of the case method incorporates the famed HBS “cold call,” in which you’re called on at random to make a decision without time to prepare.

“Learning came to life!” said Sheneka Balogun , chief administration officer and chief of staff at LeMoyne-Owen College, of her experience taking the Credential of Readiness (CORe) program . “The videos from the professors, the interactive cold calls where you were randomly selected to participate, and the case studies that enhanced and often captured the essence of objectives and learning goals were all embedded in each module. This made learning fun, engaging, and student-friendly.”

If you’re considering taking a course that leverages the case study method, here are five benefits you could experience.

5 Benefits of Learning Through Case Studies

1. take new perspectives.

The case method prompts you to consider a scenario from another person’s perspective. To work through the situation and come up with a solution, you must consider their circumstances, limitations, risk tolerance, stakeholders, resources, and potential consequences to assess how to respond.

Taking on new perspectives not only can help you navigate your own challenges but also others’. Putting yourself in someone else’s situation to understand their motivations and needs can go a long way when collaborating with stakeholders.

2. Hone Your Decision-Making Skills

Another skill you can build is the ability to make decisions effectively . The case study method forces you to use limited information to decide how to handle a problem—just like in the real world.

Throughout your career, you’ll need to make difficult decisions with incomplete or imperfect information—and sometimes, you won’t feel qualified to do so. Learning through the case method allows you to practice this skill in a low-stakes environment. When facing a real challenge, you’ll be better prepared to think quickly, collaborate with others, and present and defend your solution.

3. Become More Open-Minded

As you collaborate with peers on responses, it becomes clear that not everyone solves problems the same way. Exposing yourself to various approaches and perspectives can help you become a more open-minded professional.

When you’re part of a diverse group of learners from around the world, your experiences, cultures, and backgrounds contribute to a range of opinions on each case.

On the HBS Online course platform, you’re prompted to view and comment on others’ responses, and discussion is encouraged. This practice of considering others’ perspectives can make you more receptive in your career.

“You’d be surprised at how much you can learn from your peers,” said Ratnaditya Jonnalagadda , a software engineer who took CORe.

In addition to interacting with peers in the course platform, Jonnalagadda was part of the HBS Online Community , where he networked with other professionals and continued discussions sparked by course content.

“You get to understand your peers better, and students share examples of businesses implementing a concept from a module you just learned,” Jonnalagadda said. “It’s a very good way to cement the concepts in one's mind.”

4. Enhance Your Curiosity

One byproduct of taking on different perspectives is that it enables you to picture yourself in various roles, industries, and business functions.

“Each case offers an opportunity for students to see what resonates with them, what excites them, what bores them, which role they could imagine inhabiting in their careers,” says former HBS Dean Nitin Nohria in the Harvard Business Review . “Cases stimulate curiosity about the range of opportunities in the world and the many ways that students can make a difference as leaders.”

Through the case method, you can “try on” roles you may not have considered and feel more prepared to change or advance your career .

5. Build Your Self-Confidence

Finally, learning through the case study method can build your confidence. Each time you assume a business leader’s perspective, aim to solve a new challenge, and express and defend your opinions and decisions to peers, you prepare to do the same in your career.

According to a 2022 City Square Associates survey , 84 percent of HBS Online learners report feeling more confident making business decisions after taking a course.

“Self-confidence is difficult to teach or coach, but the case study method seems to instill it in people,” Nohria says in the Harvard Business Review . “There may well be other ways of learning these meta-skills, such as the repeated experience gained through practice or guidance from a gifted coach. However, under the direction of a masterful teacher, the case method can engage students and help them develop powerful meta-skills like no other form of teaching.”

How to Experience the Case Study Method

If the case method seems like a good fit for your learning style, experience it for yourself by taking an HBS Online course. Offerings span seven subject areas, including:

• Business essentials
• Leadership and management
• Entrepreneurship and innovation
• Finance and accounting
• Business in society

No matter which course or credential program you choose, you’ll examine case studies from real business professionals, work through their challenges alongside peers, and gain valuable insights to apply to your career.

Are you interested in discovering how HBS Online can help advance your career? Explore our course catalog and download our free guide —complete with interactive workbook sections—to determine if online learning is right for you and which course to take.

About the Author

Chapter 3: Research Methods

This study seeks to provide insight into the process of conducting community-based research.  In order to do so, the study utilizes a qualitative case study approach to examine the methodology of community-based research. Two contrasting cases of CBR are described and analyzed in order to understand the issues that arise when conducting CBR, the factors that facilitate or hinder the process, and the benefits of conducting CBR.  Finally, these contrasting cases are considered to determine what this study can contribute to the field of CBR.  This chapter details case study methodology as well as multiple case design.  It also describes the methodology of community-based research, the participants of the study, data collection and analysis, and issues around credibility, including my own subjectivities that may have influenced the research. 

Methodological Framework

In order to explore the collaborative process of conducting community-based research, this study utilizes a qualitative case study approach.  Case studies can be particularly useful for studying a process, program or individual in an in-depth, holistic way that allows for deep understanding (Merriam, 1998).  As Merriam points out,

A case study design is employed to gain an in-depth understanding of the situation and meaning for those involved.  The interest is in process rather than outcomes, in context rather than a specific variable, in discovery rather than confirmation (p. 19).

There are some differences in how researchers define case study.  Some researchers think of case study as the object to be studied (Stake, 2000), while others define case study as a process of investigation (Creswell, 2002).  Creswell defines case study as "an in-depth exploration of a bounded system (e.g., an activity, event, process, or individuals) based on extensive data collection" (p. 485).  Creswell recommends case study as a methodology if the problem to be studied "relates to developing an in-depth understanding of a 'case' or bounded system" (p. 496) and if the purpose is to understand "an event, activity, process, or one or more individuals" (p. 496).  Patton (1990) suggests that case studies are valuable in creating deep understanding of particular people, problems or situations in comprehensive ways.  

This study is particularly suitable for a case study design because it is a bounded system, it is contextual, and it is a study of process (Merriam, 1998).  Like Creswell (2002), Stake (2000) defines case study as the study of a "bounded system" (p. 436).  According to Creswell (2002), "'Bounded' means that the case is separated out for research in terms of time, place, or some physical boundaries" (p. 485).  In other words, it is possible to create limits around the object to be studied (Merriam, 1998).  A case study can focus on a variety of different things.  A case could be an individual, a group, a school, a community (Merriam, 1998), or a case could also include "a program, events, or activities" (Creswell, 2002, p. 485).  The bounded systems in my contrasting case studies are my collaboration with the Coalition for Schools [2] in a western city and my collaboration with community members in a small, rural, mountain community to carry out community-based research.  The boundaries of these two cases are determined by the people and groups that I collaborate with in the CBR process.  

I chose a case study design because it involves "detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of information rich in context" (Creswell, 1998, p. 61).  Context is a key factor.  According to Merriam (1998), in focusing on a particular phenomenon in a case study, it is impossible to separate the phenomenon from its context.  However, in this study, it is important that the context is understood as part of the process.  As Yin (2003) says, "you would use the case study method because you deliberately wanted to cover contextual conditions-believing that they might be highly pertinent to your phenomenon of study" (p. 13).  Thus, using a case study approach allows for the possibility of gaining significant knowledge about the process of conducting community-based research in particular contexts.   According to Sanders (1981), "Case studies help us to understand processes of events, projects, and programs and to discover context characteristics that will shed light on an issue or object" (p. 44). 

The two case studies each took place over an extended period of time.  The first CBR project lasted nine months, and the second CBR project lasted eight months.  I worked with my collaborative partners to define research problems and questions, develop research designs, collect data, and analyze data.  However, this study does not focus on the data that I collected as part of that CBR work.  Instead, this study focuses on the process of the collaborative experience.  Since the study focuses primarily on the procedures of conducting community-based research, the study is considered a process study.  According to Patton (1990), when carrying out a process study, the "focus is on how something happens rather than on the outcomes or results obtained" (p.94).  And, as Merriam (1998) points out, "Case study is a particularly suitable design if you are interested in process" (p.33).  Therefore, case study was chosen since it allows for detailed monitoring of the collaborative process (Merriam, 1998). 

Types of Case Studies

Stake (2000) delineates three types of case studies: intrinsic, instrumental, and collective.  Intrinsic case studies focus on a case that is unusual and is of particular interest to the researcher (Creswell, 1998; Stake, 2000).  The intent is not to build theory (Stake, 2000).  An instrumental case study is pursued in order to provide insight about a particular issue that may be generalizable (Creswell, 2002).  The primary purpose of an instrumental case study is to help advance understanding (Stake, 2000).  The collective case study encompasses more than one case "in order to investigate a phenomenon, population, or general condition" (Stake, 2000, p. 437).  Since the purpose is to help advance understanding, a collective case study is a grouping of instrumental case studies (Stake, 2000).  Using a collective case study approach can allow for the possibility of stronger interpretation and "perhaps better theorizing" (Stake, 2000, p. 437). 

Though Stake (2000) uses the terminology "collective case study," this approach is known by other names such as, multiple case studies, cross-case studies, comparative case studies, and contrasting cases (Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2003).  With multiple case studies, data are analyzed for insights both within each case and across cases (Merriam, 1998).  Yin (2003) points out that multiple cases may be chosen to try to replicate insights that you find within individuals cases or to represent contrasting situations.  Regardless of whether the purpose is replication or contrast, multiple case studies are "considered more compelling, and the overall study is therefore regarded as more robust" (Yin, 2003, p. 46). 

When this study was first proposed, the original intent was to pursue a single case study of my experience of collaboration in carrying out a community-based research project.  After completing my work with the Coalition for Schools, I felt dissatisfied with the experience in that I did not view it to be a success.  Instead of focusing on that one experience, I decided to pursue another research option in the small town in which I live in order to have a contrasting experience to write about.  It turned out that the project I completed in my small town was more successful, therefore allowing me to present contrasting cases.  Since this study seeks to add insight to the field of methodology in CBR, it is important to understand the factors that impact the process of collaboration and the factors that support successful collaborations (Strand et al., 2003a). 

Methodology of Community-Based Research

Since the purpose of this study is to explore the process of carrying out CBR, it is important to understand the methodology of community-based research.  As mentioned in chapter two, community-based research is not as concerned with methods as it is with methodology (Hills & Mullett, 2000; Strand et al., 2003a).  Either quantitative or qualitative methods may be used; the choice depends on what would obtain the most useful data for the community (Greenwood & Levin, 2000).  The methodology of CBR is guided by the three principles outlined by Strand et al. (2003a): 1) collaboration, 2) validation of the knowledge of community members and the multiple ways of collecting and distributing information, and 3) "social action and social change for the purpose of achieving social justice" (p. 8).  Though community-based research is not limited to specific methods, it does follow the typical stages of research that most traditional academic research would follow: defining the research question, developing a research design, collecting data, analyzing data, and writing up the results.  The difference is that the researcher collaborates closely with the community throughout the research process (Strand et al., 2003a).  The community is involved in determining the problem and research questions, creating the research design, collecting data, analyzing data, and creating a presentation of findings (Strand et al., 2003a).  The researcher also continues to play a role in the final stage by assisting with the enactment of solutions to create change (Greenwood & Levin, 1998). 

Regarding knowledge, community-based research seeks to redefine how we conceptualize knowledge in relation to academic research (Strand et al., 2003a).  Researchers who conduct CBR projects recognize the important knowledge that community members possess on the subject of their environment and the issues they are dealing with (Cordes, 1998a, No Concrete section, para. 2; Hills & Mullett, 2000, p. 1), what Strand (2000) calls "local knowledge" (p. 88).  This knowledge is key throughout the research process.  This acceptance of community knowledge does require the researcher to rethink his or her role.  As Stringer (1996) says, "The role of the researcher is not that of an expert who does research, but that of a resource person" (p. 22).  The expertise that the researcher brings to the equation is still valued; however, the local knowledge that the community brings is recognized as integral to the research process (Strand et al., 2003a). 

I have provided a brief overview of the methodology of CBR.  However, the purpose of this chapter is to describe the case study methods that I used to carry out this process study.  The descriptions of data collection and data analysis that are included in this chapter pertain to the data that were collected and analyzed for the contrasting case studies.  A description of the data collection and analysis that was conducted for the CBR projects in each case study will be included in the case descriptions in chapters four and five. 

Participants and Setting

Though I came into contact with a variety of people in each case study, my primary research collaborators are the main participants of my study.  In the first case study that I carried out, my collaboration with the Coalition for Schools, there were initially two primary collaborators, one of the co-chairs of the Coalition, Marge Bowline, and the director of the Coalition, Lisa Brown.  As my collaboration progressed, I worked primarily with Lisa Brown. 

The Coalition for Schools is an organization that has been created to support greater academic achievement in an urban school district in a western city.  The Coalition has focused its efforts toward a feeder pattern of schools in a quadrant of the city that has a high percentage of students who are eligible for free or reduced lunches, a high percentage of minority students, and a high percentage of English language learners.  This feeder pattern includes five elementary schools, two middle schools, and three small high schools that were originally part of one large high school and that are housed in one building.  The Coalition is an alliance of non-profit organizations, foundations, parent organizations, universities and colleges, and the school district working together to support achievement in these low performing schools.  The Business and Schools United (BSU) organization is the lead partner for the Coalition, and the Coalition is housed at BSU.  Marge Bowline is the director of BSU and one of the co-chairs of the Coalition for Schools.  She helped to create the Coalition and to procure funding for the organization.  The Coalition was a year old when I began my work with them.  Lisa Brown was hired to direct the Coalition and replaced the first director.  She had been in her position for about six months when I began my work with the Coalition. 

The two primary collaborators in my work in a small, western, mountain town are John Brewer and Maria Swenson.  The town is a small rural community that has a rapidly growing immigrant population from Mexico, about half of which are Indians from a remote area of the country.  Both John Brewer and Maria Swenson work in positions that have direct contact with this population.  John Brewer is the director of the literacy program which offers free English courses for English as a Second Language (ESL) students.  He is also a member of the city council.  Marge Swenson, who is herself a former immigrant from South America, is the coordinator of the diversity office which provides services to immigrants in town.  The case descriptions in chapters four and five provide greater detail of the participants and setting. 

Data Collection

As I progressed through each case study, I pursued two streams of data collection; the data collected to pursue the CBR projects and data that were collected as part of this case study to study CBR.  This section describes only the data that were collected for the case studies.  A description of the CBR data that were collected for each collaboration is included in the case descriptions in chapters four and five. 

Since the purpose of case study research is to provide an in-depth exploration of the person, program, or process under study, it requires intensive data collection (Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2003) using "multiple forms of data" (Creswell, 2002, p. 486).  Data collection for case studies usually focuses on three sources of data: observations, interviews, and documents (Merriam, 1998).  Though all qualitative research is to some extent based on the idea of emergent design, this study was truly emergent.  Though the research questions that this study proposed to address did not shift throughout the study, the methods of data collection changed to accommodate emerging issues or ideas.  According to Patton (1990),

What is certain is that different methods produce quite different information.  The challenge is to find out which information is most needed and most useful in a given situation, and then employ those methods best suited to producing the needed information (p. 196).

Though I collected all three forms of data (observations, interviews, and documents) for each study, there are some variations that are detailed in the following sections.  Appendix A provides a list showing the dates of meetings and interviews for each case study. 

Observations

My primary source of data collection for both case studies was observation.  Since I was essentially observing myself as I collaborated with my community partner, all of the observations that I completed for my case study data collection were participant observations.  Creswell (2002) defines participant observation as "an observational role adopted by researchers when they take part in activities in the setting they observe" (p. 200).  In this role, the researcher "actually engages in activities at the site begin studied" (p. 200).  Glesne (1999) describes a continuum of participation that "ranges from mostly observation to mostly participation" (p. 44).  Based on this continuum, I was what Glesne (1999) describes as a "full participant" in every interaction relating to my collaborative work with my community partners since I was concurrently a member of the collaborative partnership as well as the researcher investigating the process.  

In all of the meetings that I conducted with my community partners in relation to our CBR work, I collected data around those interactions.  I utilized Merriam's (1998) checklist of elements to structure my observations: physical setting, participants, activities and interactions, conversation, subtle factors, and my own behavior (pp. 97-98).  When working on my first CBR project with the Coalition, I initially only maintained field notes.  I was concerned that if I taped our meetings that it would be intrusive and would impact the openness of our conversations (Merriam, 1998).  However, as my study progressed I realized that it was difficult to take effective notes while participating in the conversation.  I then asked my community partners if I could tape subsequent meetings.  After that, most of the meetings I had with Lisa Brown or Marge Bowline were taped and then transcribed.  As part of the transcription process, I added notes that clarified or contextualized the dialogue.  When I began my work with my community partners in my small town, I asked during the first meeting if I could tape all of our meetings; both John Brewer and Maria Swenson readily agreed.  I found that after the use of the tape recorder became routine, they did not seem to be inhibited by being recorded.  Using the tape recorder allowed me to collect much more extensive data from my observations of our meetings. 

            Interviews

As part of the data collection for both case studies, I collected both formal and informal interview data (Patton, 1990).  Informal conversational interview questions were interwoven into meetings that we had in relation to ongoing research (Merriam, 1998) and were recorded as part of observation transcriptions.  These informal questions typically addressed how the community partner felt the research process was progressing, whether the research was meeting their needs, or addressed immediate questions that arose through the process of continued interaction. 

I also collected formal interview data for both case studies; however, I conducted fewer formal interviews with my community partners from the Coalition for Schools.  As my work with the Coalition progressed, I sought to determine particular data collection procedures that would address my research questions.  Since I was working within a collaborative relationship, part of the consideration when choosing methods was the impact that various methods would have on the relationship with my community partner.  In this first case study, as I show in more detail in chapter four, it was challenging to develop a collaborative relationship with my community partners.  The lack of trust and communication within this relationship made it difficult to carry out formal interviews discussing our collaboration.  I felt that these kinds of interviews would create greater distance between us.  Instead I relied primarily on other forms of data collection, observations and documents.  However, I did interview both Lisa Brown and Marge Bowline once formally toward the end of our partnership.  This interview included questions about the work of the Coalition as well as questions relating to community-based research (Appendix B).  I also conducted a follow-up email interview with Lisa Brown after beginning the process of data analysis (Appendix B).   

In my collaboration with John Brewer and Maria Swenson in my small town, I was able to develop a much more honest and open relationship from the beginning and felt very comfortable conducting formal interviews about the process.  I interviewed John and Maria individually three times throughout our collaboration (Appendix B).  I used a semi-structured approach (Rubin & Rubin, 1995) when designing the interview protocols.  I prepared questions as a starting point, but allowed the conversation to flow in whatever direction was helpful to providing insight.  The first interview focused on getting a sense of their background and experiences with research, their expectations for our research, and strategies for effective communication.  The second interview focused on their satisfaction with how things were proceeding, whether they felt we were communicating effectively, and whether they were having the input they wanted to have in the process.  The final interview focused primarily on the research questions of the case study: what were the issues that arose, what helped or hindered our collaboration, and what benefits did they receive from the research.  I transcribed each interview and added additional notes for interpretation. 

As part of the data collection process, I also collected or created a variety of documents including: email communications, a reflective journal, a phone call log, and other items that were provided by my community partners such as newsletters and meeting minutes.  As part of my collaboration with the Coalition for Schools, we relied extensively on email for communication since I found it difficult to schedule face-to-face meetings with Marge Bowline and Lisa Brown.  These email conversations are an important source of data in compiling a picture of our collaborative experience.  I also collected email data during my second case study.  However, these email communications focused primarily on setting up logistics.  Most important conversations were conducted face-to-face. 

Throughout both case studies, I sought to engage in a reflective stance toward my role in the research process.  In order to aid my reflection, I maintained a journal in which I transcribed my thinking in relation to my experiences and the perceived experiences of my community partners.  Merriam (1998) expresses some concern about using personal documents such as journals as data.  Merriam (1998) says,

Personal documents are a reliable source of data concerning a person's attitudes, beliefs, and view of the world.  But because they are personal documents, the material is highly subjective in that the writer is the only  one to select what he or she considers important to record.  Obviously these documents are not representative or necessarily reliable accounts of what actually may have occurred (p. 116).

However, Merriam (1998) does point out that one of the goals of qualitative research is to "reflect the participant's perspective" (p. 116).  Since this is a process study, the perceptions of all participants are a key consideration (Patton, 1990).  As I am a participant in this study, my perceptions of my experience of the process are important. 

The other documents I collected consisted of a phone call log and documents obtained when meeting with my community partners.  The phone call log consisted of a brief description of phone calls that were made during the research process.  If the conversation was extensive, I tried to recreate the conversation as closely as possible.  The phone call log was used primarily during my collaboration with John Brewer and Maria Swenson.  I also obtained various documents from my community partners.  These mostly included newsletters, meeting minutes, and data collected from previous research.  Most of the documents related to the CBR work we were conducting; yet some of the documents also provided information for my case study research. 

Data Analysis

After completing both case studies, I had accumulated large volumes of data (more than 500 pages of data for each case study).  I organized the data from both cases into what Yin (2003) calls a case study data base .   I organized my case study data base in a chronological order so that I could move through the data from the beginning to the end of the process.  This allowed me to perceive the progression of the process and my changing views throughout.  However, I felt that I needed an additional frame from which to organize the data. 

Data analysis was an ongoing process throughout the implementation of each case study.  Periodically I composed analytic memos to begin to formulate ideas around particular findings.  As each study progressed, I looked for events with common elements within the data that had "issue-relevant meaning" (Creswell, 1998, p. 154) or significance for the study.  As I recognized these common elements, I focused on determining whether they continued to be supported throughout the data collection process.  Creswell (1998) calls this process categorical aggregation.  As categories within the data began to emerge, I began to look for patterns or themes that connected these categories.  Based on the literature and the categories and themes that emerged while conducting the cases, I created an analytic framework from which to organize and think about the data. 

Analytic Framework      

The analytic framework is composed of four categories: community, collaboration, knowledge creation, and change.  In creating this framework, I was influenced by Stoecker's (2003) delineation of radical and mainstream CBR.  I view each of the four constructs of my framework as existing on a continuum.  At one end, there is radical CBR, in the middle, mainstream CBR, and at the other end the professional expert model or consulting (see Figure 1).  Based on how I conceptualize this framework, the closer on the continuum the researcher moves toward radical CBR, the greater the potential for change that will benefit the community with which the researcher is collaborating. 

When considering the category of community, the goal is to work as closely as possible with the community.  Since the ultimate goal of CBR is "social change for social justice" (Stoecker, 2002a, p. 9), the closer the researcher is to the members of the community who are dealing with the problem (Stoecker, 2003), the greater the potential to empower.  The community continuum includes grassroots organizations on one end and organizations which do not represent the community or use practices that "disempower the community" (Strand et al., 2003a. p. 73) on the other (see Figure 1).  In between are organizations that are a level removed from grassroots organizations but still seek to represent the community democratically, what Strand et al. (2003a) call "midlevel organizations" (p. 74).  Conducting CBR projects with midlevel organizations is what Strand et al. (2003a) label " doing CBR in the middle " (p. 73). 

Within this analytic framework, I conceptualize collaboration as shared decision making.  The goal is that the community should have equal power with the researcher and that decision making should be a shared process throughout (Strand et al., 2003a).  When considering this concept within the continuum, shared decision making is at one end of the continuum and at the other end the decisions are made primarily by the researcher (see Figure 1).  A companion to collaboration is the concept of participation in knowledge creation.  The primary goal in relation to this aspect of the framework is that the community assists in the creation of all knowledge that is generated during the CBR process, thus leading to community empowerment.  This point of the framework is based on the principle that the knowledge of community members is valid (Strand et al., 2003a) and integral to creating strong results.  At one end of the continuum, the community is involved in all aspects of knowledge creation, at the other end, the researcher controls the creation of knowledge (see Figure 1). 

The final point of the analytic framework is change (see Figure 1).  If you consider CBR within the radical framework described by Stoecker (2003), the goal for change is "massive structural changes in the distribution of power and resources through far-reaching changes in governmental policy, economic practices, or cultural norms" (p. 36).  This goal can be difficult to achieve.  More often, CBR work leads to programmatic changes within an organization or other more limited changes (Strand et al., 2003a).  However, each change within a community can have a cumulative effect that can lead to broader change.  Community-based research that does not involve the community in close collaboration and knowledge creation is less likely to create change that benefits the community.

Analysis of Contrasting Cases

Since this study utilizes contrasting cases, data analysis occurs at two levels: within-case and across cases (Merriam, 1998).  Merriam (1998) describes this process:            

For the within-case analysis , each case is first treated as a comprehensive case in and of itself.  Data are gathered so the researcher can learn as much about the contextual variables as possible that might have a bearing on the case...Once the analysis of each case is completed, cross-case analysis begins.  A qualitative, inductive, multicase study seeks to build abstractions across cases (pp. 194-195).

For each case, I analyzed observations, interviews, and documents to develop a description of the case. This description depicts the setting and participants as well as a general chronology of events and provides the reader with an understanding of the particulars of the case (Creswell, 1998).  This allows the reader to develop an understanding of the case within the larger context (Creswell, 2002).  Then using the analytic framework I developed, I did some within-case analysis and organized the categories that emerged during each study around the four constructs of my analytic framework.  This within-case analysis focused on answering the primary research question: What is the process of collaborating with a community partner on a community-based research project?  Thus each case analysis consists of  "both description and thematic development" (Creswell, 2002, p. 486).           

After completing the within-case analysis, I focused on the cross-case analysis to address three of the sub-questions of the study: What kinds of issues arise when collaborating on a community-based research project? What facilitates or hinders the process of collaboration? and, What does the researcher gain through this collaborative process, and what are the benefits for the community?  In the cross-case analysis, I used data from both case studies to address these questions.  I explored the categories that had emerged throughout each case study and then compared to see if these categories were supported in both cases.  I used the categories and themes that emerged during the within-case analysis and the cross-case analysis to determine "naturalistic generalizations" (Creswell, 1998, p. 154) concerning the field of community-based research.  Creswell (1998) defines naturalistic generalizations as "generalizations that people can learn from the case either for themselves or for applying it to a population of cases" (p. 154).  These naturalistic generalizations address the final question of the study: What can we learn from these experiences to inform the field of CBR?

In order to lend credibility to the findings of my study, I incorporated a variety of validity procedures.  The first validity procedure I employed was prolonged engagement in the field (Creswell & Miller, 2000) or what Merriam (1998) calls "long-term observation" (p. 204).  I worked on my case study with the Coalition for a period of nine months, and I worked with John and Maria for a period of eight months.  During each of these case studies, I had consistent contact with my community partners.  Collaborating with my community partners for this length of time allowed me to develop tentative categories in my findings and then follow up on these preliminary findings through observations or interviews (Creswell & Miller, 2000).  Therefore, the length of each case study and the consistent contact I had with my community partners lends credibility to my perceptions of this experience.

In addition to prolonged engagement in the field, another important validity procedure I employed, which is integral to case study design, was triangulation (Creswell, 1998).  Merriam (1998) defines triangulation as "using multiple investigators, multiple sources of data, or multiple methods to confirm the emerging findings" (p. 204).  I employed methodological triangulation (Creswell & Miller, 2000) since I collected three forms of data: observations, interviews, and documents.  I also employed multiple sources of data since interviews were conducted with several participants (Creswell & Miller, 2000).  I used the process of triangulation to seek convergence in the data and to confirm or disconfirm emerging categories and themes (Creswell & Miller, 2000).  As part of this process, I employed another validity strategy, disconfirming evidence (Creswell &  Miller, 2000).  Categories or themes that emerged in the within-case analysis were compared across cases.  If a category did not hold true across cases, it was generally deemed to be unreliable.  However, I did utilize what Creswell (1998) calls direct interpretation.  In direct interpretation, "the case study researcher looks at a single instance and draws meaning from it without looking for multiple instances" (p. 154).  I did recognize that there were single incidents specific to only one case that were significant to the study as well. 

Since this case study focused on the study of process, my perceptions were an integral component of the research.  However, since I did write interpretations of what I considered to be the perceptions of others, I used member checking to ensure accurate portrayal (Creswell & Miller, 2000).  I conducted member checking toward the end of the study so that it would not potentially disrupt the collaborative process.  I shared an outline of findings with Lisa Brown with the Coalition and also John Brewer and Maria Swenson in my small town and allowed them the opportunity to provide feedback.  Lisa Brown responded to the findings through email and said, "Thanks for sharing [these findings].  I feel it is accurate, and that it was a learning experience for all of us."  Maria Swenson also responded to the findings that I shared with she and John.  She said, "I looked at [the findings] and it sounds good.  I agree with all said."  John also said that he thought that the findings looked good. 

Finally, I used the validity procedure of thick description when writing about the study in order to give the reader a sense of being there and to capture the essence of the experience (Creswell & Miller, 2000).  This is an important feature in case study design that is presented to the reader through the case description.  The case description for each contrasting case is included in chapters four and five.  

            Subjectivity

Another method of creditability I used continuously throughout the research process was researcher reflexivity (Creswell & Miller, 2000).  I incorporated researcher reflexivity by constantly questioning my assumptions about what I thought was happening.  I sought to maintain a heightened sense of awareness of the biases that I brought to the study and maintained this awareness when adding contextual data to field notes, observations transcriptions, and interview transcriptions, and also when writing journal entries. 

Since my perceptions of the research process played a major part in the findings of the study, it was important that I attend to the idea of subjectivity.  Peshkin (1988), defines subjectivity as "the quality of the investigator that affects the results of observational investigation" (p. 17).  Peshkin (1988) points out that an individual's subjectivity is not something that can be removed, and it is therefore something researchers need to be aware of throughout the research process.  Peshkin (1988) identified the various facets of his subjectivities through a series of I's, for example, the "justice-seeking I" (p. 18) and "the community-maintenance I" (p. 18).  Though Peshkin does not view subjectivity as necessarily negative, he does feel it is something that researchers need to realize and acknowledge.  It was important to examine my own subjectivities throughout the research process so that I was aware of how these subjectivities could influence my interpretations and portrayal of events.  As Strand (2000) points out, "the researcher's values, experiences, and personal points of view are as much a part of the research process as those of the people studied, and they should be discussed and acknowledged" (p. 91). 

Since the two CBR projects I worked on were in different settings and related to different types of work, I dealt with different subjectivities within each case study.  In my work with the Coalition for Schools many of the subjectivities that I brought to that collaboration arose from my past experience as a classroom teacher.  I hold the perception that people who do not have experience in a K-12 classroom do not generally understand the issues that classroom teachers have to address.  I can be defensive and overly sensitive to criticism that I feel puts the blame on teachers.  There were many times during my partnership with the Coalition that I realized this subjectivity was influencing my reactions to statements made by Lisa Brown or Marge Bowline.  I also think that this perception at times clouded my view of the knowledge that Lisa brought to the equation.  Though I felt that she was very knowledgeable in certain areas, I questioned her understanding of what was actually happening in the schools that are part of the Coalition.  I tried to be aware of my bias in this area, though I do not believe I was always successful in controlling how this bias influenced my work with Lisa. 

Another bias that I brought to my work with the Coalition was the idea that a successful partnership should not have conflict.  I tend to avoid conflict in my personal life.  I have difficulty at times recognizing the benefits that conflict can bring.  Because of this, I did not communicate as effectively with Lisa as I could have.  If had been more willing to risk conflict, we may have been able to develop a more productive working relationship.  When I began my work with John Brewer and Maria Swenson, I determined that I would not avoid conflict in this collaboration.  When a situation did arise where John and I disagreed, I engaged him, and we talked through the matter.  The outcome was that we both were able to see the value of the other's viewpoint. 

Though I was able to address the issue of conflict avoidance in my work in John Brewer and Maria Swenson, there were other subjectivities and biases of which I had to be aware.  I am liable to have the perception that small towns tend to discriminate against minorities.  Since all of the projects that I completed with John and Maria involved the immigrant population in town, I felt at times that I was waiting for someone to say something that would demonstrate their prejudice.  At times, I would jump to the conclusion that a particular statement was pejorative.  When looking back again at the statement in the context of the full conversation, I realized at times that I may have misinterpreted particular statements.  I had to make a concerted effort not to single out statements just because they supported my bias.  Nevertheless, this subjectivity did influence whom I chose to partner with during this case study.  I had originally planned to include Maria's supervisor, Jennifer Payton, in our collaboration.  However, after meeting with Jennifer in October 2003, I decided not to collaborate with her since she made several comments during the meeting that I perceived to be pejorative.  If I had decided to work with Jennifer, I may have found that these comments did not represent discrimination but rather a lack of understanding of the impact of language choices. 

Two other subjectivities that I brought into my work on both projects related to my experience with previous CBR projects.  As I was involved in another community-based research project before working on my dissertation, I already had an initial perception of how the process works.  One concern that arose during my previous experience was the issue of communicating with my community partner.  I had difficulty developing a research question because the conversations that I shared with my community partner seemed circuitous.  We talked around questions during several meetings before I was finally able to gain a sense of what she was hoping to achieve from the research.  Though these past experiences with community-based research helped me to anticipate some of the issues that arose, I tried to make sure that the anticipation of issues did not create issues. 

When entering into CBR projects, it is important to me that I am doing work that I view as meaningful.  Work that is meaningful to me would be research that allows me to consistently interact with members of the community on a personal level.  However, I tried to maintain the awareness that the research that I wished to pursue was not necessarily the research that the people I was collaborating with wished to pursue.  I continued to remind myself that these discrepancies should not interfere with the development of a research design that was beneficial to my community partner and had the potential to bring about effective change.  Since change is the goal of community-based research, I needed to be sure that the change I was assisting to create was the change that the community partner was seeking to make rather than the change that I would have liked to pursue. 

Finally, when a researcher carries out a qualitative study, it is also important to attend to the subjectivities that the researcher brings based on gender, age, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status.  I feel at times that I lack self-awareness of how these orientations impact the way that I view the world.  Though I tried to be conscious of these factors while doing my research, I am not sure that I was successful in completely exploring how these subjectivities may have influenced my research.  I do feel, however, that my status was an issue in the work that I conducted with the Coalition for Schools.  My status in relation to my age (under 40) and my position as a graduate student influenced how my community partners at the Coalition viewed my role, and my socioeconomic background impacted the level of confidence that I felt when working with members of the Coalition.  I come from a working class background while my community partners at the Coalition come from backgrounds of higher status both in relation to levels of education and socioeconomic status.  At times, I did feel out of place moving through the world of the Coalition in that I often felt that I was from a lower class than many of the people with which I came into contact.  I felt most comfortable when interacting with teachers or parents. 

In order to minimize the impact of my subjectivities, I closely monitored my feelings as I carried out my research.  I looked for situations where I felt uncomfortable or that I wanted to avoid as well as situations where I felt comfortable and that I wanted to continue.  When these feelings arose, I realized that I was usually being influenced by subjectivity (Glesne, 1999; Peshkin, 1988).  I analyzed my feelings and considered how they related to my subjectivities, then took note of these occurrences in my journal (Peshkin, 1988).  Throughout the research process, I was mindful of previously identified subjectivities.  I also tried to be aware of newly emerging subjectivities that I may not have considered (Peshkin, 1988) that would potentially influence my research. 

Limitations of This Study

This study seeks to compare two cases of conducting community-based research.  However, there are differences between the two experiences that may have impacted the findings of the study.  In my work with the Coalition, I was a paid employee.  Though I was hired with the understanding that I would be a collaborative researcher, I believe my position as an employee impacted how Marge Bowline and Lisa Brown viewed my role, and it also impacted my reactions to various situations.  The fact that I was an employee in the first case study when collaborating with the Coalition but in the second case study I was independent, may have created some of the differences that were apparent in the two cases. 

Another limitation of this study is that it primarily focuses on the researcher's experience of this process.  Though I did interview my community partners, the number of interviews in the first case study was more limited.  If I had conducted additional interviews throughout the first case study, I might have additional information to support or contradict some of my observations.  However, the purpose of this study is to provide insight into this process for practitioners in the field of community-based research, thus it is beneficial to explore the researcher's perspective of these two experiences. 

The final limitation of this study relates to the timeline of the completion of the study.  Since I only recently finalized data collection in relation to my work with John Brewer and Maria Swenson, I am not really able to make an assessment at this point as to whether any of the work we completed will affect change.  My work with the Coalition was completed almost a year ago so it easier to assess the impact of that work.  However, even with the first case study, there is a possibility that some of the work that I completed could eventually lead to change.  If I were to conduct a long-term case study in relation to either of these collaborations, it would be more feasible to assess the impact of our work. 

This chapter provided an overview to the case study methods that were used to conduct this study.  I detailed a rationale for choosing this method, then described data collection, analysis, and procedures in relation to validity.  Since this is a process study of the methodology of CBR, I also described the foundations of this methodology.  The next three chapters will present the findings of this study.  Chapters four and five provide a synopsis of the within-case analysis of each of the contrasting cases.  I begin each chapter with a chronological overview of the major events of the case and then present within-case analysis organized around the four concepts of my analytic framework.  In chapter six, I present the findings from the cross-case analysis that address the sub-questions of the study and identify the "naturalistic generalizations" (Creswell, 1998, p. 154) that emerged from the study with recommendations for further research. 

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What Is a Case Study?

Weighing the pros and cons of this method of research

Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

Cara Lustik is a fact-checker and copywriter.

Verywell / Colleen Tighe

• Pros and Cons

What Types of Case Studies Are Out There?

Where do you find data for a case study, how do i write a psychology case study.

A case study is an in-depth study of one person, group, or event. In a case study, nearly every aspect of the subject's life and history is analyzed to seek patterns and causes of behavior. Case studies can be used in many different fields, including psychology, medicine, education, anthropology, political science, and social work.

The point of a case study is to learn as much as possible about an individual or group so that the information can be generalized to many others. Unfortunately, case studies tend to be highly subjective, and it is sometimes difficult to generalize results to a larger population.

While case studies focus on a single individual or group, they follow a format similar to other types of psychology writing. If you are writing a case study, we got you—here are some rules of APA format to reference.  

At a Glance

A case study, or an in-depth study of a person, group, or event, can be a useful research tool when used wisely. In many cases, case studies are best used in situations where it would be difficult or impossible for you to conduct an experiment. They are helpful for looking at unique situations and allow researchers to gather a lot of˜ information about a specific individual or group of people. However, it's important to be cautious of any bias we draw from them as they are highly subjective.

What Are the Benefits and Limitations of Case Studies?

A case study can have its strengths and weaknesses. Researchers must consider these pros and cons before deciding if this type of study is appropriate for their needs.

One of the greatest advantages of a case study is that it allows researchers to investigate things that are often difficult or impossible to replicate in a lab. Some other benefits of a case study:

• Allows researchers to capture information on the 'how,' 'what,' and 'why,' of something that's implemented
• Gives researchers the chance to collect information on why one strategy might be chosen over another
• Permits researchers to develop hypotheses that can be explored in experimental research

On the other hand, a case study can have some drawbacks:

• It cannot necessarily be generalized to the larger population
• Cannot demonstrate cause and effect
• It may not be scientifically rigorous
• It can lead to bias

Researchers may choose to perform a case study if they want to explore a unique or recently discovered phenomenon. Through their insights, researchers develop additional ideas and study questions that might be explored in future studies.

It's important to remember that the insights from case studies cannot be used to determine cause-and-effect relationships between variables. However, case studies may be used to develop hypotheses that can then be addressed in experimental research.

Case Study Examples

There have been a number of notable case studies in the history of psychology. Much of  Freud's work and theories were developed through individual case studies. Some great examples of case studies in psychology include:

• Anna O : Anna O. was a pseudonym of a woman named Bertha Pappenheim, a patient of a physician named Josef Breuer. While she was never a patient of Freud's, Freud and Breuer discussed her case extensively. The woman was experiencing symptoms of a condition that was then known as hysteria and found that talking about her problems helped relieve her symptoms. Her case played an important part in the development of talk therapy as an approach to mental health treatment.
• Phineas Gage : Phineas Gage was a railroad employee who experienced a terrible accident in which an explosion sent a metal rod through his skull, damaging important portions of his brain. Gage recovered from his accident but was left with serious changes in both personality and behavior.
• Genie : Genie was a young girl subjected to horrific abuse and isolation. The case study of Genie allowed researchers to study whether language learning was possible, even after missing critical periods for language development. Her case also served as an example of how scientific research may interfere with treatment and lead to further abuse of vulnerable individuals.

Such cases demonstrate how case research can be used to study things that researchers could not replicate in experimental settings. In Genie's case, her horrific abuse denied her the opportunity to learn a language at critical points in her development.

This is clearly not something researchers could ethically replicate, but conducting a case study on Genie allowed researchers to study phenomena that are otherwise impossible to reproduce.

There are a few different types of case studies that psychologists and other researchers might use:

• Collective case studies : These involve studying a group of individuals. Researchers might study a group of people in a certain setting or look at an entire community. For example, psychologists might explore how access to resources in a community has affected the collective mental well-being of those who live there.
• Descriptive case studies : These involve starting with a descriptive theory. The subjects are then observed, and the information gathered is compared to the pre-existing theory.
• Explanatory case studies : These   are often used to do causal investigations. In other words, researchers are interested in looking at factors that may have caused certain things to occur.
• Exploratory case studies : These are sometimes used as a prelude to further, more in-depth research. This allows researchers to gather more information before developing their research questions and hypotheses .
• Instrumental case studies : These occur when the individual or group allows researchers to understand more than what is initially obvious to observers.
• Intrinsic case studies : This type of case study is when the researcher has a personal interest in the case. Jean Piaget's observations of his own children are good examples of how an intrinsic case study can contribute to the development of a psychological theory.

The three main case study types often used are intrinsic, instrumental, and collective. Intrinsic case studies are useful for learning about unique cases. Instrumental case studies help look at an individual to learn more about a broader issue. A collective case study can be useful for looking at several cases simultaneously.

The type of case study that psychology researchers use depends on the unique characteristics of the situation and the case itself.

There are a number of different sources and methods that researchers can use to gather information about an individual or group. Six major sources that have been identified by researchers are:

• Archival records : Census records, survey records, and name lists are examples of archival records.
• Direct observation : This strategy involves observing the subject, often in a natural setting . While an individual observer is sometimes used, it is more common to utilize a group of observers.
• Documents : Letters, newspaper articles, administrative records, etc., are the types of documents often used as sources.
• Interviews : Interviews are one of the most important methods for gathering information in case studies. An interview can involve structured survey questions or more open-ended questions.
• Participant observation : When the researcher serves as a participant in events and observes the actions and outcomes, it is called participant observation.
• Physical artifacts : Tools, objects, instruments, and other artifacts are often observed during a direct observation of the subject.

If you have been directed to write a case study for a psychology course, be sure to check with your instructor for any specific guidelines you need to follow. If you are writing your case study for a professional publication, check with the publisher for their specific guidelines for submitting a case study.

Here is a general outline of what should be included in a case study.

Section 1: A Case History

This section will have the following structure and content:

Background information : The first section of your paper will present your client's background. Include factors such as age, gender, work, health status, family mental health history, family and social relationships, drug and alcohol history, life difficulties, goals, and coping skills and weaknesses.

Description of the presenting problem : In the next section of your case study, you will describe the problem or symptoms that the client presented with.

Describe any physical, emotional, or sensory symptoms reported by the client. Thoughts, feelings, and perceptions related to the symptoms should also be noted. Any screening or diagnostic assessments that are used should also be described in detail and all scores reported.

Your diagnosis : Provide your diagnosis and give the appropriate Diagnostic and Statistical Manual code. Explain how you reached your diagnosis, how the client's symptoms fit the diagnostic criteria for the disorder(s), or any possible difficulties in reaching a diagnosis.

Section 2: Treatment Plan

This portion of the paper will address the chosen treatment for the condition. This might also include the theoretical basis for the chosen treatment or any other evidence that might exist to support why this approach was chosen.

• Cognitive behavioral approach : Explain how a cognitive behavioral therapist would approach treatment. Offer background information on cognitive behavioral therapy and describe the treatment sessions, client response, and outcome of this type of treatment. Make note of any difficulties or successes encountered by your client during treatment.
• Humanistic approach : Describe a humanistic approach that could be used to treat your client, such as client-centered therapy . Provide information on the type of treatment you chose, the client's reaction to the treatment, and the end result of this approach. Explain why the treatment was successful or unsuccessful.
• Psychoanalytic approach : Describe how a psychoanalytic therapist would view the client's problem. Provide some background on the psychoanalytic approach and cite relevant references. Explain how psychoanalytic therapy would be used to treat the client, how the client would respond to therapy, and the effectiveness of this treatment approach.
• Pharmacological approach : If treatment primarily involves the use of medications, explain which medications were used and why. Provide background on the effectiveness of these medications and how monotherapy may compare with an approach that combines medications with therapy or other treatments.

This section of a case study should also include information about the treatment goals, process, and outcomes.

When you are writing a case study, you should also include a section where you discuss the case study itself, including the strengths and limitiations of the study. You should note how the findings of your case study might support previous research. 

In your discussion section, you should also describe some of the implications of your case study. What ideas or findings might require further exploration? How might researchers go about exploring some of these questions in additional studies?

Need More Tips?

Here are a few additional pointers to keep in mind when formatting your case study:

• Never refer to the subject of your case study as "the client." Instead, use their name or a pseudonym.
• Read examples of case studies to gain an idea about the style and format.
• Remember to use APA format when citing references .

Crowe S, Cresswell K, Robertson A, Huby G, Avery A, Sheikh A. The case study approach .  BMC Med Res Methodol . 2011;11:100.

Crowe S, Cresswell K, Robertson A, Huby G, Avery A, Sheikh A. The case study approach . BMC Med Res Methodol . 2011 Jun 27;11:100. doi:10.1186/1471-2288-11-100

Gagnon, Yves-Chantal.  The Case Study as Research Method: A Practical Handbook . Canada, Chicago Review Press Incorporated DBA Independent Pub Group, 2010.

Yin, Robert K. Case Study Research and Applications: Design and Methods . United States, SAGE Publications, 2017.

By Kendra Cherry, MSEd Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

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Case Study Method

• Last Updated: Jun 18, 2023

A case study is an in-depth examination of a specific phenomenon, individual, or context, usually from a qualitative perspective. The case study method is typically used in social sciences, such as anthropology , sociology , and psychology, to explore real-life, complex, multifaceted phenomena within their context [1] . It often involves a blend of various data collection techniques, including interviews, observations, and document analysis.

History and Development of the Case Study Method

The origin of the case study method can be traced back to medical and psychological research, with seminal work by Freud and Piaget employing this approach. Gradually, it spread to disciplines like sociology and anthropology, where researchers found the method valuable for deeply understanding social phenomena, cultural practices, and individual behaviors within their natural contexts.

Anthropology, in particular, has a long-standing history with case study research, with seminal anthropologists like Bronislaw Malinowski advocating for detailed participant observation and in-depth study of individual cultures, essentially a form of case study. Malinowski’s work in the Trobriand Islands stands as a classic case study, providing detailed insights into the native culture [2] .

Use of the Case Study Method in Different Disciplines

While the case study method has broad applicability across many disciplines, its utilization in anthropology is distinct for several reasons. Firstly, anthropologists emphasize cultural relativism, a perspective where a culture is understood within its own context. The case study method lends itself well to this, allowing for deep immersion and understanding of a particular culture or social group.

For example, Clifford Geertz’s interpretive case study of the Balinese cockfight is a perfect demonstration of the anthropological use of the case study method [3] . Through this study, Geertz explored the symbolic meaning of the cockfight in Balinese society, a discovery that would not have been possible without the in-depth, contextual exploration offered by the case study method.

Types of Case Study Methods

Case study research in anthropology is far from monolithic. It encompasses a range of different types, each suited to specific research objectives and questions. In this section, we will explore several main types of case studies, namely exploratory, descriptive, explanatory, intrinsic, instrumental, and collective case studies.

Exploratory Case Studies

Exploratory case studies aim to investigate a phenomenon or situation where there is little prior knowledge or where new insights are desired. They are often employed when a researcher wants to identify the important research questions and suitable research methods for a subsequent larger study. For instance, an anthropologist may conduct an exploratory case study to understand the dynamics of a newly discovered indigenous tribe.

Descriptive Case Studies

Descriptive case studies, as the name implies, aim to describe a phenomenon in its natural context. These studies emphasize a detailed, in-depth portrayal of the case, often drawing on various data sources for a comprehensive understanding. For example, a descriptive case study might provide a detailed account of a unique cultural ritual or societal structure within a specific ethnic group.

Explanatory Case Studies

Explanatory case studies seek to explain a particular phenomenon or outcome. These case studies are common in disciplines that focus on causation or causal relationships. In anthropology, explanatory case studies might investigate the cause-effect relationship between cultural practices and societal outcomes, such as the impact of gender roles on societal structure in a particular culture.

Intrinsic Case Study

Intrinsic case study research focuses on the case itself, typically when the case presents an unusual or unique phenomenon. The goal is not to generalize beyond the case but to gain a deeper understanding of the case itself. An anthropologist might use this method to study an isolated community that has not had contact with the outside world, for example.

Instrumental Case Study

Instrumental case studies, on the other hand, focus on a particular issue or concern, using the case as a means to provide insight into that issue. The case itself is of secondary interest and serves as a conduit to understand the wider issue. An anthropologist might use an instrumental case study to understand the impacts of globalization on indigenous cultures.

Collective Case Study

Collective case studies, also known as multiple case studies, involve studying several cases simultaneously to understand a phenomenon, population, or general condition. This approach is valuable in anthropology when comparing and contrasting different cultures or societies.

Design and Development of Case Studies

Case study research involves a rigorous design and development process, ensuring that the data gathered is representative, robust, and relevant.

Selecting the Case(s)

The process begins with careful case selection. In anthropology, the selection is typically driven by the research question and the phenomenon under investigation. For instance, if an anthropologist is studying the impact of modernization on tribal cultures, a tribe undergoing significant societal changes would be an apt case.

Data Collection Methods in Case Studies

Once the case is selected, data collection becomes the next pivotal step. Anthropologists often employ a multimethod approach, using methods such as interviews, observations, and document analysis to ensure a holistic understanding of the case. For example, when studying an indigenous tribe, anthropologists might live within the community, conduct interviews, observe daily activities, and study any available historical or legal documents.

Importance of Contextualization in Case Studies

Contextualization is essential in anthropological case studies. The aim is to understand the case within its natural setting, taking into account the cultural, social, political, and environmental factors that might affect it. In studying a cultural practice, an anthropologist must contextualize it within the broader cultural beliefs, societal norms, and historical background of the community.

The Role of Triangulation in Enhancing Validity

Triangulation, using multiple data sources or methods to study the same phenomenon, enhances the validity of case study research. By corroborating findings from different data sources or methods, anthropologists can build a more credible and comprehensive understanding of the case.

Analyzing and Interpreting Case Studies

After data collection, the task shifts to analysis and interpretation.

Coding and Thematic Analysis

Coding and thematic analysis are common methods for analyzing qualitative data in case studies. Through a process of coding, data are broken down into manageable chunks, then grouped into themes that allow for patterns and insights to emerge.

Grounded Theory Analysis

Grounded theory analysis is another approach often used in case studies. It involves developing a theory grounded in the data collected, providing a framework for understanding the phenomenon under study.

Cross-case Synthesis

In multiple or collective case studies, cross-case synthesis can be useful. This process involves comparing and contrasting the findings across different cases, identifying common themes and differences.

Analyzing Case Studies within Cultural Context

Importantly, all analysis and interpretation must consider the cultural context. In anthropology, this means understanding the cultural norms, beliefs, and values that may influence the phenomenon under study.

Strengths and Limitations of Case Study Methods

Like all research methods, case studies come with both strengths and limitations. Understanding these aspects is essential for researchers in anthropology and other disciplines, as it allows them to leverage the strengths and mitigate the limitations.

Strengths of Case Study Methods

Depth of information and insights.

One of the key strengths of case studies lies in the depth of information they provide. By focusing on a single case or a small number of cases, researchers can delve into the intricacies and complexities of the subject matter. This depth is invaluable in anthropology, allowing anthropologists to understand phenomena from the insider’s perspective. For instance, studying a specific cultural practice within an indigenous tribe can provide profound insights into the tribe’s worldview and belief systems.

Flexibility in Data Collection

The case study method allows for flexibility in data collection. Researchers can employ a mix of methods, such as interviews, observations, document analysis, and more, depending on what is most suitable for the case and the research question. This flexibility enables anthropologists to adapt to the field situation, ensuring they capture the most relevant and meaningful data.

Context Sensitivity

Case studies are highly sensitive to context. They allow for the study of a phenomenon within its real-world context, providing a rich, holistic understanding. This sensitivity aligns with the anthropological commitment to cultural relativism, ensuring that phenomena are understood within the cultural, social, and historical context in which they occur.

Limitations of Case Study Methods

Challenges in generalization.

A common critique of case study research is its limited ability to generalize. Because case studies focus on specific cases, the findings might not be applicable to other cases or broader populations. However, it is worth noting that generalization is not always the goal in anthropological research. Often, the aim is to provide an in-depth understanding of a specific cultural context.

Time and Resource Constraints

Conducting case study research is often time-consuming and resource-intensive [4] . Collecting and analyzing data from multiple sources, spending extensive time in the field, and the iterative nature of qualitative analysis can demand substantial resources. These constraints might limit the feasibility of case studies in some situations.

The Future of Case Study Method in Anthropology

In the rapidly evolving world of research, the case study method continues to be a crucial tool in the anthropologist’s arsenal. However, the future will likely see further evolution and innovation in the application of this method, in response to new challenges and opportunities.

Emerging Trends in Case Study Research

Digital technology has revolutionized the way we conduct research, and case studies are no exception. Digital ethnography, for example, is becoming increasingly prominent. It allows anthropologists to study online communities and digital cultures just as they would physical communities.

In the context of case studies, this might involve studying the interactions and norms within an online gaming community or a social media network. As digital spaces become increasingly important in our lives, the relevance and prevalence of digital ethnography and virtual case studies are likely to grow.

Interdisciplinary Case Studies

Interdisciplinary case studies, where multiple disciplines combine to study a single case, are another promising trend. For example, anthropologists might collaborate with psychologists, sociologists, or environmental scientists to study a community’s response to climate change or other multifaceted phenomena. Such interdisciplinary studies can offer a more comprehensive understanding, taking into account the biological, psychological, social, and cultural dimensions.

Globalization and Its Impact on Case Study Research

Globalization has major implications for case study research in anthropology. As communities become more interconnected and influences become more global, anthropologists can no longer study cultures in isolation. Instead, they need to consider global influences, from the influx of technology to the impacts of international policies [5] .

In practical terms, this might involve studying how global trends impact local cultures, or how local cultures resist, adapt to, or influence global trends. The case study method, with its focus on specific contexts, is well-suited to explore these complex dynamics.

In conclusion, while the principles of case study research remain the same, the future will bring new contexts, new challenges, and new opportunities. Anthropologists will need to innovate and adapt, ensuring that the case study method continues to be a valuable tool for understanding human societies.

[1] Baxter, P., & Jack, S. (2008). Qualitative Case Study Methodology: Study Design and Implementation for Novice Researchers. The Qualitative Report, 13(4), 544-559.

[2] Malinowski, B. (1922). Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An account of native enterprise and adventure in the archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea. Routledge & Kegan Paul.

[3] Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. Basic Books.

[4] Yin, R. K. (2013). Case study research: Design and methods. Sage publications.

[5] Inda, J. X., & Rosaldo, R. (2002). The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader. Blackwell Publishers.

Vasundhra, an anthropologist, embarks on a captivating journey to decode the enigmatic tapestry of human society. Fueled by an insatiable curiosity, she unravels the intricacies of social phenomena, immersing herself in the lived experiences of diverse cultures. Armed with an unwavering passion for understanding the very essence of our existence, Vasundhra fearlessly navigates the labyrinth of genetic and social complexities that shape our collective identity. Her recent publication unveils the story of the Ancient DNA field, illuminating the pervasive global North-South divide. With an irresistible blend of eloquence and scientific rigor, Vasundhra effortlessly captivates audiences, transporting them to the frontiers of anthropological exploration.

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

This article is part of the research topic.

Traditional Knowledge in Food Activism and Governance

Indigenous values and perspectives for strengthening food security and sovereignty: Learning from a community-based case study of Miskoziibiing (Bloodvein River First Nation), Manitoba, Canada Provisionally Accepted

• 1 Other, Canada
• 2 University of Winnipeg, Canada

The final, formatted version of the article will be published soon.

Despite food security being a significant challenge among many First Nations communities on Turtle Island, there needs to be more empirical, community-based research that underscores the role of traditional food systems and associated values and teachings in Manitoban communities through an Indigenous lens. This research addresses that gap by building upon Indigenous perspectives and knowledges on the status and future directions of food security and sovereignty in Misko-ziibiing (Bloodvein River First Nation). Guided by Indigenous research protocol and using a qualitative research approach, ten in-depth interviews with Bloodvein River First Nation (BVR) and Winnipeg Elders were conducted. Data was also sourced through discussions with local council members, participant observation, and field visits during 2017. The fundamental values and traditional teachings associated with food sovereignty within the community are aligned with the spirit of sharing, including sharing ethics and protocols, social learning within the community, and intergenerational transmission. In recent years, changing environmental, developmental activity, government policies and laws, lifestyle changes and affordability dynamics have continued to threaten the self-determination and food sovereignty of Indigenous peoples in the community. Their perspectives, teachings, and voices are rarely present in any scholarly work. Enhanced intergenerational transmission of traditional teachings, education and language revitalization, and local leadership involvement can strengthen these social and cultural values to enhance Indigenous food security and sovereignty in Miskoziibiing. This research identifies the knowledge and views of Elders, hunters, trappers and fishers, contributing to the current studies associated with traditional food systems and teachings. Strengthening social and cultural traditions and values is vital in working towards Indigenous food governance, sovereignty, and revitalization of their Indigenous food systems.

Keywords: Indigenous values1, social values2, cultural values3, food sovereingty4, food system governance5, Indigenous food security6, traditional foods7, self-determination8

Received: 13 Oct 2023; Accepted: 22 Apr 2024.

Copyright: © 2024 Young, Shukla and Wilson. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

* Correspondence: PhD. Shailesh Shukla, University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg, R3B 2E9, Manitoba, Canada

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Community Case Study Article Type: Criteria for Submission and Peer Review

Matthew lee smith.

1 Department of Health Promotion and Behavior, College of Public Health, The University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA

2 Department of Health Promotion and Community Health Sciences, Texas A&M Health Science Center School of Public Health, College Station, TX, USA

Sue E. Levkoff

3 College of Social Work, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC, USA

Marcia G. Ory

The importance of case studies in public health education and promotion.

Health programs and practices are often conceived and delivered by community-based practitioners to address specific community health education and promotion needs ( 1 ). Although, initially untested, such programs can provide important lessons for researchers and practitioners, alike. Given the growing emphasis on community-based participatory research (CBPR) approaches ( 2 ), it is especially important for researchers to build upon findings from CBPR studies, which can contribute to the development of evidence-based programs and practices for widespread dissemination ( 3 ).

While a community case study can take many forms ( 4 , 5 ), we are defining it as a description of, and reflection upon, a program or practice geared toward improving the health and functioning of a targeted population. We utilize the term “community” in contrast to “clinical” studies, but it is important to note that a community can be defined in terms of geographic boundaries as well as demographic characteristics, common settings, and/or affiliations.

Typically, a community case study documents a local experience about delivering services to meet an identified need. Community-based studies often rely on community engagement principles, which are not typically incorporated in the more traditional science-based approach to evidence-based program development (e.g., CBPR, action research, and community-engaged research). The community case study that documents early experiences can contribute to programmatic development as well as to the future development of evidence-based practice. This has been referred to as the “practice to science” approach to the development of evidence-based practices ( 6 ). The community case study can also represent activities at later development stages, for example, documenting the experience of implementing an evidence-based program or practice in a different context (e.g., different culture, different population, and different setting) from that in which it was first developed [“from science to practice” ( 6 )]. The lessons learned from such community case studies are essential for adaptation, replication, and eventual widespread dissemination and sustainability of innovations across a wide range of settings and populations.

Although case studies are a recognized form of research ( 5 ), the criteria for evaluating the quality of such efforts necessarily differs from empirical research articles where there is less attention to the local experience and context in which the intervention occurs, and more emphasis is given to the use of standardized research designs, measures, and analyses.

Key Components of a Community Case Study

Under this article type, Frontiers in Public Health Education and Promotion will accept a broad spectrum of manuscripts that describe interventions, including programs and services, which promote public health education, practice, research, and/or policy. Such public health interventions can be implemented at the behavioral, organizational, community, environmental, and/or policy level(s). Articles require a description of the nature of the problem being addressed and rationale for the proposed intervention, the context (setting and population) in which the intervention is being implemented, and sufficient detail to allow replication of key programmatic elements. Reflections about public health impact as well as what works and what does not work should be highlighted. Additionally, submissions will require a discussion section that shares practical implications, lessons learned for future applications, and acknowledgment of any conceptual or methodological constraints. Articles should not exceed 5,000 words and include a maximum of five tables/graphs. Evaluation criteria for this article type are outlined below:

We recommend that community case study article submissions address the following issues (if relevant).

• □ What is the problem? Whom does it affect?
• □ What are the gaps about what is known or done currently?
• □ What is the setting? Who are the key stakeholders? Who is the target population or participants?
• □ With whom did you work or collaborate? Are there any unique characteristics of the team who worked to implement the solution?
• □ What is the solution described by this community case study?
• □ Is this solution innovative/novel in terms of content, format, and/or delivery? If yes, why?
• □ What are the essential elements of the solution? Could this community case study be replicated? Include sufficient detail that the reader would know if replication would be feasible in his/her own context.
• □ What are the barriers and facilitators to the development, implementation, and/or dissemination of the intervention?
• □ What are the major successes of the solution? What are the promising results to date? Include data and/or evaluation results, if available.
• □ How does this improve public health education, practice, research, and/or policy? What are the broader implications of this work?
• □ Recommendations for those who want to replicate this in other settings, populations, or over time.

Criteria for Review (Template for Review Editors to Complete for Each Manuscript)

Indicate what the community case study describes (check all that apply)

• __an education effort
• __a health promotion program
• __a health promotion service
• __an environmental change taking place in the community
• __a technological change taking place in the community
• __a policy change taking place in the community
• __a community partnership
• __others. Please specify: _____________________
• __none of the above (i.e., inappropriately categorized for submission as a community case study article).

Indicate the target audience for the case study (check all that apply)

• __educators
• __community professionals
• __health-care professionals
• __lay public
• __policy makers
• __other. Please specify: _____________________

Mandatory Sections and Associated Criteria

A community case study article has the following mandatory sections: abstract, introduction, background and rationale, description of the case, methodological aspects (including targeted population and setting), discussion, and lessons learned/recommendations. Are all sections present?

• Is the abstract written in a clear and comprehensive way?
• Does the abstract reflect major conclusions articulated in the case study?

Introduction

• Does the introduction present the problem in an appropriate context?
• Other comments on introduction.

Background and Rationale

• Is the intent of the case study adequately described?
• Is a justification made for the innovation/novelty of proposed case in content, format, and/or delivery?
• Are the questions asked by the case study most essential to the success of the initiative?
• Other comments on background and rationale.

Essential Elements of the Intervention

• Is the intervention adequately described (e.g., development, previous findings if any, components, and format/design)?
• Is the intervention described in sufficient detail to understand the essential elements?
• Are the implementation procedures adequately described (e.g., how is the intervention being implemented in a particular setting, population, and/or partnerships; are any adaptations needed from prior work)?
• Are the target setting(s) and population(s) adequately described so that context for the case study is clearly understood?
• Is this a single community or multiple community study?
• Is there an overall conceptual model or framework for understanding the importance of the problem and selection of intervention elements?
• Is it clear whether the emphasis is on furthering knowledge about the process and/or outcome of the case study? If focus is on process, is there attention to key elements of implementation such as reach, reproducibility, scalability, or sustainability? If on outcomes, are the metrics of success (outcome indicators) clearly articulated?
• Is the generalizability of findings/lessons learned addressed?
• Other comments on methods.
• Are findings/lessons learned accurately reported from data presented?
• Is the level of detail of the results appropriate (too much, too little, or about right)?
• Is any essential information missing?
• Other comments on results.
• Are the reported findings/lessons learned summarized briefly and described within the context of what is currently known about the public health issue(s) or problem(s) being addressed?
• Does the article conclude with practical recommendations for others who might replicate this intervention/program (or similar interventions/programs)?
• Does the article conclude with applied recommendations for those in the field who might deliver this intervention/program (or similar interventions/programs) in their communities/settings?
• Does the case study contribute concrete recommendations for delivering and/or improving the intervention for future applications (directed toward educators, researchers, or practitioners, as appropriate)?
• Does the article address any conceptual or methodological limitations for future implementation, dissemination, and sustainability?
• Other comments on discussion.
• Are the conclusions justified?
• Overall, does the article contribute to building evidence-based practice and/or policy?
• Is prior work, if any, properly and fully cited?

Article Length

• A case study article should not exceed 5,000 words. Should any part of the article be shortened? If yes, please specify which part should be shortened.
• A case study article should not include more than five tables/figures. If there are more tables/figures included, please specify if you believe tables can be combined, condensed, or eliminated.

Language and Grammar

• Are the language and grammar correct?
• Should the paper be sent to an expert in English language and scientific writing?

Other Comments

• Please add any further comments you have regarding this manuscript.

Reviewer Ratings

• Significance of issue being addressed by the case study: scored out of a maximum of 10 points
• Description of essential elements of the case study: scored out of a maximum of 10 points
• Appropriateness of the context (population and setting) in addressing the public health issue/problem described in the case study: scored out of a maximum of 10 points
• Sufficient conceptual and methodological detail describing why and how the intervention was implemented: scored out of a maximum of 10 points
• Reflections on what worked and did not work in the design, implementation, and/or dissemination of the program: scored out of a maximum of 10 points
• Quality of the writing: scored out of a maximum of 10 points
• Quality of the figure(s) and table(s): scored out of a maximum of 10 points
• Significance of the findings/lessons learned: scored out of a maximum of 10 points

Author Contributions

All authors were integral in formulating and drafting the manuscript and associated criteria.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

A quantitative optimization method for rockfall passive nets on high-steep slopes: case study of the Feishuiyan slope

• Technical Note
• Published: 22 April 2024

Cite this article

• Yu-chen Li 1 ,
• Nan Jiang 2 ,
• Jun-lin Chen 2 ,
• Shi-quan Chen 3 ,
• Yu-chuan Yang 3 &
• Jia-wen Zhou   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-6817-1071 1  

Rockfall poses a formidable threat to the ongoing fast-paced construction of large-scale projects in uninhabited areas in high mountain valleys. In this study, an optimization method for arranging passive nets on high and steep slopes was presented to mitigate the threat from rockfalls. This method diverges from the conventional method of subjectively arranging passive nets along the perimeter of protected regions (due to its emphasis on cost considerations), in which the quantitative appraisal of rockfall movement characteristics and interception rates is frequently omitted, consequently failing to comprehensively ensure transportation routes and temporary construction sites. The methodology encompasses the acquisition of terrain data by unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), identification of rockfall sources based on UAV point clouds, quantitative assessment of rockfall hazards using a 3D probabilistic model, and optimization of the layout of passive nets based on the assessment results. The aim of the optimization of passive nets is to quantitatively assess the cost–effect relationship of passive nets, accounting for construction feasibility, interception potential, and likelihood of successful rockfall interception. We applied this method to the Feishuiyan slope in southwest China as an example, and the results demonstrated an enhanced interception rate of 99% and cost reduction by a factor of three relative to the original scheme. This innovative approach could enhance rockfall mitigation in high and steep areas, providing a viable strategy for future prevention efforts in these areas.

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This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (U2240221 and 41977229) and the Sichuan Youth Science and Technology Innovation Research Team Project (2020JDTD0006). Critical comments by the anonymous reviewers greatly improved the initial manuscript.

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Li, Yc., Jiang, N., Chen, Jl. et al. A quantitative optimization method for rockfall passive nets on high-steep slopes: case study of the Feishuiyan slope. Landslides (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10346-024-02265-1

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10346-024-02265-1

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April 22, 2024 5 Minute Read

America’s Solar Surge

As the U.S. invests in renewable energy, solar power continues to gain momentum, with installations growing by 22% annually over the past 10 years 1 and 51% in 2023 alone. 2 According to the Solar Energies Industry Association, this growth has been driven by:

• Reduction in costs for solar photovoltaics (PV) installations
• Rising demand for sustainable electricity from both public and private sectors
• Federal policies like solar Investment Tax Credit (ITC) and, more recently, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA)

At the end of 2023, there was just over 179 gigawatts (GW) of solar capacity installed nationwide, enough to provide power for approximately 33 million households. 3 The U.S. Energy Information Administration projects that a record 36.4 GW of solar capacity will be added to the energy grid in 2024. 4

While rooftop solar continues to be a game changer for many property owners, it isn’t always an option for others, particularly renters and low-and-moderate-income (LMI) households. LMI households are frequently renters and therefore it is difficult for them to persuade property owners to install on-site solar. To overcome these obstacles, the concept of community solar emerged in 2010, providing customers with access to solar energy without the need to install PV panels. Over the past 10 years, community solar has experienced an average annual growth rate of 80%, reaching approximately 6.49 GW at the end of 2023. 5 Looking ahead, community solar is forecast to double by 2028, 6 reaching 14 GW.

This Viewpoint aims to highlight the benefits and opportunities from community solar for commercial property owners, particularly in urban areas with high renewable energy demand but limited properties that can accommodate on-site solar.

Figure 1: Cumulative U.S. Community Solar Installations & Forecast

What is Community Solar?

According to Altus Power (a full-service solar company offering unique commercial, industrial, and community solar customer-focused solutions from coast to coast), community solar gives local businesses and residents shared access to renewable energy and its benefits by remote access to existing solar installations. By subscribing to a community solar project, property owners can reduce their carbon emissions and electricity costs without making any changes to their rooftop or home. This transformative business model encourages more clean energy in the community and is designed to provide renewable energy access to those who might not be able to install solar panels due to factors like limited rooftop space, shading, outdated electrical systems, high costs, or because they do not own the building. 7

Essentially, community solar participants are members in a shared solar project situated on a larger, off-site location such as a large utility-scale solar facility, a solar farm or a nearby industrial or retail property. Each member pays for a share of the energy generated by a community solar array; in return, members receive a credit on their electricity bill for the energy generated by their share. Community solar not only lowers carbon emissions, but often reduces rising operational costs for property owners.

How does community solar intersect with commercial real estate?

Incorporating community solar into commercial real estate strategies can align with both environmental goals and business interests. The intersection between community solar and commercial real estate occurs when property owners choose to host community solar projects. This type of partnership often involves commercial property owners leasing rooftop or land space to accommodate solar installations. Community solar installations generally allow a solar developer and real estate owner to maximize the PV system size, further increasing the economic opportunity for the property owner. Community solar enables these property owners to generate renewable energy while also creating additional income streams through underutilized spaces. Community solar not only bolsters resilience and reliability of the electrical grid, but also helps to stabilize energy expense and demonstrate a commitment to sustainability.

Business Opportunity and Community Impact

For commercial real estate owners with rooftops capable of accommodating solar panels, the income opportunity arises from two options: i) “behind the meter” solar serving the tenant, and ii) community solar. The first option provides clean power to the tenant and for on-site operations, reducing utility expenses while helping them meet sustainability goals. With community solar, the clean power generated is put into the electricity grid and multiple community members are able to purchase the energy, often at a discount, without needing site control. Community solar projects promote sustainability by increasing the adoption of renewable energy, reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and decreasing dependence on fossil fuels—a leading contributor to climate change.

Incorporating community solar into commercial real estate strategies can align with both environmental goals and business interests.

Where are the significant community solar projects?

Since the inception of the first community solar project in Ellensburg, WA, in 2006, its rapid growth has been aided by various state programs. As of 2022, there were 2,550 community solar projects across the nation, with 93% of these located in 10 states. The top states for community solar installations include Florida (27% of all installations), New York (19%), Minnesota (14%), and Massachusetts (14%) 8 ; however, many of these projects were implemented as part of utility-specific programs that were not available to commercial real estate property owners.

According to Altus Power, the most active states for community solar on large commercial buildings are Illinois, New Jersey, New York and Maryland, due to attractive state legislation and large real estate supply.

Figure 2: U.S. Community Solar Profile: Market Share and Public Policy Support

Market Share of Community Solar & LMI Capacity in the U.S.

Community solar’s concentration in 10 states reflects the vital role that state policies and regulations play in spurring adoption. Additionally, federal policies, such as the ITC—which was extended as part of the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA)—and state-level policies, like Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS) requiring electricity utilities to generate a specific percentage of their energy from renewable resources and net metering to provide credits for solar energy added to the grid, have all encouraged participation and investment. Furthermore, the significant fall in solar costs has improved the economic viability of community solar. As solar installation expenses continue to decrease and favorable state-level policies are enacted, community solar projects will become more accessible to LMI households, allowing more individuals to participate in a low carbon future.

Figure 3: Market Share of Community Solar and LMI Capacity Across the U.S.

Case Study for CRE

Learning from neighboring states’ solar success.

In many urban areas, there is not enough suitable land nearby for ground-mounted solar installations. Instead, it’s more viable to leverage large industrial and retail commercial property rooftops. By utilizing these expansive roof spaces, local communities can make renewable energy accessible to a broader range of individuals, including those with lower incomes. This approach not only addresses the land constraints but also encourages collaboration between residential and commercial sectors, fostering a mutually beneficial environment where energy generated benefits both the local community and the commercial entities. It promotes sustainability while maximizing the potential of existing infrastructure, ensuring that renewable energy sources become an integral part of underserved communities often most impacted by pollution from fossil fuels.

In the case study below, CBRE Econometric Advisors utilizes our proprietary commercial property data to compare the community solar potential in four cities. Two markets with community solar initiatives (New York City and Chicago) are compared with cities in the same regions (Philadelphia and Detroit) that plan to enact programs. The study demonstrates the potential financial and environmental benefits that community solar initiatives could bring as regulations and programs evolve. Although the amount of savings varies by location, project specifics and energy consumption, community solar subscribers can save as much as 20% annually. 9 In the case study examples, New York and Chicago subscribers can save 9-10% annually off of their electricity bills.

Figure 4: Market Comparison Case Study

Community solar provides a cost-effective way for communities to participate in sustainable energy solutions. The benefits include more clean energy for local communities and, for property owners, more revenue opportunities, less dependence on fossil-fuel energy sources, and compliance with government Building Performance Standards (BPS) or other climate mitigation measures.

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