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Shinto Symbols: The Meanings of the Most Common Symbols Seen at Japanese Shinto Shrines

• Jack Xavier

The Japanese religion called Shinto may seem clouded in mystery to many non-Japanese. Indeed, even to Japanese people, there are many aspects of Shinto that are not well-understood, particularly the meaning behind the various Shinto symbols. Learning a little about Shinto will lead to many questions: Why are the gates red? What is the relevance of the lightning-shaped paper decorations? And why are there ropes wrapped around trees? Today we will be diving into the world of Shinto, discussing its background and the hidden meanings behind some of Shinto's more striking symbols.

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What Is Shinto?

Before we get into the meaning behind Shinto symbols, let’s go over some of the basic concepts connected to Shinto to get a better understanding of the religion (if we can even call it that). Like any religion, it is difficult to concisely define Shinto in a few words, however, it is notable for its polytheistic worship of “kami,” meaning “gods or spirits that exist in all things.” Because of this belief that kami reside in all things across nature—such as mountains, trees, waterfalls, etc—Shinto is also classified as an animistic religion, one that worships nature or nature spirits. Another term to describe Shinto is “kami-no-michi,” or “the way of the gods.”

Unlike some religions, there is no central authority that dictates the rules and regulations of Shinto, and as a result, practices can vary greatly from region to region and even neighboring shrines.

Shinto Symbols

Now that we have laid the groundwork for what makes Shinto unique, let's take a look at some of the more notable Shinto symbols and motifs and the meanings behind them. The six Shinto symbols we will be covering today are " torii ," " shimenawa ," " shide ," " sakaki ," " tomoe ," and " shinkyo ."

Torii Gates, The Entrance to Shinto Shrines

Perhaps the most recognizable symbols of Shintoism are the majestic gates that mark the entrance to Shinto shrines. Made of wood or stone, these two-post gateways are known as “torii” and show the boundaries in which a kami lives. The act of passing through a torii is seen as a form of purification, which is very important when visiting a shrine, as purification rituals are a major function in Shinto. 

After learning about what torii are, it is natural to wonder why so many are painted such a vibrant shade of red (or orange). In Japan, the color red is representative of the sun and life, and it is also said to ward off bad omens and disasters. Once again, by passing through these red gates, visitors to a shrine are cleansed of any bad energy, ensuring that only good energy will be brought to the Kami that resides inside. On a less spiritual and more practical note, the color red is also the color of the lacquer which has traditionally been used to coat the wood of the torii and protect it against the elements. 

Having said this, not all torii are red. There are a variety of torii made of unlacquered wood, stone (usually white or grey in color), and even metal. While there are a great number of color variations (including black), there is an even greater number of shapes (somewhere around 60 different varieties!). The two most common kinds, however, are "myojin" and "shinmei" torii. Myojin torii are curved upwards at their ends and have a crossbeam that extends past the posts (as in the photo above). Shinmei torii, however, have a straight top and a crossbeam that ends at each post (as in the photo below).

・Some of Japan's Most Recognizable Torii

When speaking of torii, perhaps the most famous location is Kyoto's  Fushimi Inari Shrine . This iconic shrine plays host to literally thousands of orange torii gates that wind up the mountain.

Another very famous torii can be found at Ikutsushima Shrine on an island called Miyajima. Only 40 minutes from Hiroshima City, this majestic torii is quite spectacular as it rises up out of the sea.

Oarai-Isosaki Shrine  in Ibaraki Prefecture is home to another iconic torii that sits on a rocky outcropping off the shore. This torii is simple yet beautiful, particularly at sunset or when a turbulent sea sends waves crashing onto the rock.

One of Tokyo's most iconic torii is the giant first gate at Yasukuni Shrine . The massive metal torii has a simple design, but is awe-inspiring due to its gigantic size, standing 25 meters (82 feet) tall. 

Another of the most highly-photographed torii gates in Japan is at Hakone Shrine in Hakone, Kanagawa Prefecture. The gate stands in the water of Lake Ashi near the foot of Mt. Fuji. This torii is so popular that those hoping to take a photo often need to wait in line for more than two hours.

Saitama Prefecture's Mitsumine Shrine not only has a gorgeous setting, nestled in the mountains around the city of Chichibu, but it is also home to a beautiful gold-accented torii with a less common "miwa" design. 

Shimenawa, Shinto's Sacred Rope

"Shimenawa" are ropes, often adorned with white zig-zag-shaped ornaments. They can vary greatly in size and diameter, with some being not much more than a few threads, while others are massive and thick! Shimenawa are typically used to mark the boundaries of sacred space and are said to ward off evil spirits.

They are often seen hanging from torii, wrapped around sacred trees and rocks (within which kami are said to reside), or even fastened around that waist of grand champion sumo wrestlers! These special trees, rocks, and "yokozuna" (sumo grand champs) are known as “yorishiro,” meaning something that attracts gods or has a god living within.

Shide, the White, Zig-Zag Papers

One particular item you may notice when walking on the premises of a shrine is the zig-zag white papers, often hanging from the aforementioned shimenawa. These curious items can be found all over the place within a shrine and are often used to demarcate the boundaries of a sacred space or border within the shrine. The lightning-shaped decorations are called “shide” (pronounced "she-day") and are also used in a variety of purification ceremonies. If you go at the right time, you might even see shide attached to special wands used by Shinto priests performing said ceremonies.

There are two theories behind why shide have their lightning shape. One claims that the shape is representative of the infinite power of the gods, and another suggests that as rain, clouds, and lightning are elements of a good harvest, lightning-shaped shide are a prayer to the gods for a bountiful season. 

There are a variety of different shide-adorned wands used in Shinto, with subtle differences between them in terms of style. Two of these wands are called “gohei” and “haraegushi." Shrine maidens called “miko” use the gohei wand with two shide attached in rituals and ceremonies to bless people, but the main purpose of the wand is to bless objects or cleanse sacred places of negative energy.  

The haraegushi wand with many shide attached is used for the same purpose of cleansing but under different circumstances. A Shinto priest will rhythmically wave the haraegushi over a person or a person's newly obtained objects, such as a new house or car to perform this purification ritual.

Sakaki, Shinto’s Sacred Tree

As mentioned previously, nature worship is a key element of Shintoism, trees playing a particularly important role. Certain types of trees are considered sacred and are known as “shinboku.” Not unlike torii, these trees, which surround a shrine, create a sacred fence inside of which is deemed a purified space.

Although there are a few types of trees that are considered sacred, perhaps there is none more important than the sakaki, a flowering evergreen native to Japan. Sakaki trees are commonly found planted around shrines to act as a sacred fence, and a branch of sakaki is sometimes used as an offering to the gods. One of the reasons that sakaki trees are considered sacred in Shinto has to do with the fact that they are evergreens and therefore symbolic of immortality. Another more important reason is tied to a legend in which a sakaki tree was decorated in order to lure Amaterasu, the sun goddess, out of her hiding place inside a cave. This myth (described in more detail in the  shinkyo  section below) gives a special symbolism to the sakaki tree that is celebrated in Shinto ritual to this day. 

Tomoe, The Swirling Commas

The swirling "tomoe" symbol may remind many of China’s well-known yin-yang symbol. However, the meaning and use are quite different. Tomoe, often translated as “comma,” were commonly used in Japanese badges of authority called “mon,” and as such tomoe are associated with samurai.

Tomoe can feature two, three, or even four commas in their design. The three-comma "mitsu-domoe", however, is the most commonly used in Shintoism and is said to represent the interaction of the three realms of existence: heaven, earth, and the underworld. 

Keep an eye out for tomoe and you will see them used to decorate all manner things from taiko drums and protective charms to lanterns and Japanese-style roofs! 

Shinkyo, Shinto's God Mirror

Our final Shinto symbol for discussion is in the “shinkyo,” or "god mirror," a mystical object said to connect our world to the spirit realm. Shinkyo can be seen displayed at Shinto alters as an avatar of the kami, the idea being that the god will enter the mirror in order to interface with our world.

This belief goes all the way back to a legend involving the Japanese sun goddess, Amaterasu, who once went into hiding in a cave, thereby plunging the world into darkness. In order to coax her out of the cave, numerous other gods gathered outside the cave and threw a party. The gods hung jewels and a mirror from a sakaki tree in front of the cave to distract Amaterasu's attention should she venture outside. Curious about the festive noises, Amaterasu peeked out of the cave and asked why the other gods were celebrating. In response, she was told that there was a goddess even more beautiful than herself outside the cave. Upon exiting the cave, she was greeted by the mirror and her own reflection, at which point, the other gods took the opportunity to seal the cave shut with a shimenawa. 

Later, this same mirror was later given to Amaterasu's grandson with the instructions to worship it as if it were Amaterasu herself. In this way, one does not necessarily pray to a shinkyo, but rather to the god of that shrine for which the mirror is acting as a physical avatar. The shinkyo is considered a "shintai," or a physical stand-in that the kami can inhabit in the human realm.

By the way, the cave described in the legend is actually a real place, now called the Amanoyasugawara Shrine, in Miyazaki Prefecture (pictured above). It's a bit off the beaten path but is a very cool place to visit once you know this story. 

Even with what we have covered today, there is much more to learn when it comes to Shinto, the way of the gods. If you are curious to learn more about Japanese culture and shrines, take a look at our articles “ Proper Shrine Worship Etiquette ” and “ 10 Important Points To Note About Praying at a Shrine ”.

Although we have only scratched the surface of Shinto symbols in this article, hopefully, it will give you a greater appreciation for the small details and fascinating stories behind the symbols. When you have the opportunity to visit a Shinto shrine, please keep an eye out for all of the symbols mentioned above!

If you want to give feedback on any of our articles, you have an idea that you'd really like to see come to life, or you just have a question on Japan, hit us up on our  Facebook ,  Twitter , or  Instagram !

The information in this article is accurate at the time of publication.

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Japanese Dragon Symbol Meaning: Origins and Interpretations

Dragons are legendary creatures that have long been a fascinating subject in various cultures around the world. In Japan, the dragon holds a special significance and is deeply rooted in their history, mythology, and art. So what is the meaning behind the Japanese dragon symbol, and how did it come to be?

In this article, we will explore the origins and interpretations of the Japanese dragon symbol, delving into its mythology, portrayal in art, and the traditional beliefs associated with it. Join us as we unravel the mysteries of this powerful and awe-inspiring creature.

Table of Contents

Meaning and Symbolism of the Japanese Dragon

The Japanese dragon is a powerful and revered symbol in Japanese culture. It is associated with various meanings and symbolism, representing different concepts and qualities.

One of the primary meanings of the Japanese dragon is strength and power. The dragon is often depicted as a majestic creature with immense physical strength and the ability to control elements such as fire and water. This symbolizes the dragon’s dominance and authority.

In Japanese mythology, the dragon is also associated with wisdom and knowledge. Dragons are believed to possess ancient wisdom and are often depicted as wise and mystical beings. They are seen as protectors of knowledge and guardians of sacred places.

Furthermore, the Japanese dragon is considered a symbol of good fortune and luck. It is believed to bring blessings and prosperity to those who possess its image or invoke its presence. The dragon is often depicted alongside other auspicious symbols in Japanese art and architecture.

Additionally, the dragon is associated with longevity and immortality . It is believed to have the power to live for thousands of years and is revered for its eternal existence. The dragon’s serpentine body is seen as a representation of the often cyclical and continuous nature of life .

In Japanese culture, the dragon is also associated with transformation and change. It is believed to have the ability to shape-shift and take different forms, symbolizing the fluidity of life and the capacity for personal growth and transformation.

Overall, the Japanese dragon holds significant meaning and symbolism in Japanese culture, representing strength, wisdom, good fortune, longevity, and transformation.

Origins of the Japanese Dragon Symbol

The Japanese dragon symbol holds deep cultural and historical significance in Japan. Its origins can be traced back to ancient Chinese mythology, where the dragon was revered as a powerful and benevolent creature. The concept of the dragon was then adopted and adapted by the Japanese culture, giving rise to its unique interpretation.

In Japanese folklore, the dragon is known as “ryu” and is believed to possess extraordinary powers and wisdom. It is often depicted as a giant serpent-like creature with scales, horns, and claws. Unlike its Western counterparts, the Japanese dragon is not associated with evil or destruction, but rather represents strength, good fortune, and protection.

The influence of the dragon symbol can be seen in various aspects of Japanese culture, including art, literature, and festivals. It is commonly depicted in traditional Japanese paintings, sculptures, and tattoos. The dragon is also a prominent figure in Japanese mythology and is associated with many legendary stories and legends.

Overall, the Japanese dragon symbol has its roots in ancient Chinese mythology but has evolved over time to become a distinct and unique symbol in Japanese culture. It represents power, wisdom, and protection, and continues to be revered and celebrated in Japan today.

The Japanese Dragon in Mythology

The Japanese dragon holds a significant place in Japanese mythology and folklore. It is often revered as a powerful and wise creature that possesses supernatural abilities. The myths surrounding the Japanese dragon vary across different regions of Japan, but they generally depict the dragon as a guardian and bringer of fortune.

In Japanese mythology, the dragon is believed to have control over various elements, including water and weather. It is often associated with rain and storms, and is considered to be the ruler of the seas and bodies of water. This association with water is also why dragons are often depicted as serpentine creatures with long bodies, resembling the shape of a river or ocean current.

The Japanese dragon is often portrayed as a benevolent being that protects the land and its people. It is believed to bring good fortune, prosperity, and success. Many temples and shrines in Japan have dragon statues or carvings as a symbol of protection and prosperity.

The dragon also holds a symbolic meaning in relation to the imperial family of Japan. In Japanese myth, the imperial family is said to be descended from the gods, and the dragon is one of the sacred creatures associated with the gods. As a result, the dragon is closely tied to the symbolism of the imperial family and is often depicted in imperial regalia.

Overall, the Japanese dragon in mythology represents power, wisdom, protection, and good fortune. Its role as a guardian and bringer of prosperity has made it an important symbol in Japanese culture and art.

The Japanese Dragon in Art

The Japanese dragon is a prominent motif in Japanese art, and its representation can vary depending on the artist and the style of art. Here are some common interpretations of the Japanese dragon in art:

Traditional Paintings: In traditional Japanese paintings, known as “nihonga,” the dragon is often depicted with a long, serpentine body, sharp claws, and colorful scales. These paintings often portray the dragon in dynamic poses, surrounded by clouds or water, symbolizing its connection to the elements.

Ukiyo-e Prints: Ukiyo-e prints are a popular form of Japanese art that emerged during the Edo period. Dragons in ukiyo-e prints are often depicted as fierce and powerful creatures. They are sometimes shown in battle scenes, alongside samurai warriors or mythical beings.

Ceramics and Pottery: The dragon is a common motif found on Japanese ceramics and pottery. These pieces often depict the dragon in a more stylized and abstract manner, with simplified lines and shapes. Dragon motifs can be found on everything from tea bowls to sake sets.

Kimono Design: The dragon is also frequently incorporated into kimono designs. These designs can range from intricate, embroidered dragons to simpler, printed patterns. The dragon motif is believed to bring good luck and protection when incorporated into clothing.

The Japanese dragon’s representation in art reflects its significance and symbolism in Japanese culture. Whether depicted in traditional paintings, ukiyo-e prints, ceramics, or kimono designs, the dragon is a powerful and revered creature that continues to inspire artists and captivate audiences.

Traditional Beliefs and the Japanese Dragon

In Japanese culture, the dragon holds a significant place and is revered as a divine creature. It is believed to bring good fortune, protection, and fertility. The dragon is seen as a symbol of power, strength, and wisdom.

According to traditional beliefs, dragons are guardians of the spiritual world and are associated with the elements of water, earth and the heavens. They are believed to have the ability to control weather and natural phenomena, such as rain, wind, and clouds.

The Japanese dragon is also closely associated with the Imperial family and has been used as a symbol of the emperor’s power and authority. It is often depicted on emblems, flags, and various other forms of art.

In Japanese folklore, dragons are often depicted as benevolent creatures that bring blessings and protection. They are believed to be protectors of the land and its people, guarding against evil spirits and bringing prosperity. It is common to see dragon motifs in temples, shrines, and traditional ceremonies.

Overall, the Japanese dragon holds deep cultural and spiritual significance in Japanese society. It symbolizes power, protection, and prosperity, and is an essential part of Japan’s rich mythology and traditional beliefs.

The Japanese dragon holds a rich history and symbolism in Japanese culture. From its origins in mythology to its representation in art, the Japanese dragon is seen as a powerful and auspicious creature. It is associated with strength, wisdom, and good fortune.

Throughout history, the Japanese dragon has been revered and respected for its connection to nature and the spiritual realm. Its presence in traditional beliefs and its depiction in art showcase the deep cultural significance of the Japanese dragon. Whether seen as a guardian or a bringer of luck, the Japanese dragon continues to hold a special place in the hearts and minds of the Japanese people.

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Linda Callaway is a passionate history buff and researcher specializing in ancient history, symbolism, and dream interpretation. Her inquisitive nature has been a life-long pursuit, from her childhood days spent exploring the past, to her current academic studies of the ancient world. Linda has a strong interest in the symbolism associated with everyday objects, as well as the interpretation of dreams as a way to uncover hidden truths.

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Japanese Color Meanings – Symbolic Colors in Japanese Culture

All colors have meaning, but they are not all the same, as different countries and cultures play a big part in how people perceive colors. Japan is a country steeped in history, where colors are perceived differently to the Western world. They have developed a beautiful language of colors that can be seen in their clothes, art, and rituals. The Japanese culture has also been influenced by the Western world, but many of the Japanese color meanings are still applicable today. Let us now discuss the various color meanings in Japan, so we can gain a little more insight into this remarkable culture!

Table of Contents

• 1.1 Meaning of Kimono Colors
• 2.1 Red (Aka)
• 2.2 White (Shiro)
• 2.3 Black (Kuro)
• 2.4 Blue (Ao)
• 2.5 Green (Midori)
• 2.6 Purple (Murasaki)
• 2.7 Orange (Orenji)
• 2.8 Yellow (Kiiro)
• 2.9 Brown (Chairo)
• 2.10 Pink (Pinku)
• 2.11 Gold (Kin’iro)
• 2.12 Silver (Gin’iro)
• 3.1 What Are Some of the Lucky Colors in Japan? 
• 3.2 What Does Red Mean in Japan?
• 3.3 What Is the Most Popular Color in Japan Today?

What Is the Influence of Colors in the Japanese Culture?

There are quite a few lucky colors in Japan, some are more important at weddings, while others are often used in various rituals. There are also some rules to using different colors, especially with the kimono colors. Besides the influence of the Western world, traditional Japanese colors have also been heavily influenced by China. The influence of Japanese color symbolism goes as far back as the seventh century when there was a heavy Chinese presence in Japan.

The color meanings in Japan may not be the same as in China, but many of the colors have their origin in various Chinese beliefs, from Confucianism and Buddhism to Taoism. Some of these influenced how colors were associated with social classes, which then affected the growth of Japanese color meanings.

One of the biggest influences on Japanese color symbolism was the philosophy of Zen Buddhism, which is similar to the Japanese philosophy of Shintoism. These two religions overlapped, but later in the 19 th century, they were officially separated by the Meiji regime. Shinto philosophy has animalistic connections, where various nature spirits are worshiped, and where various colors have meaning.

The colors are what represent the core values of living a good and modest life. The four primary colors in this Japanese system include red, white, blue, and black. Other colors also have meaning, but these four colors are prominent and form part of most traditional Japanese architecture , and clothing, and are used in other events.

Meaning of Kimono Colors

The kimono is a traditional Japanese garment that has existed for many years. The kimono is a symbol of good fortune and long life, and the patterns and colors used are connected to the virtues of the wearer, or it is related to a special event, or it can also be related to a specific season. So, many of the colors and patterns are only worn at a particular time of year. For example, if you wear blue, which is a summer color in spring, it could be considered improper.

The kimono colors are similar to the traditional Japanese colors. The one part of the outfit that is seen as the most important is the sash or belt, which is known as the obi.

This part of the outfit acts as a focus point, so the same kimono can have different “belts”, which can change the whole impression the outfit makes. So, if a woman has a colorful obi or belt, and is wearing a white kimono, it could mean she is off to a wedding, even though white is a symbol of mourning. Next, let us discuss in more detail the different Japanese color meanings.

Traditional Japanese Colors and Their Meaning

 Two of the more prominent Japanese colors are red and white, which can be found in the country’s national flag. Both these colors are also used as decorations for various events and are mainly associated with joy. The colors are also important in certain ceremonies like weddings or birthdays. Let us now look at these two colors in more detail, followed by a few other important and lucky colors in Japan. The term for color in Japan is “iro”.

What does red mean in Japan? Red is one of the major colors in Japan and the color means many things, such as passion, strength, self-sacrifice, authority, prosperity, and happiness. Red is also the symbolic color of the nation and is used as a full red circle that represents the sun, surrounded by white on the national flag. When festivals are held, red and white are often the colors you will notice. Red is also seen as the color meaning peace and wealth within the family. Red will also be a color you see at birthdays and other events, for example, if money is offered as a gift, it usually comes in a red envelope.

The red color is also used often in Japanese architecture, mostly at the Shinto shrines. The red color or “akani”, is considered to offer protection from evil. Red is also used to strengthen the spiritual connection with the gods being worshiped in the shrines.

Red was also used in the 15 to 16 th century, during the Japanese civil wars. The samurai warriors wore the colors as they represented power and strength. The red color has also been used for centuries by Japanese women as makeup. For many years before lipstick became popular, noblewomen made traditional lipstick from safflowers, which is still used by some today. The color is believed to help protect their beauty. 

White (Shiro)

White is a color that stands for purity and is also considered a blessed and sacred color. White forms the background for the national flag, which symbolizes the people’s reverence for their gods. White also represents humility, simplicity, divinity, truth, and mourning. In past years, white was often the color worn to funerals and was not generally used in everyday life.

Today, the Shinto priests still wear white, and it is the color that is the focus at many of the shrines, for example, white pebbles or sand, representing the purity of the gods.

The samurai would also wear white clothing when performing the hara-kiri or seppuku ritual, a form of ritualistic suicide. When Japan was opened up to the Western world, there was some influence and today white is often worn as an everyday color, while black has become the color for mourning.

Black (Kuro)

Black is a popular color and is mainly associated with mystery, formality, night, mourning, elegance, and anger. The color can also represent evil, unhappiness, and misfortune. Traditionally, black is also associated with masculinity and men wore black at events like weddings. One of the older methods of using black in Japan, was in tattoos, especially by fishermen. The samurai also liked to wear black armor, which shone and reflected. The black color has also been used since the earliest days when women wore makeup.

It was tradition to even apply black to the teeth, using a combination of vinegar and iron, which is also believed to prevent tooth decay. This is not practiced all that much today, but a few still observe the traditions at funerals or other special occasions.

In calligraphy, black also plays an important part, especially in what is known as “ink painting” or “sumi-e”. This involves using black ink on a white space or surface, which is usually handmade paper. The artist uses various shades of black to produce beautiful compositions.

Blue is associated with fidelity, coolness, cleanliness, and purity, and is one of the most important lucky colors in Japan. Today, the word “ao” is used to describe blue, however, in the past, it described both blue and green and there was not much to distinguish the two colors. Eventually, the word “midori” came into the picture, and today describes the color green.

However, the word “ao” is still used to describe some words, for example, the green traffic lights are known as “ao shingo”, which means “blue signal”.

The color was very common among the Japanese people, as they used dyes from certain plants that were quite common. When the country was opened to the West, many of the visitors noticed how prolific the color was and named it “Japan blue”. Today, the color is still popular and applied to both everyday clothing items and formal wear like Japanese kimonos.

Green (Midori)

Green is another one of the lucky colors in Japan and is also associated with growth, youthfulness, fertility, and vitality. The color is popular in clothing as it represents freshness and restfulness. Tea is another important part of Japanese culture, and matcha green tea stands out with a particular shade of green. In Japan, nature is also important, and they celebrate “Greenery Day” every April to show respect for all things natural and green.

This came about because Emperor Showa (1901 – 1989), the 124th Emperor of Japan, loved nature. To show respect and honor, this day was dedicated to him on his birthday in April.

Purple (Murasaki)

Purple is a color that, as with many cultures, is associated with royalty and nobility, and common folk were not allowed to wear the color for many years. The purple color also signifies spirituality, wisdom, and luxury. Purple is also seen as the color of warriors as it is a symbol of strength. The color was difficult to come by and make, so it was rare and expensive, which also made it unavailable to the common people.

Today, the color is more commonly worn and is seen as a bold and luxurious color option.

However, in the early years, there was the “twelve-level cap and rank system”, which represented the hierarchy system in government that was different from the hereditary positions. This meant officials got posts because of merit. The 12 ranks were identified by the color cap worn by each official. A deep purple was reserved for the top officials only. Also, when Buddhism was introduced to Japan, the monk who displayed high levels of virtue could wear purple. The color purple is also closely associated with wisteria flowers, which are as popular as cherry blossoms in Japan.

Orange (Orenji)

Orange is a color that represents happiness and love and is a popular color with clothing in Japan. The color orange also symbolizes knowledge and development . The color is written today in the katakana writing system as “orenji”, but the traditional word for the orange color is “daidaiiro”.

Yellow (Kiiro)

Yellow, the color of sunshine represents nature and is a sacred color. Maybe not as significant as red or white, but yellow certainly has a place in the hearts of the Japanese people. In the past, a yellow chrysanthemum was worn to symbolize courage. Today, yellow is used at railway crossings and children wear yellow caps because it helps to increase visibility.

There are various terms or sayings that are also used with the color yellow. For example, a “yellow voice”, means the sharp voices of children and women.

Brown (Chairo)

As with Western associations, brown is also seen as a color of the earth in Japanese culture. The color brown also represents durability and strength. The word that represents brown, “chairo”, is the word for “tea color”, which can be various shades of brown . As mentioned before, tea is an important part of the Japanese culture.

Pink (Pinku)

Pink is another popular color in Japan and can be seen in clothing and other items. The pink color represents youth, good health, happiness, femininity, and spring. The color has a cute and child-like association but is also considered a color of romance and love. The Sakura or cherry blossom trees, which are popular in Japan, are also a beautiful shade of pink.

Gold (Kin’iro)

Gold is the color that represents prestige, royalty, and wealth. It is the color of the heavens and can often be found in temples and shrines. Gold threads were also often used in traditional wear like the kimono. A beautiful art form known as Kintsugi uses gold to mend broken pieces of pottery, which is a symbol of how you should embrace your imperfections and flaws.

Silver (Gin’iro)

Silver is often used in things like weapons and tools, and represents strength, precision, and masculinity. Other associations with silver include reliability, intelligence, modesty, security, and maturity. Silver jewelry is also important in Japanese culture and is used in special ceremonies and other celebrations.

Learning the significance of colors can be interesting, especially if you bring in different cultural aspects. Understanding the Japanese color meanings can be fascinating and inspiring, but it can also be challenging. There are many influences and beliefs, and even though there is so much more to the importance of color, we hope that we have provided a clear and simple explanation of the color meanings in Japan.

Take a look at our Japanese colors webstory here!

Frequently Asked Questions

What are some of the lucky colors in japan .

The color that sits at the top of the list of lucky colors in Japan is blue. However, red is also a favorable color, along with white, purple, green, and yellow.

What Does Red Mean in Japan?

Red has many meanings in Japan, but it is a color that represents peace, strength, protection, power, and prosperity. Red is a strong spiritual color that is said to ward off evil and bad luck.

What Is the Most Popular Color in Japan Today?

Even though there are many significant colors that have important meanings in Japan, recent surveys taken in 2019 indicate that blue is one of the more popular colors, closely followed by black, white, and pink.

In 2005, Charlene completed her Wellness Diplomas in Therapeutic Aromatherapy and Reflexology from the International School of Reflexology and Meridian Therapy. She worked for a company offering corporate wellness programs for a couple of years, before opening up her own therapy practice. It was in 2015 that a friend, who was a digital marketer, asked her to join her company as a content creator, and this is where she found her excitement for writing.

Since joining the content writing world, she has gained a lot of experience over the years writing on a diverse selection of topics, from beauty, health, wellness, travel, and more. Due to various circumstances, she had to close her therapy practice and is now a full-time freelance writer. Being a creative person, she could not pass up the opportunity to contribute to the Art in Context team, where is was in her element, writing about a variety of art and craft topics. Contributing articles for over three years now, her knowledge in this area has grown, and she has gotten to explore her creativity and improve her research and writing skills.

Charlene Lewis has been working for artincontext.org since the relaunch in 2020. She is an experienced writer and mainly focuses on the topics of color theory, painting and drawing.

Learn more about Charlene Lewis and the Art in Context Team .

Cite this Article

Charlene, Lewis, “Japanese Color Meanings – Symbolic Colors in Japanese Culture.” Art in Context. October 25, 2023. URL: https://artincontext.org/japanese-color-meanings/

Lewis, C. (2023, 25 October). Japanese Color Meanings – Symbolic Colors in Japanese Culture. Art in Context. https://artincontext.org/japanese-color-meanings/

Lewis, Charlene. “Japanese Color Meanings – Symbolic Colors in Japanese Culture.” Art in Context , October 25, 2023. https://artincontext.org/japanese-color-meanings/ .

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What is the translation of "representation" in Japanese?

"representation" in japanese, representation {noun}, mental representation {noun}, proportional representation {noun}, knowledge representation {noun}, irreducible representation {noun}, translations.

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Context sentences

English japanese contextual examples of "representation" in japanese.

These sentences come from external sources and may not be accurate. bab.la is not responsible for their content.

Monolingual examples

English how to use "representation" in a sentence, english how to use "mental representation" in a sentence, english how to use "proportional representation" in a sentence, english how to use "knowledge representation" in a sentence, english how to use "irreducible representation" in a sentence, synonyms (english) for "representation":.

• histrionics
• internal representation
• mental representation
• theatrical performance
• representation

pronunciation

• reporting to the emperor
• repose of souls
• repository or treasure house
• reprehensible
• reprehension
• represent by signs
• representational art
• representative
• representative director
• representative example
• representative government
• representative of Gifu and Mie prefectures
• representative point
• representative system
• represented
• representing others in a conference

Have a look at the Tswana-English dictionary by bab.la.

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▾ dictionary english-japanese, representation —, romanization (representation of foreign words using the roman alphabet) —, proportional representation electoral system (n which party votes are cast, and candidates from each party are elected based on an ordered list available to the public) —, electoral quota (e.g. in a proportional representation system) —, tower crowned by a representation of the chinese firebird —, representation of a face surrounded by or made from leaves —, normalization (e.g. in floating-point representation system) —, law for preventing unjustifiable extra or unexpected benefit and misleading representation —, proportional representation system in which both party and individual votes are cast, seats are distributed amongst parties by proportion of vote obtained, and candidates are elected in descending order of number of votes obtained —, normalized form (e.g. in floating-point representation) —, indicative (kanji whose shape is based on logical representation of an abstract idea) —, paper, cloth, wood, etc. representation of a sacred object —, proportional representation system in which votes are cast for a publicly available list of party members or for individual members of that list —, icon or representation of a user in a shared virtual reality —, 1st note in the tonic solfa representation of the diatonic scale —, 4th note in the tonic solfa representation of the diatonic scale —, 3rd note in the tonic solfa representation of the diatonic scale —, 6th note in the tonic solfa representation of the diatonic scale —, 7th note in the tonic solfa representation of the diatonic scale —, iteration mark (used to represent repetition of the previous character) —, representative director (i.e. someone chosen by the board of directors from among the directors to actually represent the company in its dealings with the outside world) —, part of a kanji for which the role is primarily to represent the pronunciation (as opposed to the meaning) —, (prior to the advent of kana) kanji used to represent readings of words, selected for their kun-yomi, regardless of meaning —, using the chinese-reading of kanji to represent native japanese words (irrespective of the kanji's actual meaning) —, (unscrupulous) sales methods used by someone falsely claiming to represent a charitable (social welfare) organization —, iteration mark used to represent repetition of the previous kanji (to be read using its kun-yomi) —, company president, with responsibility to represent the company in its dealings with the outside world —, using the japanese-reading of kanji to represent native japanese words (irrespective of the kanji's actual meaning) —, part of a kanji for which the role is primarily to represent the meaning (as opposed to the pronunciation) —, signs, symbols and characters used in manga to represent actions, emotions, etc. —, using multiple simple paper masks to represent different emotions in a play (from the middle of the edo period) —, iteration mark shaped like the hiragana "ku" (used in vertical writing to represent repetition of two or more characters) —, feel (on adj-stem to represent a third party's apparent emotion) —, represent —, ▾ external sources (not reviewed).

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Translation of "Representation" into Japanese

代表, 表現, 代理 are the top translations of "Representation" into Japanese. Sample translated sentence: This mode of representation parallels in Japanese art . ↔ これ は 日本 絵画 の 表現 方法 に も 通じ る 。

That which represents another. [..]

English-Japanese dictionary

システム論における、抽象的または実在する物体、関係、あるいは変更についての、機能またはプロパティ

This mode of representation parallels in Japanese art .

これ は 日本 絵画 の 表現 方法 に も 通じ る 。

acting (principal, etc.) [..]

I don't currently have legal representation .

僕 に は 今 の ところ 法的 な 代理 権 が な い 。

Less frequent translations

Show algorithmically generated translations

Automatic translations of " Representation " into Japanese

Images with "representation", phrases similar to "representation" with translations into japanese.

• representational art
• legal representation 法定代理
• simultaneously running for a seat in a single-member constituency and a seat in a proportionally representated constituency
• decimal representation 小数
• pictorial representation 視覚表現
• party-list proportional representation 政党名簿比例代表
• proportional representation system in which votes are cast for a publicly available list of party members or for individual members of that list
• variable-point representation system

Translations of "Representation" into Japanese in sentences, translation memory

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12 Semantic representation

Gabriella Vigliocco, Deafness, Cognition, and Language Center, Department of Human Communication Science and Department of Psychology, University of London.

David P. Vinson, Deafness, Cognition, and Language Center, Department of Human Communication Science and Department of Psychology, University of London.

• Published: 18 September 2012
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This article explores how word meaning is represented by speakers of a language, reviewing psychological perspectives on the representation of meaning. It starts by outlining four key issues in the investigation of word meaning, then introduces current theories of semantics. Meaning representation has long interested philosophers (since Aristotle) and linguists, in addition to psychologists, and a very extensive literature exists in these allied fields. When considering semantic representation, four fundamental questions to ask are: How are word meanings related to conceptual structures? How is the meaning of each word represented? How are the meanings of different words related to one another? Can the same principles of organisation hold in different content domains? The article also discusses holistic theories of semantic representation, along with featural theories.

T his chapter deals with how word meaning is represented by speakers of a language, reviewing psychological perspectives on the representation of meaning. We start by outlining four key issues in the investigation of word meaning, then we introduce current theories of semantics, and we end with a brief discussion of new directions.

Meaning representation has long interested philosophers (since Aristotle) and linguists (e.g. Chierchia and McConnell-Ginet, 2000 ; Dowty, 1979 ; Pustejovsky, 1993 ; see Jackendoff, 2002 ), in addition to psychologists, and a very extensive literature exists in these allied fields. However, given our goal to discuss how meaning is represented in speakers' minds/brains, we will not be concerned with theories and debates arising primarily from these fields except where the theories have psychological or neural implications (as for example the work by linguists such as Jackendoff, 2002 ; Kittay, 1987 ; Lakoff, 1987 ; 1992 ). Moreover, the discussion we present is limited to the meaning of single words; it will not concern the representation and processing of the meaning of larger linguistic units such as sentences and text.

12.1 Key issues in semantic representation

When considering how meaning is represented, four fundamental questions to ask are: (1) How are word meanings related to conceptual structures? (2) How is the meaning of each word represented? (3) How are the meanings of different words related to one another? (4) Can the same principles of organization hold in different content domains (e.g. words referring to objects, words referring to actions, words referring to properties)? With few exceptions, existing theories of semantic organization have made explicit claims concerning the representation of each meaning and the relations among different word meanings, while the relation between conceptual and semantic structures is often left implicit, and the issue of whether different principles are needed for representation of different content domains is often neglected. Let us address these questions in turn.

12.1.1 How are word meanings related to concept ual knowledge?

Language allows us to share experiences, needs, thoughts, desires, etc.; thus, word meanings need to map into our mental representations of objects, actions, properties, etc. in the world. Moreover, children come to the language learning task already equipped with substantial knowledge about the world (based on innate biases and concrete experience; e.g. Bloom, 1994 ; Gleitman, 1990 ); thus, word meanings (or semantics) must be grounded in conceptual knowledge (mental representations of objects, events, etc. that are non-linguistic). This claim is certainly uncontroversial in the cognitive sciences and neuroscience: it is not so unusual, in fact, for researchers to assume (explicitly, or more often implicitly) that concepts and word meanings are the same thing, or at least are linked on a one-to-one mapping (e.g.Humphreys et al., 1999 ). It has also been discussed in bilingualism research (Grosjean, 1998 ) where this issue has important ramifications for theories of the representation of meaning in multiple languages.

In the concepts and categorization literature, scholars treat semantics and concepts as entirely interchangeable. Typically, experiments on the structure of conceptual knowledge use words as stimuli but the findings are discussed in terms of concepts, under the tacit assumption that the use of words in a given task should produce comparable results to nonlinguistic stimuli (e.g. pictures, or artificial categories). In other words, it is often assumed that the conceptual system is entirely responsible for categorizing entities in the world (physical, mental), whereas the assignment of a name to a conceptual referent (and its retrieval) is a transparent and straightforward matter.

Obviously, word meanings and concepts must be tightly related, and when we activate semantic representations we also activate conceptual information. One striking demonstration of the fact that comprehending language entails activation of information beyond linguistic meaning comes from imaging studies showing that primary motor areas are activated when speakers see or hear sentences or even single words referring to motion, in comparison to sentences referring to abstract concepts (Tettamanti et al., 2005 ), non-words (Hauk et al., 2004 ), or spectrally rotated speech (Vigliocco et al., 2006 ). These activations indicate that the system engaged in the control of action is also automatically engaged in understanding language related to action. Because of this tight link between conceptual structure and word meanings, research into the latter cannot dispense with the former. The issue that we must address is whether concepts and word meanings can be treated as completely interchangeable, as is often assumed.

12.1.1.1 Concepts and word meanings: do we need to draw a line?

As discussed in Murphy ( 2002 ), effects of category membership and typicality are well established in both the concepts and categorisation literature (for concepts) (e.g.Rosch, 1978 ) and in the psycholinguistic literature (for words) (e.g.Federmeier and Kutas, 1999 ; Kelly et al., 1986 ). Moreover, properties that have been argued to have explanatory power in the structure of conceptual knowledge and its breakdown in pathological conditions (e.g. semantic dementia) such as correlation among conceptual features, shared and distinctive features (e.g. Gonnerman et al., 1997 ; McRae and Cree, 2002 ; McRae et al., 1997 ; Tyler et al., 2000 ; see Moss, Tyler, and Taylor, Chapter 13 this volume), have also been shown to predict semantic effects such as semantic priming among words (e.g.McRae and Boisvert, 1998 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). For example, McRae and Boisvert ( 1998 ) showed that previously conflicting patterns of results from semantic priming studies could be accounted for in terms of featural overlap and featural correlation between prime and target word.

Thus, if the factors that affect conceptual structures also affect semantic representations, it would seem to be parsimonious to consider conceptual and semantic representations to be the same thing, or at least to be linked on a one-to-one basis.

However, the relation between concepts and word meanings may not be so straightforward. First, word meanings and concepts cannot be the same thing, because speakers of any language have far many more concepts than words. Murphy ( 2002 ) provides the following example of a concept familiar to many of us but which is not lexicalized, at least amongst most English speakers: “the actions of two people maneuvering for one armrest in a movie theatre or airplane seat.” The distinction between concepts and word meanings is also supported by findings in the neuropsychological literature which document semantic deficits, for example, impairments limited to a given semantic field of knowledge, such as fruits and vegetables (Hart and Gordon, 1992 ) or artifacts (Cappa et al., 1998 ), only in linguistic tasks (such as naming) and not in non-verbal tasks. These findings suggest that a distinction must be drawn between concepts and word meanings. They do not, however, preclude a system in which concepts and word meanings are mapped to each other on a one-to-one basis, and in which only a subset of concepts are lexicalized (as discussed below with regards to holistic theories of semantic representation). It is difficult, however, to provide a suitable account of polysemy in this way; while it is reasonable to assume that there are two distinct word meanings for the two senses of an ambiguous word like bank (Cruse, 1986 ; Lyons, 1977 ), it is extremely difficult to apply a similar approach to the multiple senses of polysemous words (e.g. move used in the context of moving objects, or moving houses; see Lupker, Chapter 10 this volume). These issues become even more complicated if we also consider cross-linguistic variability in which conceptual properties are mapped into lexical entries, as we discuss in the following section.

12.1.1.2 Concepts and word meanings: universality and language specificity

Vigliocco and Filipovic ( 2004 ), following Gentner and Goldin-Meadow ( 2003 ) and Levinson ( 2003 ), describe the dominant position within cognitive psychology for the last few decades as one in which: (i) the conceptual structure of humans is relatively constant in its core features across cultures, and (ii) conceptual structure and semantic structure are closely coupled. Levinson ( 2003 ) terms one version of such a position “Simple Nativism”, according to which “linguistic categories are a direct projection of universal concepts that are native to the species” (p. 28).

Languages, however, map conceptual domains onto linguistic domains in different ways (see e.g. Kittay, 1987 ). To take very simple examples, English and Italian speakers both have different words for the body parts foot (It. piede ) and leg (It. gamba ), while Japanese speakers have a single word ( ashi ) which refers to both foot and leg. By the same token, English and Hebrew speakers have a large repertoire of verbs corresponding to different manners of jumping (leap, hop, spring, bounce, caper, vault, hurdle, galumph, and so on), whereas Italian and Spanish speakers do not (Slobin, 1996b ). Surely, Japanese speakers can conceptualize “foot” as distinct from “leg”, and there do not appear to be obvious cultural reasons (independent of language) to explain why Spanish or Italian speakers have fewer verbs to describe the manner of motion. To consider a further example, given the universality of human spatial abilities and the concrete relation between spatial terms and real-world referents, it might be expected that spatial categories should be similar cross-linguistically. However, spatial categories differ even among closely related languages such as Dutch and English; for example, where English has two terms ( on and in ), Dutch has three ( aan , in , and op ) (see Bowerman and Choi, 2003 ).

Under the assumption that linguistic categories are a projection of conceptual categories, cases of cross-linguistic variability like the above have important implications. If people have different semantic structures in their languages, they may also have different conceptual structures, contra the universality of conceptual structures. This claim is represented in the literature as the “linguistic relativity” hypothesis (Davidoff et al., 1999 ; Levinson, 1996 ; Lucy, 1992 ; Roberson et al., 2000 ; Sapir, 1921 ; Sera et al., 2002 ; Slobin, 1992 ; 1996a ; 1996b ; Whorf, 1956 ). Under the strongest versions of this hypothesis, proponents maintain the assumption of a one-to-one mapping between concepts and lexico-semantic representations, and thus maintain that differences in lexical semantics would lead to differences in conceptual representations for speakers of different languages (Davidoff et al., 1999 ; Levinson, 1996 ; Lucy, 1992 ; Sera et al., 2002 ; Sapir, 1921 ; Whorf, 1956 ). Weaker versions also exist in which a one-to-one mapping is not assumed but instead, linguistic categories affect conceptualization (processing) during verbal tasks (e.g.the “thinking for speaking” hypothesis put forward by Slobin, 1992 ; 1996a ).

Assuming that cross-linguistic differences can arise in semantic rather than conceptual representation allows for (at least some) universality of conceptual structures while at the same time allowing for cross-linguistic variability of semantic representations (Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). It does not, however, preclude the possibility that language-specific properties can play a role in shaping conceptual representation (at least during development). For example, in the domain of color perception, Roberson et al. ( 2000 ) found differences between speakers of English and Berinmo (spoken in Papua, New Guinea). Berinmo lacks a linguistic distinction between green and blue, but contains a distinction not present in English ( nol , approximately covering English yellow, orange, and brown; and wor , green, yellow-green, blue, and purple). This distinction led to differences in performance on a variety of non-linguistic tasks, suggesting that the perceptual categories we impose on colors may in part be affected by the language spoken.

Language-specific effects have also been demonstrated for properties of events. Kita and Özyürek ( 2003 ) investigated the spontaneously produced gestures of speakers co-occurring with speech referring to motion events, in order to assess whether these co-speech gestures would differ according to language differences. The co-speech gestures of interest in the study were so-called “iconic” gestures, namely gestures that iconically resemble properties of the event. These gestures encode the same message being produced in speech and are time-locked with speech, but crucially they also encode imagistic aspects of the event being described that are not encoded in the speech (as discussed below; see also McNeill, 1992 ), indicating that their origin is non-linguistic. Languages of the world differ with respect to whether they preferentially encode the path (direction) or the manner of motion in the verb stem (Talmy, 1986 ); whereas English speakers encode manner in the verb stem, Japanese and Turkish speakers encode path. Gestures produced by speakers of English (a manner language) were compared to gestures produced by speakers of Japanese and Turkish (path languages). While speakers of English tended to produce gestures that conflated manner and path (for example, producing a left-to-right arc gesture while talking about a left-to-right “swinging” event), speakers of Japanese and Turkish instead tended to produce successive gestures separating path from manner (e.g. producing first a straight left-to-right gesture and then an arc gesture) for the same swinging event. Kita and Özyürek argued that the finding that gestures, in all languages, encoded properties of the events that were not encoded in speech (e.g. the left-to-right direction of the movement was universally present in the gestures and absent in the speech) indicates that gestures are generated at a pre-linguistic (conceptual) level. The finding that these gestures were affected by the lexicalization patterns of specific languages thus indicates that linguistic features can affect conceptual structures.

However, there are also studies investigating other language-specific properties that report effects that appear to be strictly limited to semantic representations, being present only in tasks that require verbalization (Brysbaert et al., 1998 ; Malt et al., 1999 ; Vigliocco et al., 2005 ). Brysbaert et al. ( 1998 ) showed that the time to perform mental calculations were affected by whether speakers' language required them to produce number words in forms like “four-and-twenty” (Dutch) or “twenty-four” (French), but these differences disappeared when participants were asked to type their responses rather than saying the numbers aloud. Vigliocco et al. ( 2005 ) investigated grammatical gender of Italian words (e.g. tigre ‘tiger’ is feminine in Italian regardless of whether it refers to a male or female tiger), and found that Italian words referring to animals sharing the same grammatical gender were judged to be semantically more similar; and were more likely to replace one another in semantically related slips of the tongue than words that did not share the same gender, compared to an English baseline. Although grammatical gender of nouns is a syntactic, relatively arbitrary property of words, the findings from this study suggest that it has semantic consequences. Crucially, these language-specific effects of grammatical gender disappeared when the task did not require verbalization (similarity judgements upon pictures rather than words), indicating that the effect was semantic rather than conceptual.

Together these results seem to demand a theoretical distinction between conceptual and semantic levels of representation. As we will see below, one way in which this distinction can be realized in models is by assuming that concepts comprise distributed featural representations and that lexical-semantics binds these distributed representations for the purpose of language use (Damasio et al., 2004 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). Before we discuss this architectural possibility, let us consider different ways in which conceptual and lexico-semantic information can be represented.

12.1.2 How is the meaning of each word represented?

Theories of semantic organization starting from the 1960s and 1970s can be divided into those theories that consider each word's meaning as holistic, and are concerned with the types of relations between meanings (e.g.Anderson and Bower, 1973 ; Collins and Loftus, 1975 ), and theories that instead consider meanings as decomposable into features, and discuss semantic similarity in terms of featural properties such as feature overlap, among others (e.g.Minsky, 1975 ; Norman and Rumelhart, 1975 ; Rosch and Mervis, 1975 ; Smith et al., 1974 ). It is important here to note that, despite our aim of discussing semantic representations, in both types of theory the issue of decomposition vs. non-decomposition applies more directly to conceptual structures. It is necessary, however, to consider it here, as this issue has direct consequences for any attempt to describe semantic representations (concerning those conceptual structures which are, or can be, lexicalixed). In the case of non-decompositional views, word meanings are characterized as lexical concepts (i.e. a part of conceptual structures that represents holistic concepts each of which corresponds to a word in a given language). In the case of decompositional views, word meanings are conceived as combining a set of conceptual features (Jackendoff, 1992 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ), which are bound into lexical representations in order to interface with other linguistic information such as phonology (e.g.Damasio et al., 1996 ; Damasio et al., 2004 ; Rogers et al., 2004 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ).

12.1.2.1 Holistic views

In non-decompositional, holistic views, lexical concepts correspond to the meanings of words (Fodor, 1976 ; Fodor et al., 1980 ; Levelt, 1989 ; Levelt et al., 1999 ; Roelofs, 1997 ). In these views the mental representation for each thing, event, property, etc., in the world that can be lexicalized in a language is represented in a unitary and abstract way in a speaker's conceptual system. These representations can be innate, at least in some instances (for concepts that do not require combinations of different concepts) or learned via association among different features. The fact that certain concepts can be learned via association between features does not undermine the non-decompositional nature of adult representations: it is assumed that conceptual processing for adult language users does not entail retrieval of constituent properties, but instead that the assembled properties develop into a single (non-decompositional) lexical concept during language acquisition (Roelofs, 1997 ). Thus, for example, the concept “spinster” for the adult language user does not imply the retrieval of features such as “female” although this feature played a role in its acquisition (Levelt, 1989 ; Roelofs, 1997 ). The manner in which lexical concepts representing a sub-component of conceptual knowledge are linked to other aspects of conceptual knowledge as well as to the sensory-motor systems is not specified (but see Levelt, 1989 for a sketch).

Moreover, in holistic views, the conceptual system must include among its entries all the lexical concepts that are lexicalized and can be lexicalized in all possible languages, in order to preserve universality of conceptual representation in the face of the existence of cross-linguistic variability (Levinson, 2003 ). This is because the assumption of holistic lexical concepts implies a strict one-to-one mapping between concepts and lexical representations. If this is the case, cross-linguistic differences in lexical representations must then correspond to differences in concepts. Universality in conceptual structures can thus be defended only by assuming that conceptual structures comprise more entries than lexical representations and, crucially, that they comprise all lexical concepts that are (or can be) lexicalized in all existing languages.

12.1.2.2 Featural views

Initial “feature list” theories, such as the Feature Comparison Model (Smith et al., 1974 ) assumed that word meanings could be conceived as a combination of “defining” and “characteristic” conceptual features. Approaches of this type, however, underwent strong criticisms in the 1980s and 1990s that led to their disappearance. For example, Fodor et al. ( 1975 ) and Fodor et al., ( 1980 ) argue for the impossibility of identifying defining features for all meanings.

Another argument that has been raised against decompositionality is the so-called “hyponym/hyperonym” problem (Roelofs, 1997 ; Levelt et al., 1999 ): if word meanings were to be decomposed, nothing could stop a speaker from erroneously producing the word animal every time s/he wants to say dog . This is because all the features of animal are also features of dog (which has additional features not part of the representation of animal). This issue, however, can be computationally solved, as has been shown by Bowers ( 1999 ; see also Caramazza, 1997 ), who demonstrates that lateral inhibitory connections between lexical units allow the correct production of both subordinates (hyponyms) and superordinates (hyperonyms).

In the recent literature, two alternative types of featural proposal have been developed. On one hand, in the linguistic literature we find proposals such as those by Jackendoff ( 1983 ; 1990 ; 1992 ; 2002 ), who argues for abstract conceptual primitive features as underlying word meanings, some of which can be mapped into syntactic properties across languages (THING, EVENT, STATE, PLACE, PATH, PROPERTY). These abstract conceptual features include high-level abstract perceptual rendering of concrete things (along the lines of 3D models: Marr, 1982 ).

In cognitive science and neuroscience a different featural approach has developed, starting primarily from work in neuropsychology (Allport, 1985 ; Warrington and Shallice, 1984 ) and computational neuroscience (Farah and McClelland, 1991 ). Here, conceptual features are not abstract, but grounded in perception and action at least to some extent. In other words, conceptual features, the building blocks of semantic representation, are embodied in our concrete interactions with the environment. In a number of proposals, one important dimension along which concepts in different semantic fields differ is the type of conceptual feature, with some concepts relying primarily on sensory-related properties; and others relying primarily on motor-related properties (e.g.Barsalou et al., 2003 ; Cree et al., 1999 ; Damasio et al., 2004 ; Gallese and Lakoff, 2005 ; Rogers et al., 2004 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ).

In order to gain insight into these conceptual features some authors have used “feature norms” obtained by asking speakers of a language to provide a list of the features they believe to be important in describing and defining the meaning of a given word (Cree and McRae, 2003 ; McRae et al., 1997 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ; Vinson and Vigliocco, 2002 ). 1 Example of features produced for four words (two referring to objects, two referring to actions) are given in Table 12.1 . These feature norms have been shown to be useful not only in giving some leverage into identifying the relative proportions of different featural types underlying each word's meaning, as illustrated in Figure 12.1 , but also in providing information concerning featural properties shared by different words. The latter is discussed below.

Among the evidence in support of embodied views are imaging studies (like the ones we have mentioned earlier) that show differential activations for example in naming entities from different semantic fields (e.g.Damasio et al., 1996 ; Martin and Chao, 2001 ) and entities vs. actions (Damasio et al., 2001 ; Tranel et al., 2001 ). In addition, a number of recent behavioral studies have shown the importance of embodied knowledge in guiding comprehension (for an extended discussion, see Glenberg, this volume). For example, Glenberg and Kaschak ( 2002 ) presented participants with sentences depicting transfer events between you and another person (both concrete, e.g. Courtney handed you the notebook , and abstract, e.g. You told Liz the story ) and asked participants to indicate whether the sentences were sensible by pressing buttons. Crucially, the buttons were arranged so that a response (yes or no) was either consistent or inconsistent with the (implied) direction of the transfer (towards or away from the body). Participants' response times were sensitive to the relation between the direction of the transfer and the position of the “yes” response button, demonstrating that comprehension of sentences depicting transfer events had consequences for manual responses. Richardson et al., ( 2003 ) also found a relationship between perceived language and spatial information processing by acoustically presenting participants with sentences whose verbs reflected either horizontal or vertical motion schemas (e.g. push vs. lift ) and asking them to perform non-linguistic tasks for which the horizontal or vertical axes were relevant (visual discrimination, pictorial memory) at the same time. Performance on these tasks differed depending on the direction of the motion implied by the sentences, again consistent with the influence of embodied knowledge upon comprehension. 2

Distribution of features of different types across some semantic fields: nouns referring to objects and verbs referring to events. Black sections depict features related to the visual modality (e.g. <red>); white sections depict features related to other perceptual modalities (e.g. <loud>, <hot>); gray sections depict features related to motion (e.g. <fast>, <awkward>).

Taken together, the imaging and behavioral studies suggest that concrete aspects of our interaction with the environment (sensory-motor features) are automatically retrieved as part of sentence comprehension. Note that under assumptions of holistic lexical concepts or abstract featural representations, these findings can only be explained by invoking strategic (i.e. extralinguistic) processes. Although such a possibility cannot be completely dismissed on the basis of the current evidence, it appears to be unsatisfactory because of the difficulty of identifying clear reasons for why these processes should be engaged.

Interestingly, within the general embodiment framework, until recently researchers have assumed some degree of abstraction (i.e. supra-modality). For example, on the basis of imaging studies in which participants were asked to name different types of entity, Martin and colleagues concluded that featural conceptual information related to sensory-motor modality is represented in the brain in areas adjacent to, but not overlapping with, perceptual associative areas (Martin and Chao, 2001 ). In a very recent and highly provocative paper, however, Gallese and Lakoff ( 2005 ) present the possibility that featural representations are literally sensory-motor, engaging the same cortical networks used in perception and motion (including primary sensory and motor areas) without the need to invoke additional, more abstract representations.

Among the reasons why it has been argued that conceptual features must be abstract, rather than embodied in perception and action, Jackendoff ( 1983 ) suggests that a featural view in which the features are directly linked to perception and action cannot underlie the representation of conceptual types (representations of a class of objects, such as various types of drills, rather than of specific exemplars or tokens , i.e. specific instances of drills). However, Barsalou et al. ( 2003 ) provide a possible solution, presenting a framework in which type representations are able to arise from modality-related perceptual symbol systems.

Figure 12.2 provides a schematic representation of the basic differences between the holistic and featural views. To summarize, although both holistic and featural views are represented in the current literature, it appears that the weight of the evidence is in favor of featural views (see also Moss, Tyler, and Taylor, Chapter 13 this volume) and, more specifically, embodied views. Taking this perspective, language is seen as more similar to other cognitive systems than it has been considered to be in traditional psycholinguistic views in which language was considered an abstract system par excellence .

12.1.3 How are meanings of different words related to each other?

Semantic similarity effects are powerful and well documented in the word recognition literature (semantic priming, Neely, 1991 ); word production literature (semantic substitution errors, Garrett, 1984 ; 1992 ; 1993 ; interference effects in the picture-word interference paradigm, Glaser and Düngelhoff, 1984 ; Schriefers et al., 1990 ) and neuropsychological literature (patients who make only semantic errors in their speech, e.g. Caramazza and Hillis, 1990 ; Ruml et al., 2000 ; patients who cannot name entities in specific semantic fields, e.g. Hart et al., 1985 ; see Vinson et al., 2003 for a review). These similarity effects must reflect principles of semantic organization, and must be accounted for by theories of semantic representation.

Let us consider first semantic effects in psycholinguistic experiments. Semantic priming refers to the robust finding that speakers typically respond faster to a target word when it is preceded by a semantically related word than when it is preceded by an unrelated word (Meyer and Schvaneveldt, 1971 ). Semantic priming in lexical decision tasks (word/non-word decision) or in naming tasks has been largely investigated because it has been considered to directly reflect the organization of semantic memory (e.g.Anderson, 1983 ; Collins and Loftus, 1975 ; Cree et al., 1999 ; McRae and Boisvert, 1998 ). Especially relevant are the results of Cree et al. ( 1999 ), and McRae and Boisvert ( 1998 ), who found that priming for prime/target words from the same semantic category can be observed in the absence of associative relations among items (the latter reflecting co-occurrence in speech and text, rather than being sensitive to the structure of semantic memory), if the related items are selected based on empirically obtained measures of semantic similarity. Furthermore, they also reported these priming effects to be symmetrical (e.g. turkey primes goose as much as goose primes turkey ).

Whereas in word recognition the presentation of a semantically related prime facilitates the recognition of a target word, the presentation of a semantically related word immediately before a picture which must be named slows down naming latencies, compared to an unrelated word. Studies using this picture-word interference paradigm have established that the time course of these semantic effects for categorically related distractors/targets ranges from slightly before picture onset (SOA−200 milliseconds) up to very slightly after the picture onset (SOA +50 ms) (Glaser and Düngelhoff, 1984 ).

The contrast between the interference effect in the picture-word interference experiments and the priming effect in word recognition experiments may be explained in terms of differences between the processes involved in the two tasks. In particular, in the picture naming task, a specific word must be selected for naming with no additional support from orthography (because the input is a picture). In this case, other co-activated lexical representations could slow down the process by competing for selection. The lexical decision task, instead, requires recognition rather than selection; furthermore, additional support from the orthographic form is available (because the input is a word). In this case, co-activation of other words would not create costs because the task only requires participants to decide whether the presented string is a word or not, rather than to select that specific word from among competitors. Hence, in both cases, the prime/distractor word would have similar effects upon lexico-semantic processing; however, because of task differences the effect is facilitatory in one case (priming in lexical decision) and inhibitory in the other (picture-word interference).

Schematic representation of the differences between holistic views (left panel), featural views based upon abstract conceptual features (center panel), and featural views based on sensory-motor experience (right panel).

Under a holistic view, these semantic effects are accounted for in terms of spreading of activation in the lexical network (Collins and Loftus, 1975 ; Roelofs, 1997 ). Holistic lexical concepts are linked to each other on the basis of different links, representing different types of relationship among concepts. With respect to words referring to concrete objects (with few exceptions the only type of word investigated in the literature), the links represent hyperonymy and hyponymy (identification of hierarchical structure of superordinates and subordinates), meronymy (parts of), and various other relations depending on the specific theoretical framework.

Under a featural view, the semantic effects are accounted for in terms of featural properties: the semantic relation between words can be determined on the basis of the featural overlap (between individual features, but also between sets of correlated features) (Cree et al., 1999 ; Masson, 1995 ; Plaut, 1995 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). Using featural norms, McRae and Boisvert ( 1998 ) evaluated previous studies which failed to find semantic priming in the absence of associative relations (Shelton and Martin 1992 ), discovering that these studies employed prime/target pairs that were not sufficiently semantically similar despite being from the same semantic category.

Semantic effects can be graded even for complex semantic categories such as objects, not just for categories that naturally extend along a single dimension (numbers) or only a few dimensions (colors) in both word recognition and picture naming (Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). These effects will be discussed in some more detail in section 12.2 . Here we would like to point out that finding graded effects is somewhat problematic for holistic theories. Take for example cucumber and pumpkin . Both words are from the same semantic category as celery (vegetables, at least according to Wordnet). Priming from cucumber and pumpkin to celery in holistic theories would come about because both prime words would activate the superordinate term vegetable via hyperonym links. Because cucumber and pumpkin are co-hyponyms, they should activate the superordinate to the same extent, and would therefore spread an equal amount of activation to other co-hyponyms of the primes such as the target celery . The amount of priming should not differ between these conditions, unless additional assumptions are implemented, such as, for example, the assumption that priming reflects category typicality (for example, by allowing the strength of hyponym links to vary as a function of typicality), or that other types of link are also relevant in determining the amount of priming.

Featural views, instead, can easily account for such effects: the degree of featural overlap (and hence the degree of co-activation) is higher between cucumber and celery (which share many specific features like <crisp>, <green>, <healthy>, <salad>, <watery>, etc.) than between cucumber and pumpkin (which mainly share only the basic features common among most vegetables; see Vigliocco et al., 2004 ).

Featural views also seem to offer a more promising account than holistic views for semantic-relatedness effects reported in the neuropsychological literature. Because this literature is treated at length elsewhere (Moss et al., Chapter 13 this volume), we limit our discussion here to the implications of “category-related deficits” (deficits limited to a domain of knowledge or to a single category) for holistic and featural views of semantic representation. Most current accounts of category-related deficits assume featural representations and explain the observed dissociations either in terms of impairments of a given type of features (sensory or functional, e.g. Warrington and McCarthy, 1983 ; 1987 ; Borgo and Shallice, 2001 ) or in terms of different featural properties characterizing different categories (e.g.Devlin et al., 1998 ; Gonnerman et al., 1997 ; McRae and Cree, 2002 ; Tyler et al., 2000 ; Vinson et al., 2003 ). These accounts are in line with the general finding that the category-related deficits are usually graded rather than all-or-none for a specific category, compatible with distributed neural representation of knowledge. It is unclear how these findings could be explained within holistic views.

Thus, although semantic priming in word recognition and semantic interference in the picture-word interference task can be accounted for by both holistic and featural views, some results—in particular the indication that the semantic effects may be graded—are more naturally accounted for within featural accounts. This is also the case for category-related deficits reported in the neuropsychological literature. Before we discuss in some detail some of the current holistic and featural theories of semantic organization, it is important to consider the final key issue: whether words from different content domains should be represented following the same principles or not.

12.1.4 Are words from different conceptual domains represented in the same way?

This issue has received relatively little attention, perhaps because much of the behavioral research aimed at assessing models of semantic representation has focused upon nouns referring to concrete objects. As Miller and Fellbaum ( 1991 ) put it, “When psychologists think about the organisation of lexical memory it is nearly always the organisation of nouns they have in mind” (p. 204). We can further add that most research has been limited not only to investigating nouns, but more precisely nouns referring to concrete objects.

Words referring to objects differ from words referring to other content domains along a number of dimensions. Because the content domain of words referring to actions/events is the only other domain beyond words referring to concrete objects that has received appreciable attention, our discussion below is primarily limited to contrasting these two domains. For work on the semantic representation of adjectives see Gross et al. ( 1989 ); for a short discussion of the representation of abstract words see section 12.3 below. A first intuitive difference between objects and actions/events is that objects can be understood in isolation, while events are relational in nature. One implication of this difference is that words referring to events are more abstract than words referring to objects (Bird et al., 2000 ; Breedin et al., 1994 ). Some authors have also argued that words referring to objects and events differ in featural properties (Graesser et al., 1987 ; Huttenlocher and Lui, 1979 ). For words referring to objects there would be more features referring only to narrow semantic fields (e.g. <domesticated> vs. <wild> for animals) than for words referring to events. For these latter, instead, more features would apply to members of diverse semantic fields (e.g. <intentionality>, <involves motion>). Furthermore, features would tend to be more strongly correlated within semantic fields for objects (e.g. <having a tail>, and <having four legs> for mammals) than for events. Such differences are indeed observed within feature norms; see Table 12.2 , which reports a number differences in terms of featural properties between objects and events (from Vinson and Vigliocco, 2002 ).

It is intuitively clear that while distinguishing between different levels (superordinate, basic, subordinate; Rosch and Mervis, 1975 ) is relatively simple and fruitful for object concepts (and especially natural kinds); the situation is different for events. Nonetheless, there have been attempts to define basic level actions (Lakoff, 1987 ; Morris and Murphy, 1990 ), and hierarchical representations for events have been offered in the literature (Jackendoff, 1990 ; Keil, 1989 ). Differences between the domains, however, persist. For example, in Keil ( 1989 ), the hierarchical organization for objects and events is described as being different, with event categories being represented by fewer levels (generally two) and with fewer distinctions at the superordinate level. Other attempts to capture a level of organization for events have included distinctions between “light” (e.g. do ) and “heavy” (e.g. construct ) verbs (Jespersen, 1965 ; Pinker, 1989 ) and distinctions between “general” (e.g. move ) and “specific” (e.g. run ) verbs (Breedin et al., 1998 ). However, the light/heavy dichotomy only allows us to draw a distinction between verbs used as auxiliaries and other verbs; while where to draw the line between “general” and “specific” verbs is not an easy or agreed-upon exercise.

Words referring to objects and words referring to events also differ in dimensions crossing the boundary between semantics and syntax. The syntactic information associated with event words is richer than for object words. It has been argued that the lexico-semantic representations for actions contain the “core” meaning (the action or the process denoted) and the thematic roles specified (e.g. the verb “to kick” implies striking out with the foot, and thematic roles that refer to the roles played by the verb in terms of “who did what to whom”). Strictly related to the thematic roles are the number and kind of arguments the verb can take (argument structure and subcategorization) (Grimshaw, 1991 ; Jackendoff, 1990 ; Levin, 1993 ). These different kinds of information seem to be strongly related to each other within a language (Fisher, 1994 ), and can differ between languages.

Also relevant here are imaging studies which provide some evidence for distinct neural substrates for processing the meanings of words referring to objects and actions. For words referring to objects, multimodal areas of the basal temporal cortex are involved in semantic processing (Price, 1998 ), while semantic processing of words referring to actions involves left primary motor and premotor areas (Hauk et al., 2004 ; Tettamanti et al., 2005 ; Vigliocco et al., 2006 ) and left middle temporal areas (Tranel et al., 2004 ).

In the very few existing models that have addressed the semantic representation of objects and events, researchers have decided either to embed different or the same organizational principles. In Wordnet, a holistic model of semantic representation (Miller and Fellbaum ( 1991 ) has been developed using the strategy of deciding a priori diagnostic properties of the different domains, with different types of relational links for objects and events. For nouns referring to objects, relations such as synonymy, hyponymy (e.g. dog is a hyponym of animal ), and meronymy (e.g. mouth is part of face ) are argued to play a prime role in describing the semantic organization. For verbs, instead, the authors propose that relational links among verb concepts include troponymy (i.e. hierarchical relation in which the term at a level below, e.g. crawling , is a manner of a term at a level above, e.g. travel / go / move / locomote ), entailment (e.g. snoring entails sleeping ), and antonymy (e.g. coming is the opposite of going ), while relations such as meronymy would not apply.

Shared features were defined as those features shared by 15% or more of the exemplars within a semantic field. The values given here are the average summed weight of all the “shared” features per word in the test set.

Average correlation of feature pairs for each word in the test set, calculated on the basis of correlations with all feature pairs across the entire set of 456 words.

In the Featural and Unitary Semantic Space Hypothesis (FUSS, Vigliocco et al., 2004 ) the strategy, instead, has been not to decide a priori upon criteria to distinguish the object and the event domains, but to model both types of word within the same lexico-semantic space using the same principles. This strategy has also been used by global co-occurrence memory models such as Latent Semantic Analysis (LSA, Landauer and Dumais, 1997 ) and Hyperspace Analogue to Language (HAL, Burgess and Lund, 1997 ).

In the following section, we consider in more detail the general assumptions underlying these different theories.

12.2 Theories of semantic representation

Theories of semantic representation can be described as falling into these two general classes: those in which a word's meaning is represented in terms of its relation to other words, and those in which a words meaning is, instead, represented in terms of separable aspects of meaning, which taken together constitute the meaning of each word.

12.2.1 Theories based on relations among words

Holistic theories.

Early theories of this type were framed as semantic networks in which different words are represented as nodes, and semantic relationships are expressed by labelled connections between nodes.

Within such views a word's meaning is expressed by the links it has to other words: which other words it is connected to, what types of connection are involved, etc. Of paramount importance for network-based theories is the type, configuration, and relative contribution of the links that exist between words. Numerous alternative frameworks have been developed (see Johnson-Laird et al., 1984 for a review) which differ along these crucial dimensions. Importantly, these models have in common a focus upon (explicit) intensional relations, and a necessity to explicitly designate those relations that are implemented within the network.

Perhaps the most extensive model which implements distinct representational themes is Wordnet (Miller and Fellbaum, 1991 ), a network model of the representations of a large number of nouns, verbs, and adjectives in English. In Wordnet, “nouns, adjectives and verbs each have their own semantic relations and their own organisation determined by the role they must play in the construction of linguistic messages” (p. 197). These relations and organization are constructed by hand on the basis of the relations that are believed to be relevant within a given class of words. For nouns, the most important roles are typically played by relations including synonymy, hierarchical relations, and part—whole relations. For verbs, instead, dominant are troponymy (hierarchical relations related to specificity in manner), entailment, causation, and antonymy. Some evidence compatible with a different role of relations, such as cohyponymy and antonymy for nouns and verbs, comes from spontaneously occurring semantic substitution errors. In an analysis of semantic substitution errors from the MIT/AZ corpus, Garrett ( 1992 ) reports that for nouns (n = 181) the large majority of substitutions involve category coordinates (n = 137); with opposites being present but far less common (n = 26). For verbs (n = 48), the preferred semantic relationship between target and intruding words is different from that for nouns, with opposite pairs (e.g. go / come ; remember / forget ) being more represented (n = 30) than non-contrastive categorical relations ( drink / eat ; looks / sounds ).

Like network models, semantic field theory (originating with Trier, 1931 ; see Lehrer, 1974 ; Kittay, 1987 ) considers semantic representations as arising from relationships among the meanings of different words. Semantic fields are considered to be a set of words that are closely related in meaning. The meaning of a word within a field is determined entirely in terms of contrast to other words within the given semantic field. Crucially, unlike network models this approach does not require overtly defining the particular relations that are involved in general; but in order to allow evaluation of such views it is necessary to identify which principles of contrast apply within a field. For example, the semantic field of color words is largely distinguished by the continuous properties of hue and brightness (Berlin and Kay, 1969 ); kinship terms by dimensions like age, sex, degree of relation (Bierwisch, 1969 ); cooking terms by factors like heat source, utensils involved, and materials cooked (Lehrer, 1974 ); body parts by function and bodily proximity (Garrett, 1992 ). Such factors have been demonstrated to have behavioral consequences, for example, Garrett ( 1992 ) showed that spontaneously occurring semantic substitution errors reflect minimal contrasts along the relevant dimensions within a semantic field (errors involving body parts are largely related by physical proximity; while errors involving artefacts are much more likely to share function). One crucial difference with network models is that semantic field theory allows for flexibility in representation, and therefore a word can be a member of multiple semantic fields at once.

12.2.2 Beyond holistic theories

All of the above theories depend upon deciding which relationships or characteristics are most relevant in representing meaning (either at a broad level, like network models, or within finer-grained domains of meaning, like semantic field theory), and then deciding upon a manner of implementation based on them. An entirely different relational approach, however, seeks to discover representations of words in terms of their relationship to other words, without making any a priori assumptions about which principles are most important. This approach can be found in global co-occurrence models such as Latent Semantic Analysis (LSA, Landauer and Dumais, 1997 ) and Hyperspace Analogue to Language (HAL, Burgess and Lund, 1997 ). These models take advantage of computational techniques, using large corpora of texts in order to compute aspects of a word's meaning on the basis of those other words found in the same linguistic contexts. As such, representations are purely abstract, denoting a word's similarity to other words without revealing which aspects of meaning or relation are responsible in one case or another. Measures of similarity based on these models have been demonstrated to predict behavioral performance to some extent. For example (Landauer and Dumais, 1997 ; see also Burgess and Lund, 1997 ), LSA similarity measures (cosines) derived from encyclopedia text were applied to a set of synonym questions from the Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL). In these questions, a target word is presented along with four possible choices, one of which is a synonym to the target. On this task, LSA similarity measures identified the correct answer 64.4 percent of the time, comparable to the performance of individuals from non-English-speaking countries who took the test (64.5 percent). Results like these suggest that abstract representations derived from words' contexts (e.g. LSA and HAL) reflect patterns of similarity that have some psychological plausibility.

These abstractionist theories, however, have in common a serious flaw in that they focus only upon relationships among words and are not grounded in perception and action. As Johnson-Laird et al. ( 1984 ) wrote, “The meanings of words can only be properly connected to each other if they are properly connected to the world” (p. 313). Although specifically criticizing semantic network models, this statement is equally relevant to any theory of representation that is not embodied in experience to some extent.

12.2.3 Featural theories

A variety of theories (e.g.Rosch and Mervis, 1975 ; Smith et al., 1974 ; Collins and Quillian, 1969 ; Jackendoff, 1990 ; Minsky, 1975 ; Norman and Rumelhart, 1975 ; Shallice, 1993 ; Smith and Medin, 1981 ) considers the representation of meaning not in terms of the relationships among words but in terms of feature lists: those properties of meaning which, taken together, express the meaning of a word. As discussed above, models differ with respect to whether these features are considered to be abstract or embodied as they are descriptors of sensory/motor experience with the world. Whereas some authors' research agenda concerns the identification of those primitive features that represent the actual decompositional components of meaning (e.g.Jackendoff, 1983 ), other authors have attempted to gain insight into those dimensions of meaning that are considered to be psychologically salient by speakers by using feature norms (e.g.McRae et al., 1997 ; Rogers and McClelland, 2004 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). These feature norms are considered to provide a window into conceptual representation. Nonetheless, properties of such features have been shown to account for effects of meaning similarity (Cree et al., 1999 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ), and have been used as the basis to develop models of impaired performance (Vinson et al., 2003 ) and to generate prediction for imaging experiments (Vigliocco et al., 2006 ).

Several models of semantic representations based on speaker-generated features have been implemented, differing mainly in the manner in which semantic representations are derived from a set of feature norms. One class of models employs connectionist frameworks which develop representations from semantic input informed by feature norms, often in order to demonstrate how particular patterns of semantic impairment can be observed as a consequence of differential featural composition. This approach typically entails training a connectionist network with input that, although not directly obtained from speakers, is informed by particular characteristics of feature norms that are hypothesized to play a role. For example, Farah and McClelland ( 1991 ) constructed a model in which words referring to living or non-living entities were associated with different proportions of visual-perceptual vs. functional features (the former predominant for living things, the latter predominant for non-living entities), consistent with evidence from feature-generation tasks. Differential category-related effects were found when the model was lesioned (damaged in order to simulate impaired performance), depending upon whether the lesion targeted the visual-perceptual or functional features. A similar approach was taken by Devlin et al. ( 1998 ), who addressed the differential impairment over time for living or nonliving things as a consequence of Alzheimer's dementia. Instead of distinguishing between the two on the basis of feature types of individual items, Devlin et al., implemented semantic representations that were based upon the relationship between entities in a particular domain: intercorrelated features (those features which frequently co-occur with each other) and distinguishing features (those which best enable similar entities to be distinguished from each other). While living things typically have many intercorrelated features but few distinguishing ones, the situation is reversed for non-living entities (McRae et al., 1997 ). These differences in the composition of living and non-living entities were sufficient to explain the progression of relative impairment in distinguishing living and non-living things as a consequence of Alzheimer's dementia, even within a single representational system (see also Rogers et al., 2004 ).

In these examples, however, semantic representations are based on features whose distribution is informed by the properties generated by speakers (e.g. more visual-perceptual features for living things, as in Farah and McClelland, 1991 ; more intercorrelated but fewer distinguishing features, as in Devlin et al., 1998 ). Such approaches, however, require making a priori assumptions about the particular properties that are relevant to explain a particular pattern of data (e.g. difference in correlated features between living and non-living entities). An alternative approach has been to assemble sets of words and decide a priori upon their features. Such an approach was taken by Hinton and Shallice ( 1991 ; see also Plaut and Shallice, 1993 ), who created a set of semantic features which capture intuitive properties of common objects (e.g. <has-legs>, <hard>, <made-of-metal>, <part-of-limb>), then used those features to train an attractor network to learn the mapping between orthography and semantics. Lesioning this network produced semantic, visual, and combined visual/semantic errors consistent with patterns of performance in deep dyslexia. In a similar vein, Plaut ( 1995 ) used the same approach to investigate double dissociations between reading concrete and abstract words, using a set of empirical semantic features underlying the meanings of concrete and abstract words. One particular aspect of these representations was that abstract words had fewer features overall; this broad difference in featural properties between concrete and abstract domains (perhaps in conjunction with other differences) translated into differential consequences when different aspects of the model were damaged: abstract words were more impaired when the feedforward connections were lesioned, while concrete words were more impaired when the recurrent connections were lesioned.

A common property of these models, however, is the fact that the semantic features used are chosen a priori by the investigators, and may not reflect the full range of properties of meaning that may be relevant to the representations of the words in question. It is therefore an important additional step to assess comparable feature information that is produced by speakers who are naive about the research questions involved (i.e. feature norms). This allows the investigation of issues like featural properties, distribution of features across different sensory modalities, etc. using entirely empirically derived measures. By collecting features of meaning from multiple naive speakers, we also gain a fine-grained measure of featural salience, as a feature's relative contribution to a word's meaning can be weighted according to the number of speakers who produced that word (while the above approaches used binary features which are either part of a word's representation or not). See Moss et al. (Chapter 13 this volume) for a discussion of the relevance of feature variables, established on the basis of feature norms, to the representation of concepts.

Two main models of semantic representations based directly upon speaker-generated feature norms have been implemented (McRae et al., 1997 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). These models differ mainly in their composition (McRae et al., including a substantially larger set of object nouns; Vigliocco et al., including object nouns but also nouns and verbs referring to actions and events), and the specific manner in which semantic representations are derived from a set of feature norms (dimensionality reduction techniques in both cases; McRae et al., through attractor networks, Vigliocco et al., through self-organizing maps; Kohonen, 1997 ). Here we focus upon Vigliocco et al.'s ( 2004 ) Featural and Unitary Semantic Space (FUSS) model in order to address the semantic representation of both words referring to objects and words referring to events. Conceptual features (of which feature norms are a proxy) are bound into a separate level of lexico-semantic representations which serves to mediate between concepts and other linguistic information (syntax and word form), in line with Damasio et al.'s ( 2001 ) idea of “convergence zones” (see also Simmons and Barsalou, 2003 ). The organization at this level arises through an unsupervised learning process (implemented using self-organizing maps; Kohonen, 1997 ; see Vinson and Vigliocco, 2002 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 for complete details of implementation) which is sensitive to properties of the featural input, such as the number of features for each concept, how salient a given feature is for a concept (feature weight), features that are shared among different concepts, and features that are correlated. Thus it is not necessary to specify in advance which aspects of the input should be reflected in lexico-semantic organization; this process also allows different properties to exert different influences depending upon the characteristics of a given semantic field (see Table 12.2 for resulting differences between objects and actions; see also Cree and McRae, 2003 ), giving rise, for example, to the different smoothness of the space for objects (organized in a “lumpy” manner) with semantic field boundaries being well-defined, and events (organized “smoothly”) in which there are no clear boundaries among fields (see Figure 12.3 ).

This model, which uses the same representational principles for the organization of objects and events, has been shown to account for graded semantic effects in both domains (Vigliocco et al., 2002 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). In these studies graded effects were assessed by varying the semantic distance between words (operationalized as the Euclidean distance between two units, in the resulting composite output map, best responding to the input vectors corresponding to the features of two different words). Importantly, these graded effects were found both in production (semantic errors and naming latencies in picture word interference experiments) and word recognition; crucially, they were found both for words referring to objects and for words referring to events (Vigliocco et al., 2004 ). Finally, especially in the object domain, these effects were found both within and across categories (see Vigliocco et al., 2002 ), suggesting that there are no boundaries between categories. These findings suggest that some important aspects of words' meanings can be captured using feature norms and the same principles across domains, despite the differences between objects and events that we have discussed above, and the greater context dependency of words referring to events than words referring to objects.

Two-dimensional representation of semantic proximity in FUSS (Vinson and Vigliocco, 2002 ; Vigliocco et al., 2004 ) illustrating the different clustering tendencies among some object nouns (left panel) and action verbs (right panel).

12.2.4 Comparison between theories

How do these various models compare with each other? The results of experiments by Barsalou et al., ( 2003 ), Glenberg and Kaschak ( 2002 ), and Richardson et al. ( 2003 ) demonstrate the importance of grounding representations in experience in some manner, and the evidence from cognitive neuroscience (e.g.Hauk et al., 2004 ; Martin and Chao, 2001 ; Tettamanti et al., 2005 ; Vigliocco et al., 2006 ) shows that brain areas related to sensory-motor modalities are activated even in the most abstract linguistic tasks. But beyond this call for grounding, models can also be directly contrasted with each other in the extent to which their semantic representations predict performance on behavioral tasks involving the same items, provided the models have sufficient breadth.

Athough most models are not implemented to the extent which would allow such comparisons (e.g. most network models, semantic field theory, and the embodied views of Glenberg and Barsalou), this is possible with Wordnet, global co-occurrence models, and featural models. Vigliocco et al. ( 2004 ) contrasted similarity measures extracted from three models, one derived from each class (Wordnet, LSA, FUSS), assessing the extent to which similarity measures predicted performance on behavioral tasks sensitive to semantic similarity (lexical substitution errors in speeded picture naming; semantic interference effects on picture naming latencies from distracter words; semantic priming in lexical decision), both for words referring to objects and for words referring to events. In these studies, the feature-based model (FUSS) consistently performed the best in predicting semantic effects. LSA measures of similarity were also strong predictors in general, though not to the extent of FUSS. Wordnet's performance for objects was also strong, but for events it performed particularly poorly, as the limited degree of hierarchical organization led to a lack of fine-grained differentiation among large numbers of loosely related events. Within the current implementations, these findings highlight the importance of grounding semantic representations, although it remains to be seen whether more sophisticated assumptions related to co-occurrence or large-scale network structure may improve the performance of those classes of models.

12.3 New directions: representation of abstract words

We have said above that most research has focused primarily or exclusively on the representation of words referring to objects, and that only very few studies have addressed the semantic organization of words from other content domains, such as events and properties. More generally, however, even when events and properties have been addressed, much of the work has been limited to exploring the organization of concrete concepts/words. Notable exceptions are studies in neuropsychology that have documented a double dissociation between concrete and abstract words (Breedin et al., 1994 ), and have offered an account for the greater degree of impairment of abstract rather than concrete words in terms of differences in featural richness of semantic representations, with concrete words having richer representations and therefore being more resistant to damage than abstract words, whose representation would instead be characterized by fewer features (Plaut, 1995 ).

On the basis of analyses of speaker-generated features for the concepts of “truth”, “freedom”, and “invention”, Barsalou and Wiemer-Hastings ( 2005 ) suggest that an important distinction between abstract and concrete words is which situations are more salient for the two types of word. Whereas for objects, attention focuses on the specific object against a background, for abstract notions, attention focuses on social context, events, and introspective properties. For example, for true , the focus would include the speaker's claim, the listener's representation of the claim, and the listener's assessment of the claim, rendering abstract words more complex than concrete ones.

An interesting proposal concerning the representation of abstract words has been developed within cognitive linguistics by Lakoff and colleagues (Lakoff, 1992 ; Lakoff and Johnson, 1980 ; see also Coulson, 2000 ; Turner and Fauconnier, 2000 ). Abstract knowledge is viewed as originating in conceptual metaphors (i.e. the use of a concrete conceptual domain of knowledge to describe an abstract conceptual domain). For example, English consistently uses language concerning throwing and catching to describe communication of ideas; and words such as in front and behind to describe the passage of time. It has been argued that these patterns of metaphorical language use reflect the manner in which we think about abstract concepts (Boroditsky, 2001 ). In this view, learning and representation of abstract concepts in the mind/brain is grounded in the learning and representation of concrete knowledge, which in turn is grounded in our bodily experience of the world (see also Taub, 2001 , who presents an excellent discussion of iconicity in American Sign Language as a window into the concrete dimensions expressed in conceptual metaphors). Some initial evidence for a role of conceptual metaphors in representing abstract words comes from the study by Richardson et al. ( 2003 ) presented in section 12.1 , who showed that speakers were sensitive to the direction of motion implied in abstract words such as respect (upward motion, linked to the metaphor of “looking up” to someone who ones respects). This hypothesis suggests continuity between the representation of concrete and abstract words, both of which would be grounded in our experiences with the physical world.

An alternative possibility, however, is that the meaning of abstract words is more highly dependent upon language than the meaning of concrete words: concepts corresponding to concrete things and events could develop in a manner that is to a large extent driven by innate predispositions and direct experience with the world (and then generalization of these experiences). Abstract words, however, are learned later and are learned primarily via language. These facts suggest that, compared to the acquisition of concrete words, the acquisition of abstract words is more dependent upon implicit learning mechanisms like those underlying models such as LSA and HAL (i.e. that inferences about meaning originate from the fact that words sharing similar meaning tend to be found in similar sentences). They further suggest that mechanisms such as syntactic bootstrapping (e.g.Gleitman et al., 2005 ) underlie the development and thus the representation of abstract words more than concrete words. We are not aware of any empirical study that has addressed this possibility. It is interesting to note, however, that in the model comparison carried out by Vigliocco et al. ( 2004 ) and described above in section 12.2.3 , LSA, a global co-occurrence model whose representations were developed solely from linguistic input, provided better predictions of graded semantic effects for words referring to events (which are more abstract) than for words referring to concrete objects.

Of course, the two possibilities outlined above are not necessarily mutually exclusive; whereas conceptual metaphors may be part of the semantic representation for at least some words, implicit learning mechanisms based on extracting similarity in meaning from similarity in linguistic context may also play an important part. As abstract words also appear to be more susceptible to cross-linguistic variability (and cross-cultural variability too) than concrete words, investigations of this domain of knowledge may provide important information on how conceptual universal biases may interact with language-specific factors in determining the organization of the semantic system. It is a challenge for future research to explore these issues in a systematic manner.

Acknowledgments

While writing this chapter, Gabriella Vigliocco and David Vinson were supported by an ESRC research grant (RES000230038).

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These differ crucially from association norms (in which participants are typically given a target word and asked to produce the first word that comes to mind), which can be considered holistic in nature because they provide only links between words, rather than revealing conceptual elements of the meanings of individual words.

We will return to this issue in section 12.3 , where we will discuss how embodied views of representation may be able to account for the representations of abstract words.

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https://www.discovernikkei.org/en/journal/2021/12/22/asian-representation/

Nikkei View

Asian representation: It’s getting better, but still has ages-old challenges

Japanese Americans and the wider Asian Americans and Pacific Islander (AAPI) communities are seeing more of ourselves reflected in pop culture these days, but the high arts has a ways to go. It’s important to recognize the ongoing challenges of representation, because they affect our view of ourselves and our community.

The past year-and-a-half has seen a rise in  anti-Asian hate crimes  across the United States, thanks to fanning of the racism sparked the covid-19 pandemic. And yet, Asians have become more and more a part of the American cultural fabric. Through arts and entertainment (and yeah, food), stereotypes, ignorance and long-held animus can be called out, confronted and hopefully, discussed so that solutions to the historical hate can be found for the future.

Pop culture has definitely embraced Asians as a part of American society, with productions that were started in motion long before even the arrival of covid. Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings  has introduced audiences this fall to a hunky Asian American Pacific Islander superhero with Simu Liu in the starring role, but the movie wasn’t produced in the pandemic bubble, or as a reaction to the anti-Asian attacks. Marvel’s Asian superhero movie was green-lit in 2001 and went into serious production in 2019.

The timing this year was perfect: Having a butt-kicking AAPI superhero and a wise-cracking sidekick in Awkwafina taking over the box-office totals for a full month and succeeding as a streaming hit gave some hope that things may be changing for Asians in America. The recent addition of  Ji-Young , the first-ever Asian American Muppet character on Sesame Street  boosted this feeling of cultural arrival.

Sure, there are lots more Asians working in pop culture now in television shows and movies and even commercials that represent more opportunities for our faces to be part of “mainstream” America.

But we can look at other arts and see long-held stereotypes and racist tropes still on display – and considered classics, no less. The Broadway musical theater world still loves Miss Saigon  despite its racist and misogynist story about a Vietnamese woman who falls in love with an American GI.

And, that story is just the modernized version of Madama Butterfly , Puccini’s celebrated 1904 opera about a Japanese woman who falls in love with an American soldier stationed in Japan. It doesn’t require a spoiler alert to say that in both the opera and musical, the woman has a baby after the soldier leaves her, and when he comes back some years later with his American wife, the woman commits suicide.

Madama Butterfly  is one of the giants of the opera canon – it’s a classic that’s cited for its drama and music. It’s also noted for its biting criticism of American imperialism, which is a subtext that isn’t focused on much these days. But the opera does catch flak for its outdated portrayal of Japanese culture and exotification of Japanese women. When Central City Opera performed it two years ago, my wife and I met with opera management and shared our concerns. We were invited to discuss  Madama Butterfly  in a CCO podcast  and the cast and crew added pre-show talks about the problematic portrayals and representations.

The  Boston Lyric Opera  (BLO) had planned to raise the curtain on “Madama Butterfly” for the fall 2021 season, but amidst the headlines about anti-Asian hate, BLO’s management and its cast and crew earlier decided not to perform it. Instead, they’ve launched “ The Butterfly Process ,” a series of public discussions and community events to “reexamine the history and legacy of this opera” and find ways to acknowledge its artistic legacy without continuing its racial legacy. The BLO asked Phil Chan, a dancer and choreographer who in 2017 co-founded “ Final Bow for Yellowface ,” with his partner, Georgina Pazcoguin, for help and guidance. “Final Bow for Yellowface” was launched because of the number in Tchaikovsky’s The Nutcracker  – yes, the seasonal classical favorite – that features a “Chinese” dance that was too often performed as a racial caricature, and with white dancers in yellowface.

Chan has a reputation as a creative who brings a multicultural perspective to even the canon of classical “high arts” – meaning European, white-centered arts. So BLO contacted him for his help with Butterfly .

He’s not the only one, or the first person to push for AAPIs in the arts.  “There’s the  Coalition for Asian Pacifics in Entertainment , who’ve been doing having this conversation and leading it in Hollywood already for, you know, 40-50 years already,” he said in an interview.

But the lack of appropriate Asian representation in dance pushed him to help launch “Final Bow for Yellowface.” “It’s, it’s, you know, what is my tiny corner of the world? And where can I make a difference?

So he started with dance, aiming at Nutcracker , and every holiday season as symphonies across the country drag out the chestnut, he and his partner get media coverage. But, he added, “I’m an opera queen, a self-professed opera queen,” so he’s now hoping to get the same attention for Butterfly . He’s working with a new organization, the  Asian Opera Alliance , and hopes it can have some impact on an artform that is decidedly Eurocentric, in both its canon and its name-brand performers.

“I think the reason why BLO came to me was because sort of my niche is figuring out how do we take traditional Eurocentric works, and expand them for a multiracial audience,” Chan said. “So there’s a lot of really good pieces of art that come from Europe, but it has a strictly European view of the world. It was made by white people, for white people, paid for by white people – paid for often by the Tsar or the king. And that doesn’t always work with when you have a multiracial community that you’re playing for today.”

He cautioned that he’s not pushing for cancel culture. “I’m not saying that any white artists from Europe is inherently a colonialist, anything they made from Europe ever needs to not be performed anymore in order to make room for, you know, voices of color. That’s not how it works. In reality, like, yes, that would be lovely.

“But that’s like, if you’re trying to turn, you know, change directions in a car, and you’re going 300 miles an hour. Yeah, you can do a really sharp turn but your car will flip. You have to turn slowly to keep yourself moving.

“And looking at works like Butterfly and like Nutcracker , yeah, they’re kind of colonialist, you could say that, but they also bring in enough money so that these opera companies can commission new works by people of color. So it’s sort of we’re using them to bring equity.”

He’s not ignoring the wave of anti-Asian sentiment that has flourished in the current divided country, either. “I mean, I’ve been spat on multiple times during the pandemic. I was assaulted in an elevator a couple weeks ago. My co-founder was spat on just yesterday. This is the climate we’re in and I’m looking to the future. I’m looking at the way that we’ve already demonized, you know, Asian Americans, Kung Flu, China flu, you know, spitting on people, the hysteria around attacking Asian people,” he warned.

“And I’m seeing it’s not far off from putting people like us in camps, again, it’s happened before and we can do it again. And where we’re seeing this ugly side of the American experience come out, where there just might be enough fear and resentment for you to say, you know, maybe I wouldn’t feel so bad if someone just rounded up my neighbor.”

When he met with the Asian Opera Alliance on Zoom, he said the people on the call had all performed in Butterfly , and many worked together in the same productions.

“So we talked about the issues around Butterfly , we talked about what are the issues on stage, you know, everything from Japanese stuff to bad artistic choices that directors have made, microaggressions like white directors telling them how to act more Japanese when they are of Japanese descent. And then how butterfly both makes a career for Asian singers sustains a career for Asian singers, but also pigeonholes them into only singing Turandot  and Butterfly .”

That AOA meeting set the stage for the current process. “So what do these opera companies do in the larger ecosystem? Those are the questions that came out of that conversation. And I think BLO realized that they couldn’t ever stage butterfly, again, without going this deep without really asking some of these questions.”

The Butterfly Process will start Dec. 14 with a free online discussion about the history of Butterfly  and its impact through WWII (performances were cancelled after the war because people thought the opera was pro Japanese). The conversation will be between Chan and Dr. Kunio Hara, a Japanese-born professor of music history and an expert on Puccini and Orientalism in music.

Ultimately, Chan sees a path for diversity in the arts by upending expectations and ignoring typecasting.

“Oh, if the person is Japanese do you have to find a Japanese or Japanese-presenting person?” he asked. “Or do you go for colorblind casting where anybody can sing any role as long as the voice fits? So what is the best strategy? How do you do it? So chewing on those things with artists, directors, scholars, singers, you know, folks who are in the field who are doing this work, who have skin in the game, but really centering the Asian experience.”

He credits “Hamilton” with showing Broadway – and the world – that you can have a multicultural cast in a traditional setting and not just tell an old story with a new point of view , but to add new layers of humanity to characters that audiences thought they already knew.

“Yeah, shifting to a multiracial way of treating history shows us nuance, shows us new ways and new perspectives to history, which is so important,” he said. He suggested a modern way of staging the racist Gilbert and Sullivan comic opera The Mikado , a satire about English aristocracy which takes place in a fictional Japanese town called “Titipu” and has always featured white actors in yellowface and phony kimono since the late 1800s. He’s a fan of the play but realizes its racial stereotypes are a problem.

“I will tell you, it’s literally best music, it is the best dialogue. It is so fucking funny,” he said, laughing. “And the problem is lazy white directors who think it’s about Japanese people. It’s not. It’s about England. So what I would do, is an all-Asian cast in white face. And my premise would be, it would be as if a kabuki theater had never heard of England. And they wanted to do this. This British opera called The Mikado  about England. But we don’t quite know what they look like. So I guess maybe like, they would wear tartan kimonos, you know? They put like forks and spoons in their hair like chopsticks, and have like Big Ben in the background with a pagoda on it. Just like I you know, as if someone were to describe a fantasy Victorian to a Japanese person who just like literally could not even imagine what England looked like. And it would be an all Asian cast, pretending to be British people.”

It would be wonderful if Chan gets the chance to mount The Mikado  this way – we’d certainly go see it! But these issues aren’t all funny, and Chan notes the reason why it’s important to bring the lens of diversity to the “classic” works of art.  

“My grandfather lived through, you know, the ugliest time in China. And he would have been horrified that my dance partner for many years was a Japanese ballerina, like, the fact that I was touching a Japanese person would have just repulsed him,” Chan said. “And the fact that I’m doing this work now, would have just been so confusing to him. But I think that, like, you know, just like, even in my own family, how far we can come to turn a deep hatred into a shared love and a shared empathy.

“Yes, I am not Japanese. But I care about this issue. Because, yeah, me and my family could be in a camp too. And this is, and this is also my history as an Asian American, even though I’m not Japanese. It is part of my history that has to stay alive.”

That’s the spirit of community that we all need to celebrate this season, and all year. Happy Holidays, everyone!

*This was originally published on the  Nikkei View on December 2, 2021 and an edited version of this post will run in the Holiday Issue of the national  JACL ‘s  Pacific Citizen  newspaper. 

© 2021 Gil Asakawa

This series presents selections from Gil Asakawa’s “Nikkei View: The Asian American Blog,” which presents a Japanese American perspective on pop culture, media, and politics.

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Gil Asakawa is a journalist, editor, author, and blogger who covers Japan, Japanese American and Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) culture and social justice issues in blogs, articles, and social media. He is a nationally-known speaker, panelist, and expert on Japanese American and Asian American history and identity. He’s the author of Being Japanese American  (Stone Bridge Press) and his next book, Tabemasho! Let’s Eat!  (Stone Bridge Press), a history of Japanese food in America which will be published in 2022. His blog:  nikkeiview.com .  Updated January 2022

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Japanese Animals and Symbolism

As subjects of legends, Japanese animals are endowed with a strong symbolism in the Land of the Rising Sun. Whether they are sacred, legendary or emblematic for the nation, they occupy a certain place in Japanese mythology . Biodiversity of the fauna in Japan is quite exceptional as many animals live in the vast uninhabited lands of the archipelago. Among them, some became real stars of Japanese folklore. The Crane, the Koi Fish, the Dragon, the Phoenix, the Tanuki... Learn more about the symbolism of animals in Japan , whether they are legendary or real.

The emblematic animals of Japan

Through Japanese legends, there are several animals that particularly stand out from the others, becoming symbols of the Land of the Rising Sun.

🐟 The Koi: a courageous fish

The Japanese have been breeding Koi fish with passion for centuries now. This ornamental fish is particularly appreciated for its bright colors and its symbolism. In Japanese legends, the Koi fish is known to brave the currents and represents courage and perseverance . This fish is also widely used in art and in tattooing. During the Kodomo no hi festival that celebrates children's day, the koi can be found in the form of decorative pennants to spread the good example. Discover the meaning of this Japanese fish in this article .

🐈 The cat: the beloved feline of Japan

Among the animals that have the good life in Japan, we can name the cat, without any doubt. This mysterious and elegant animal is one of the most respected in the Land of the Rising Sun. So much so that it was forbidden to domesticate it in the past. As a star of the Japanese folklore, the cat is considered as a lucky animal in Japanese culture in the image of the Maneki Neko... you know, that small figurine that greets you at the entrance of stores? This little cat is inspired by the Japanese bobtail , a breed of feline with a short and curled tail. The antagonist of the Maneki-Neko is the Bakeneko, a monstrous creature capable of devouring its master. Moreover, the cat occupies an important place in arts where it is said to be the favorite subject of some famous painters. Learn more about the symbolism of the cat in Japan in this article .

🕊 The Japanese crane: a bird of peace

In Japan, the crane is a sacred animal that evokes longevity and loyalty. This lucky bird is often represented on fabrics and papers. It is also found on the 1000 yen banknotes.

The Japanese crane is a very beautiful one with a white body with black tips and a head covered with red feathers. Unfortunately, this species is becoming increasingly rare. Did you know that these migratory birds live with their partners until death do them part? For this reason, the crane is considered a symbol of love and fidelity in Japanese culture.

There is also a legend that says that 1000 folded paper cranes will help you to live a long time or to grant a wish.

Since the Hiroshima tragedy in 1945, the animal has become a symbol of peace and millions of origami cranes populate the Peace Memorial Park.

Find out more by reading our article on the Japanese crane, a powerful symbol in Japan .

🦋 The butterfly: a reflection of the soul in Japan

The butterfly has a very special meaning in Japan. It represents the incarnation of the soul of the deceased . In the Land of the Rising Sun, a belief tells that the spirit of the dead takes the form of a butterfly to fly away to eternal life. These majestic flying insects also symbolize the blossoming of femininity among young girls.

🐸 The frog: a symbol of good fortune

In Japan, frogs and toads are called "kaeru" which is Japanese for "return". These small amphibians are said to bring good luck to travelers . That is why adventurers sometimes carry frog amulets to return home safely. The Japanese also like to slip a frog into their wallets to ensure that money returns.

🦉 The owl: a protective raptor

In Japan, the owl is a symbol of protection and luck that represents knowledge and benevolence. This bird of prey is used as a talisman. However, some species are considered demonic. Such is the case of the barn owl. Most recently, owl cafes have also opened their doors in the Land of the Rising Sun...

🐇 The rabbit: a sacred animal of the archipelago

If the rabbit is very present in the Japanese folklore and culture, it is not only for its adorable face and its kawaii side. The rabbit also is a character well anchored in the Japanese mythology. You can find the rabbit in manga and souvenir stores, but you can also worship them at the Hakuto-jinja shinto shrine which is dedicated to the legend of the white hare of Inaba . As a symbol of love and healing, many couples visit the white rabbit to bless their union or cure skin diseases. There exists a very small island in Japan, populated by wild rabbits. Okunoshima Island , also known as Rabbit Island, is a real paradise on Earth for our long-eared friends, who aren't as shy as they seem.

🐢 The turtle: symbol of longevity in Japan

The turtle is, besides being a symbol of longevity and good omen in Japan, also associated with our good old Earth. This animal is the subject of many legends, the most famous of which dates back to the Nihon-Shoki, a very old work on the origins of Japan and the dynasty. The legend of Urashima Taro is about a man who saves a baby turtle. To thank him, the mother of the rescued baby invites him to her Water Kingdom.

🐕 The Akita Inu: the most revered dog in Japan

A true pride of the Japanese, this breed of dog originating from the Akita region was known for hunting bears in the past. Its courage and loyalty make it the most appreciated dog in Japan. Moreover, many statues and events are dedicated to him. It is a breed that resembles the Spitz but larger, with a thick coat. This Japanese dog is particularly loyal, as can be seen from the story of Hachiko , a famous Akita who waited for his late master for 10 years at Shibuya station.

🙉 The Japanese macaque: a figure of wisdom

This primate, called snow monkey , represents wisdom in Japanese culture. We can recognize it by its crimson face and buttocks. Its coat is well furnished and the animal does not have a tail as a result of its climatic adaptation to avoid frostbite. The Japanese macaque is often represented in theaters or during the O-bon festival. It is also an excellent swimmer. If you happen to visit a hot spring or onsen in Japan , you may encounter one.

🐻 The Japanese black bear: totem animal of Ainu people

The Asian black bear has a white band surrounding its neck that resembles a necklace. This sacred animal has an important place in the Ainu culture, aboriginal people living in the North of Japan. This powerful mammal protector of the forest and the Earth is a deity particularly venerated by the Ainu . Originally a totem, this animal is honored during the Waking the Bear Ceremony and was the object of cruel rituals that have been abandoned today.

Legendary creatures from Japan

Japan is full of mythological creatures that are very present in the local folklore as well as in children's stories. These legendary animals have been an inspiration to artists for centuries. Discover some of the most famous among them:

🐉 The dragon: a legendary power

The Japanese dragon fascinates humans since ages. This majestic serpentine creature, guardian of the kami, is renowned for its strength and unpredictable nature. The dragon is celebrated during the Kinryu no mai festival. The dragon is frequently represented in Japanese culture as well as in the world of tattooing. Symbol of wisdom and immortality , it is also the master of metamorphosis. Among the legends of dragons, Yamata no Orochi is probably the oldest one. Discover more about the myths of this fantastic snake-like creature .

🦁 Komainu: the protective lion-dog

Inspired by the Egyptian sphinxes and the Indian and Chinese lions, komainu are creatures between the dog and the lion that can be seen at the entrance of Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines. These statues are supposed to ward off evil spirits and protect deities . With their thick manes, muscular bodies and sharp claws, komainu are a symbol of strength and power. The guardians of sacred places in Japan. However, they are also found in front of the houses of nobles or administrative buildings.

🦚 Phoenix: the bird that rises from its ashes

This fantasy bird is the guest of honor at the Kanda Matsuri festival. In Japan, it is known as Houou. The Japanese phoenix looks like a peacock with a tail made up of long colorful feathers. This fiery animal embodies the cycle of life, rebirth, immortality and triumph . The phoenix associated with the dragon represents the imperial couple. This legendary animal is often present in Japanese art, just like its counterpart, the peacock, which is a real animal.

🦅 Yatagarasu: the sacred Japanese crow

This bird has 3 legs : the first one represents the sky, the second one the Earth and the third one the Humans. In Japan, the crow is the allegory of the sun. Nowadays, it is a respected animal , but also considered as a nuisance. In mythology, the yatagarasu is sent by the gods in order to help humans. Some say that it guided the emperor Jinmu to Yamato. Notice that the Japanese soccer has taken over the emblem of the crow.

🐍 The white snake: messenger of the goddess Benzaiten

Another auspicious animal in Japan. The white snake is the messenger of Benzaiten , a particularly revered goddess in Japan. Meeting a white snake is considered a sign of good omen in the Japanese culture, as this reptile would bring wealth to the one who meets it. As for the frog, it is quite common to see white snakes in the wallet of Japanese people.

🦄 Kirin: the Japanese unicorn

With its horse (or deer) body, its hooves and its horn, this fantasy animal is reminiscent of the Western unicorns. The kirin is the Japanese version of the Chinese qilin. This chimeric creature which also has an ox tail, scales and the head of a dragon, has the power of breathing fire. It is a benevolent animal that descends to Earth to announce the birth or death of an exceptional being. In the Asian culture, the kirin is the embodiment of harmony . This legendary animal can be found on the famous Japanese Kirin beers.

The yokai, creatures of Japanese mythology

In Japanese beliefs, there are many creatures with extraordinary powers. These are the spirits that populate Japan, called yokai . Japanese folklore counts an impressive number of them. Some have the appearance of animals and others look more like demons or everyday objects. Fascinating and sometimes terrifying, here are 3 major yokai of Japanese mythology.

🦊 Kitsune: the fox spirit

The kitsune is a multi-tailed fox with supernatural powers. It is the messenger of Inari, goddess of rice, in the Shinto religion. In Japanese mythology, this creature masters the art of metamorphosis and can take on the appearance of a beautiful young woman that bewitches men. Moreover, the fox spirit is frighteningly intelligent. It can read minds and manipulate humans at will. Let's focus on this magical fox , revered in Japan.

🦡 Tanuki: the sacred raccoon dog

The tanuki is both a physical animal and a yokai . It is a species of canid that lives in the forests of Japan. With its small head, pointed ears and thick hair, the tanuki looks more like a raccoon than a dog. Sadly, the raccoon dog is also hunted for its prized fur. The tanuki brings good luck , which is why it is often found in front of Japanese stores. Don't be shocked by its prominent testicles - they represent luck and prosperity. In legends, it is associated with a funny character with magical powers. Learn more about tanuki .

😺 Bakeneko: the cat monster of Japan

This mythological animal is not the friendliest one. Actually, behind this ordinary-looking cat, hides a demon ready to do anything to take possession of your home. He can transform himself into a human or even wake up the dead. This is why the bakeneko is considered as a very frightening creature by the Japanese. Fortunately, there are some ways to recognize them.  Discover the legends surrounding this devilish cat .

As you may have noticed, animals are very much appreciated and sometimes even venerated in Japan. Signs of good luck in mythology, they often bring chance or fortune, but can also be demonic. So, the next time you encounter a cat or a turtle, remember this article! So, which Japanese animals fascinate you?

Cover image: © ariduka55 ( ariduka55.tumblr.com )

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Kami, all about Japanese Gods and Goddesses

Kitsune, the Japanese Fox with Multiple Powers and its Meaning

Ken Millheim

The Iomante イオマンテ ritual should not be described as “cruel”. This is Ainu belief and custom not something to be judged.

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Cherry Blossoms In Japan: Meaning And Symbolism

Once April rolls around, the beautiful pink petals fall like confetti across Japan. They sprout from branches. They adorn food items and products.

Tourists from the Western world travel to take pictures of this very moment. While Japan is known for its cherry blossoms, did you know there is another meaning too? 

They look pretty, but Japan awaits this time of year for a reason. Cherry blossom viewing (also known as hanami) is highly anticipated.

Every year this season means renewal, but it is also a time to remember how fragile life is. Japanese people often remember loved ones lost. They also think about their own precious life.

Hanami also reminds them that they should live in the moment too. Our life can be taken away from us in an instant.

If you are curious to find out more about cherry blossoms, then read on. We discuss both the meaning and symbolism of cherry blossoms. 

What Is A Cherry Blossom?

Cherry blossoms, otherwise known as sakura, are beautiful, delicate flowers. They are light pink in color and smell sweet. 

They grow on cherry blossom trees. However, they only last for around two weeks. After this time they fall to the ground and turn brown. 

Unsurprisingly, you can also use the petals to make a perfume tasting sweet tea. 

While Japan is known for cherry blossoms, they are native to other Asian countries too. These are India, South Korea, and China. 

People from across the world travel to Japan to see the sakura season for themselves. 

What Is Hanami In Japan?

Hanami (cherry blossom viewing) is a tradition in Japanese culture as a time to practice both mindfulness and gratitude. It is also a time to reflect on your own mortality too.

Hanami is a fitting name. This is because hana translates to ‘flower’, and mi translates to ‘to view’. 

Most Westerners know this season as cherry blossom viewing . Hanami itself is a time when Japanese people get together to drink and eat surrounded by cherry blossoms (see also “ What Is Hanami? ‘).

They sit in groups or as a couple for something more romantic. They then eat their prepared bento boxes or BBQ food. 

Sometimes music is played too. It all looks wonderful under the cherry blossom canopies. 

What Do Cherry Blossoms Symbolize?

Cherry blossoms are sacred to Asian culture. In China cherry blossoms represent femininity – sexuality, strength and beauty – as well as love.

Despite the high status in China, no country is connected to sakura more than Japan. They have thousands upon thousands of cherry blossom trees.

Cherry blossoms are ingrained into their culture. From films and artwork, to poetry and media. The floral delicacy of cherry blossoms find their way onto it all. 

And while Japanese people gather to celebrate hanami, what exactly do cherry blossoms symbolize? Let’s take a look! 

Cherry blossoms are a symbol of renewal. People often use this time to feel reborn – a little like the start of a new year.

It began as a ritual around the year 710. This is because people believed cherry blossoms represented reproduction for agricultural purposes. 

This began because those who believed in the Shinto faith (a folk religion) thought sakura trees were symbolic of the mountain Gods.

Japanese people would travel to mountains each spring season to worship the sakura trees. After so long, they removed the trees to inhabited places within Japan. 

Cherry blossoms signal the arrival of spring. This has always been a time of optimism and renewal in Japan.

This season also coincides with Japan’s calendar new year. This means the schools begin a new semester and school year too.

Those who see a cherry blossom tree in full bloom may feel optimistic. 

Fragility Of Life

Cherry blossoms have been linked for a long time with buddhist ways of thinking. This is to do with living in the moment, mindfulness, and mortality. 

The sakura is a metaphor to remind everyone of their existence. The ‘birth’ of the cherry blossom is beautiful. It takes the breath away and is magnificent.

However, it is a very short moment. It is a visual reminder for everyone that life is over quickly. This tells people that they need to live in the present moment. 

It is also a way to show us that human life is also beautiful. We bloom and grow. Once death happens, our life is over. However, human life should be celebrated for its natural beauty. 

Why Does Cherry Blossom Represent Mortality?

Mortality is nothing new when it comes to cherry blossoms. It can be linked back to the samurai period who lived by the way of the warrior. Otherwise known as bushido .

Samurai lived by a strict code that included morals, discipline, honor, and respect. They were taught to appreciate life but also death. They knew that death was inevitable. As a samurai, it could happen sooner than a natural death.

A cherry blossom petal which had fallen symbolized the end of a short life. Often this was during battle. To this day, it still does. 

It carried on during World War II when pilots would paint sakura onto the kamikaze warplanes. These suicide missions would result in death. 

They referenced cherry blossom petals being the symbolic representation of a life ending.

These days sakura are not used in the military. Instead it is philosophical. More often than not, it is just for the beauty of the sakura. 

Are There Cherry Blossom Trees At The White House?

Yes, there are cherry blossom trees at the White House. The gyoiko cherry blossom variety is planted at the White House.

In fact, there are over three thousand of them in America, and more than twelve different varieties.

These were given to the President of the United States, William Taft, in 1912. Japan gave these away as a sign of friendship. 

In return they received dogwood trees which also flower. 

To this day the trees are both propagated and then replanted. It is a sign of the friendship between both Japan and America.

Final Thoughts

It is no surprise that you may want to visit Japan during cherry blossom season ( read here for a visitor’s guide to Cherry Blossom season ). The beautiful pink hues make a wonderful backdrop to any selfie.

However, it is more than just a photo opportunity. Cherry blossom viewing – hanami – is a time to reflect. Along with friends and family, you can drink and eat under the cherry blossoms. 

Life is short, and during April you are reminded of this. Even so, it is also a time to be in the present. And it can be a time to think of those who are precious to you.

The symbolic nature of cherry blossom trees goes way back into the history of Japan. The fallen petals have represented inevitable death for thousands of years.

Despite this, cherry blossoms also represent renewal. April marks the start of a new school year. It can also give a person feelings of optimism. 

So, the next time you see a cherry blossom tree in full bloom, remember that it is the perfect time to reflect on your life. 

The sprouting of cherry blossoms also means that the warmer season is on the horizon too.

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representation

Definition of representation

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15th century, in the meaning defined at sense 1

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What is a Nekomata Yokai: Exploring the Powerful Mythical Creatures of Japan

The Nekomata yokai is a fascinating creature from Japanese mythology . Known as a type of yokai or monster, Nekomata have both mountain-dwelling and domestic cat forms. These mythical beings are described as mountain beasts with cat-like eyes and a large dog-like body.

Legends speak of Nekomata’s ability to consume humans and even transform into humans themselves. Possessing powers of necromancy, they are said to control the dead through ritual dances. In this article, we will explore the origins, transformations, and powers of Nekomata, as well as their distinguishing traits from the bakeneko yokai.

Content of this Article

The Nekomata Yokai : Exploring its Origins and Legends

In the realm of Japanese mythology , the Nekomata yokai holds a significant place. This enigmatic creature captivates the imagination with its unique characteristics and intriguing folklore. Let’s delve into the rich history and legends surrounding the Nekomata, starting with ancient folklore and its portrayal in Japanese mythology .

Ancient Folklore: Nekomata in Japanese Mythology

The origins of the Nekomata can be traced back to ancient Japanese folklore. It is believed to be a type of yokai, a supernatural being often depicted as a monstrous creature.

These ancient tales describe the Nekomata as creatures with feline traits, possessing cat-like eyes and a large, dog-like body. They are both awe-inspiring and fearsome, embodying the power and mystery of the natural world.

The Kamakura Period: Earliest Mentions in Japanese Literature

The Nekomata found its way into Japanese literature during the Kamakura Period, which marked the earliest mentions of this mythical creature. Stories written during this time shed light on the Nekomata’s existence and its association with mountainous regions.

As the tales unfolded, the Nekomata’s reputation as a formidable being grew, captivating the imaginations of those who embraced the folklore of old.

Evolution of Nekomata: From Mountain Beasts to Domestic Cats

As time passed, the Nekomata underwent a transformation of its own.

In later literature, a new facet of these creatures emerged – the notion that domestic cats could transform into Nekomata. It emerged that aged domestic cats had the potential to evolve into powerful yokai.

This fascinating progression showcased the belief in the mystical powers possessed by certain felines and added layers of complexity to the Nekomata’s lore.

Legends and Transformations: Nekomata Shapeshifting Abilities

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One of the most intriguing aspects of the Nekomata yokai is its shapeshifting abilities. Legends speak of Nekomata not only transforming into fearsome and powerful beasts but also assuming human form.

It’s in these tales that the line between the spiritual and human realms blurs, offering captivating narratives of Nekomata masquerading as humans, all while retaining their sinister nature.

Powers and Influences: Necromancy and Control over the Dead

The Nekomata possesses powers beyond mere transformation.

According to folklore, these yokai harbor necromantic abilities, enabling them to control the deceased through ritualistic dances. Their influence over the realm of the dead reflects their potent and terrifying nature.

These tales serve as a cautionary reminder of the Nekomata’s otherworldly power and its potential for both malevolence and manipulation.

Mountain Nekomata: Powerful and Dangerous Creatures

Deep within the mountains, the most dangerous and mighty Nekomata reside. Taking the form of wild felines such as leopards and giant lions, these mountain-dwelling yokai can grow to astonishing lengths and display their immense strength.

They prey on large animals, including bears, boars, and unfortunate humans who dare to venture into their domain. Their ferocity and power evoke a sense of awe and fear, solidifying their reputation as formidable creatures to be respected and feared.

Nekomata vs. Bakeneko: Understanding the Difference

Nekomata and Bakeneko are two fascinating creatures from Japanese mythology that share a connection to cats. While they are similar in some ways, they also have distinct characteristics that set them apart.

Let’s explore the similarities and differences between these mythical beings.

The Similarities and Overlapping Traits

Both Nekomata and Bakeneko are yokai that can transform into yokai, originating from cats. They both possess supernatural abilities and are known for their association with mischief and supernatural occurrences. Additionally, these creatures are often depicted in folklore and art, leaving a lasting impression on Japanese culture.

Nekomata: More Powerful and Malicious Yokai

Nekomata is considered to be the more potent and malevolent of the two creatures. These yokai are known for their ability to control the dead through necromancy. With powerful rituals and dancess, Nekomata can manipulate corpses and use them for their own purposes.

They are infamous for their fire-summoning abilities, capable of causing disastrous fires that engulf entire villages. These creatures exhibit a deep contempt for humans and are often portrayed as dangerous and deadly beings.

Bakeneko: Mischievous but Less Malevolent Spirits

On the other hand, Bakeneko are mischievous spirits that can bring about strange occurrences in households. While they also possess shapeshifting abilities and can take the form of humans or other objects, they are generally perceived as less malevolent compared to Nekomata.

Bakeneko are often associated with strange noises, objects moving on their own, and pranks played on unsuspecting individuals. However, they rarely pose a direct threat to their human owners. Bakeneko are more known for their mischievous nature rather than outright malice.

In conclusion, while Nekomata and Bakeneko share similarities as cat-transforming yokai, they have distinct characteristics that set them apart. Nekomata are more powerful, malicious, and capable of controlling the dead, while Bakeneko are mischievous spirits known for their pranks and strange occurrences.

It is these differences that contribute to the rich tapestry of Japanese folklore and continue to capture our imaginations to this day.

Cultural Depictions: Nekomata in Art and Media

Discover the intriguing presence of the Nekomata yokai in various forms of art and media.

From ancient literature to modern pop culture, the Nekomata has left an indelible mark on Japanese creativity and imagination.

Nekomata in Japanese Literature and Folklore Tales

Japanese literature is replete with captivating stories and folklore tales featuring the enigmatic Nekomata. These tales often portray Nekomata as powerful and malevolent beings, influencing human lives with their supernatural abilities.

The ancient folktales highlight encounters with Nekomata in deep mountain forests, where they transform into women playing the shamisen, a traditional Japanese musical instrument. These accounts serve as cautionary tales warning against the dangers of crossing paths with these mystical creatures.

Nekomata in Visual Arts: Hyakkai Zukan and other Illustrations

The influence of Nekomata extends beyond literature and finds expression in visual arts as well. The renowned illustration book, Hyakkai Zukan, features intricate depictions of Nekomata in various forms, including their transformative abilities and rituals.

These detailed illustrations vividly capture the essence of these mythical creatures and their connection to the human world.

Nekomata and Bakeneko in Modern Pop Culture

In modern pop culture, Nekomata and their mischievous counterparts, the bakeneko, have gained widespread popularity. These mythical creatures have found their way into manga, anime, movies, and books. Presented in more adorable and approachable forms, they continue to captivate audiences worldwide.

The manga and anime industries, in particular, have beautifully adapted Nekomata and bakeneko characters, giving them a unique charm while staying true to their mythical origins.

Exploring the vivid depictions of Nekomata in Japanese art and the continued fascination with these creatures in modern pop culture showcases the enduring allure and cultural significance of these mythical beings.

Exploring Nekomata Folklore: Mysterious Stories and Beliefs

Embark on a journey into the intriguing world of Nekomata folklore, where mysterious stories and beliefs abound. This section delves into various aspects of Nekomata legends, shedding light on the enigmatic nature of these mythical creatures.

Strange Fires and Misdemeanor: Nekomata in Local Legends

Within local legends, Nekomata are often associated with strange fires that mysteriously ignite in their presence. These unexplained phenomena are believed to be caused by the supernatural powers of the Nekomata, serving as both a warning and a symbol of their potential malevolence.

Local communities share tales of these mischievous creatures wreaking havoc and bringing destruction wherever they roam, leaving a sense of awe and fear in their wake.

Nekomata Disease: Mysterious Ailments and Superstitions

Superstitions surrounding Nekomata have given rise to the belief in a unique affliction known as the Nekomata Disease.

This mysterious ailment is said to be caused by the curse of a Nekomata, resulting in strange symptoms and unexplained deaths. Communities have developed rituals and protective measures to ward off these creatures and safeguard against the dreaded Nekomata Disease, emphasizing the deep-rooted fear instilled by these legendary beings.

Forked Tails and Chanting Shamisen: Symbolic Elements

In Nekomata folklore, the distinct feature of a forked tail plays a significant role. It is believed that only cats with bifurcated tails can transform into Nekomata, adding a mystical quality to their presence.

Additionally, the symbolic element of a chanting shamisen, a traditional Japanese musical instrument, is associated with their supernatural abilities. Legends tell of Nekomata donning the guise of elderly women, skillfully playing the shamisen to invoke powerful forces and control their surroundings.

Mountain Nekomata Legends: Haunted Encounters and Warnings

Expanding our exploration into mountain-dwelling Nekomata, we uncover haunting encounters and cautionary tales of their immense power. These stories depict mountain Nekomata as imposing and fearsome creatures, often taking the form of gigantic leopards or lions.

They command territories with their terrifying roars and possess a voracious appetite for large prey, including humans. With their necromantic abilities and control over the dead, these mountain Nekomata evoke both awe and dread among those who venture into their realm.

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Definition of 'representation'

• representation

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representation in American English

Representation in british english, examples of 'representation' in a sentence representation, related word partners representation, trends of representation.

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In other languages representation

• American English : representation / rɛprɪzɛnˈteɪʃən /
• Brazilian Portuguese : representação
• Chinese : 代表
• European Spanish : representación
• French : représentation
• German : Vertretung
• Italian : rappresentanza
• Japanese : 代表
• Korean : 대표
• European Portuguese : representação
• Spanish : representación
• Thai : การมีตัวแทน

Browse alphabetically representation

• represent value
• representamen
• representant
• representation of reality
• representational
• representational painting
• All ENGLISH words that begin with 'R'

Related terms of representation

• ensure representation
• equal representation
• exact representation
• fair representation
• false representation
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representation noun 1

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What does the noun representation mean?

There are 19 meanings listed in OED's entry for the noun representation , three of which are labelled obsolete. See ‘Meaning & use’ for definitions, usage, and quotation evidence.

representation has developed meanings and uses in subjects including

How common is the noun representation ?

How is the noun representation pronounced, british english, u.s. english, where does the noun representation come from.

Earliest known use

Middle English

The earliest known use of the noun representation is in the Middle English period (1150—1500).

OED's earliest evidence for representation is from around 1450, in St. Elizabeth of Spalbeck .

representation is of multiple origins. Either (i) a borrowing from French. Or (ii) a borrowing from Latin.

Etymons: French representation ; Latin repraesentātiōn- , repraesentātiō .

Nearby entries

• reprehensory, adj. 1576–1825
• repremiation, n. 1611
• represent, n. a1500–1635
• represent, v.¹ c1390–
• re-present, v.² 1564–
• representable, adj. & n. 1630–
• representamen, n. 1677–
• representance, n. 1565–
• representant, n. 1622–
• representant, adj. 1851–82
• representation, n.¹ c1450–
• re-presentation, n.² 1805–
• representational, adj. 1850–
• representationalism, n. 1846–
• representationalist, adj. & n. 1846–
• representationary, adj. 1856–
• representationism, n. 1842–
• representationist, n. & adj. 1842–
• representation theory, n. 1928–
• representative, adj. & n. a1475–
• representative fraction, n. 1860–

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Meaning & use

Pronunciation, compounds & derived words, entry history for representation, n.¹.

representation, n.¹ was revised in December 2009.

representation, n.¹ was last modified in March 2024.

oed.com is a living text, updated every three months. Modifications may include:

• further revisions to definitions, pronunciation, etymology, headwords, variant spellings, quotations, and dates;
• new senses, phrases, and quotations.

Revisions and additions of this kind were last incorporated into representation, n.¹ in March 2024.

Earlier versions of this entry were published in:

OED First Edition (1906)

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OED Second Edition (1989)

• View representation in OED Second Edition

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Citation details

Factsheet for representation, n.¹, browse entry.

• Cambridge Dictionary +Plus

Meaning of representation in English

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representation noun ( ACTING FOR )

• Defendants have a right to legal representation and must be informed of that right when they are arrested .
• The farmers demanded greater representation in parliament .
• The main opposing parties have nearly equal representation in the legislature .
• The scheme is intended to increase representation of minority groups .
• The members are chosen by a system of proportional representation.
• admissibility
• extinguishment
• extrajudicial
• extrajudicially
• fatal accident inquiry
• federal case
• pay damages
• plea bargain
• plea bargaining
• the Webster ruling
• walk free idiom
• witness to something

representation noun ( DESCRIPTION )

• anti-realism
• anti-realist
• complementary
• confederate
• naturalistically
• non-figurative
• non-representational
• poetic licence
• symbolization

representation noun ( INCLUDING ALL )

• all manner of something idiom
• alphabet soup
• it takes all sorts (to make a world) idiom
• non-segregated
• odds and ends
• of every stripe/of all stripes idiom
• this and that idiom
• variety is the spice of life idiom
• wide choice

representation | Business English

Examples of representation, collocations with representation.

• representation

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Translations of representation

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• representation (ACTING FOR)
• representation (DESCRIPTION)
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• make representations to sb
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