internet and its effects essay

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The Impact of the Internet on Society: A Global Perspective

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The Internet is the decisive technology of the Information Age, and with the explosion of wireless communication in the early twenty-first century, we can say that humankind is now almost entirely connected, albeit with great levels of inequality in bandwidth, efficiency, and price.

People, companies, and institutions feel the depth of this technological change, but the speed and scope of the transformation has triggered all manner of utopian and dystopian perceptions that, when examined closely through methodologically rigorous empirical research, turn out not to be accurate. For instance, media often report that intense use of the Internet increases the risk of isolation, alienation, and withdrawal from society, but available evidence shows that the Internet neither isolates people nor reduces their sociability; it actually increases sociability, civic engagement, and the intensity of family and friendship relationships, in all cultures.

Our current “network society” is a product of the digital revolution and some major sociocultural changes. One of these is the rise of the “Me-centered society,” marked by an increased focus on individual growth and a decline in community understood in terms of space, work, family, and ascription in general. But individuation does not mean isolation, or the end of community. Instead, social relationships are being reconstructed on the basis of individual interests, values, and projects. Community is formed through individuals’ quests for like-minded people in a process that combines online interaction with offline interaction, cyberspace, and the local space.

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Globally, time spent on social networking sites surpassed time spent on e-mail in November 2007, and the number of social networking users surpassed the number of e-mail users in July 2009. Today, social networking sites are the preferred platforms for all kinds of activities, both business and personal, and sociability has dramatically increased — but it is a different kind of sociability. Most Facebook users visit the site daily, and they connect on multiple dimensions, but only on the dimensions they choose. The virtual life is becoming more social than the physical life, but it is less a virtual reality than a real virtuality, facilitating real-life work and urban living.

Because people are increasingly at ease in the Web’s multidimensionality, marketers, government, and civil society are migrating massively to the networks people construct by themselves and for themselves. At root, social-networking entrepreneurs are really selling spaces in which people can freely and autonomously construct their lives. Sites that attempt to impede free communication are soon abandoned by many users in favor of friendlier and less restricted spaces.

Perhaps the most telling expression of this new freedom is the Internet’s transformation of sociopolitical practices. Messages no longer flow solely from the few to the many, with little interactivity. Now, messages also flow from the many to the many, multimodally and interactively. By disintermediating government and corporate control of communication, horizontal communication networks have created a new landscape of social and political change.

Networked social movements have been particularly active since 2010, notably in the Arab revolutions against dictatorships and the protests against the management of the financial crisis. Online and particularly wireless communication has helped social movements pose more of a challenge to state power.

The Internet and the Web constitute the technological infrastructure of the global network society, and the understanding of their logic is a key field of research. It is only scholarly research that will enable us to cut through the myths surrounding this digital communication technology that is already a second skin for young people, yet continues to feed the fears and the fantasies of those who are still in charge of a society that they barely understand.

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The Impact of the Internet in Culture and Daily Habits Essay

Ever since its popularization in the mid-1990s the internet has brought about a huge impact on our everyday lives and has already become part of our culture. It has been a primary source of information, communication, business opportunities and entertainment thus it has continued to grown in the modern era of science and technology (clickz.com).

This paper analyzes the impact of the internet in our daily lives through habits formed and how it has shaped our culture today. We will be examining both the positive and negative effects brought about by the internet in shaping the modern society and culture today by observing daily habits formed through and by the internet.

The internet has greatly contributed to modern society by providing services that allows people to obtain knowledge and information readily, communicate with anyone around the globe conveniently, put up businesses or look for employment opportunities without the hassle of logistics and legworks and be entertained at the comforts of people’s homes.

On the other hand, although the internet has provided people convenience and comfort, it has developed negative habits and behaviours slowly giving rise to a culture being spoon fed by the power of technology. People have become dependent on the internet for information and knowledge that they no longer do their own research through reading books, magazine articles, and or scholarly journals thus becoming lazy.

Communication and connecting is slowly becoming impersonal through emails, instant messaging or through means of social networking sites. The rise of internet scams has made people sceptical and pessimistic over new ideas. Lastly the ready availability of entertainment means of the internet has promoted the distribution of piracy and pornography. The growth of the internet has greatly improved our culture and society today with services it offers in the enrichment of our lives at work and at home.

Primarily, the internet has provided easy access to information and knowledge by anyone at a cheap cost. It has given superior flexibility to working hours and location especially since it is accessible almost anywhere by anyone and allows users to connect via wireless internet.

In this age of wireless technology wifi signals are readily available in coffee shops, shopping malls and offices. The creation of mobile devices such as cellular phones, laptop computers or other gadgets and gizmos allows people to create their own wireless internets through 3Gs. For students educational materials such as course guidelines, virtual universities and groups to scholarly literature become readily available in the internet.

Google has been a popular search engine for almost everyone who wants to acquire information on anything under the sun. The internet has played an important role in both formal and informal education. Second, the internet has enabled people to communicate with others around the globe through emails, instant messengers and social networking sites such as Facebook, Twitter and MySpace. It has given rise to new forms of social interactions, activities and organizations.

Through constant communication of peoples from different cultural backgrounds, the internet unifies diverse beliefs and practices from different cultures. “The ‘faceless’ nature of the communication in computer mediated communication may often reinforce the bureaucratic or hierarchical dimensions of interaction (Vioskounsky 103).

Business and other opportunities flourished with the growth of the internet. Almost all top brands from food, clothing even real estate have their own shopping sites or numerous amounts of advertising whether it has something to do with selling or looking for employees are seen all over the internet.

Lastly, the internet serves as a major source of leisure. Many people use and access the internet to watch movies, download music, play multiplayer games in online communities (internetgames.about.com), read the news or connect with other people via forums and social networking site.

The internet has become a part of people’s everyday lives in attaining information, communicating and connecting with others, developing businesses or scouting for opportunities and entertaining oneself. However, together with its benefits, the internet brings along with it some negative effects to society and culture especially in developing behaviours among its users.

The easy access of information from the web can develop laziness and attitudes of dependence among internet users. The internet interferes with a person’s deep thinking that leads to creative imaginations and works because of the readily available materials in the internet (Carr 276) while cyberslacking, recreational surfing on the job, has lead to drain corporate resources. “Ever the killjoys, bosses are taking a dim view of all this virtual goldbricking.

They see it as an insidious, profit-eating virus, costing corporate America more than $1 billion a year in wasted computer resources, according to SurfWatch, a maker of software to police cyberabuse”(thedailybeast.com). It is true that the internet promotes communication with other people around the globe but a strain occurs with the growing impersonal tendencies of internet users with personal conversations.

People tend to communicate over a faceless chat or email rather than a face to face personal conversation. Most people are likely to shy away from real life interactions and confine themselves to internet forums and social networking sites. Loneliness has been correlated with internet usage (www2.bc.ed).

People most often use the internet as a means or outlet to filter their feelings and share their stories in the form of status messages in their Facebook accounts, tweets on Twitter, personal blogs or online forums. Self destructive behaviours occurs when loneliness coupled by depression dominates internet user’s mind rooting from their isolationist behaviours brought about by their unwillingness to interact with people personally.

Lastly internet harm comes in the form of copyright infringement and pornography. With the widespread availability of films, audios, literatures and the like uploaded in the web everyday without the consent of owners and producer, internet users who take advantage of these stolen goods promote piracy thus the morality and respect for the law of individuals has been put to question.

Another concern is the wide spread of pornography which corrupts people’s minds and ethical values. “The Internet corrupts people’s minds, influences and changes people’s moral perspectives and ethical values. Driven by the profits in the numbers of hundreds of millions of dollars, the pornography merchants have opened pornographic websites, massively producing various kinds of sex information” (Guangrong 3).

In our modern society, the internet has provided services that brought comfort and convenience to our home and offices. However, it has also caused negative behaviour and habits among internet users who do not have discipline. The internet has shaped our present culture influentially making it a part of our daily lives and activities from inquiring information, setting up a business or even for leisure purposes.

Dangers of abusive internet use has gravely affected the lives of its victims which resulted in loneliness, depression and isolation for some users who had opted to shy away from personal interactions while in terms of businesses problems of cyberslacking arises most often in offices where company resources are being drained. Another problem with the wide spread of the internet is the promotion of piracy and pornography which affects personal ethics and morality.

Works Cited

Carr, Nicholas. The Shallows: What the Internet is Doing to Our Brains . New York: Stanford University Press, 2010. Print.

Guangrong, Ru. “The Negative Impact of the Internet and Its Solutions.” Rev. of Internet ,. The Chinese Defense Science and Technology Information Monthly 1998: 3. Print.

Voiskounsky, Alexander. “Internet: Culture Diversity and Unification.” Proceedings Cultural Attitudes Towards Communication and Technology . Ed. C.Ess and F. Sudweeks. Australia: University of Sydney, 1998. Print.

“Brazil, Russia, India and China to Lead Internet Growth Through 2011.” Clickz.com. Incisive Interactive Marketing LCC, 2011.Web.

“Cyberslacking.” Thedailybeast.com. The Newsweek/ Daily Beast Company LCC, 2011. Web.

“The Relationship Between Internet Use and Loneliness Among College Students.” www2.bc.edu. Boston College, n.d. Web.

“Top Online Game Trends of the Decade.” Interntegames.about.com. About.com. 2011. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2019, April 29). The Impact of the Internet in Culture and Daily Habits. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-impact-of-the-internet-in-culture-and-daily-habits-essay/

"The Impact of the Internet in Culture and Daily Habits." IvyPanda , 29 Apr. 2019, ivypanda.com/essays/the-impact-of-the-internet-in-culture-and-daily-habits-essay/.

IvyPanda . (2019) 'The Impact of the Internet in Culture and Daily Habits'. 29 April.

IvyPanda . 2019. "The Impact of the Internet in Culture and Daily Habits." April 29, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-impact-of-the-internet-in-culture-and-daily-habits-essay/.

1. IvyPanda . "The Impact of the Internet in Culture and Daily Habits." April 29, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-impact-of-the-internet-in-culture-and-daily-habits-essay/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "The Impact of the Internet in Culture and Daily Habits." April 29, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-impact-of-the-internet-in-culture-and-daily-habits-essay/.

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Science News

How the internet will change the world — even more.

By Lee Rainie

March 26, 2010 at 1:55 pm

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Recently, 895 Web experts and users were asked by the Pew Research Center and the Imagining the Internet Center at Elon University in North Carolina to assess predictions about technology and its effects on society in the year 2020. Lee Rainie, director of the Pew Internet & American Life Project in Washington, D.C., discussed the survey’s findings with Science News contributing correspondent Susan Gaidos.

This is your fourth “Future of the Internet” survey. Are there any themes that have come through all of the surveys?

There’s a broad feeling among technologists that technology itself is going to improve, come what may. That computing power, bandwidth, storage capacity, even our ability to pack pixels into screens, is going to keep improving.

At the same time, there is worry that humans and their institutions will not adapt as well as they might under these circumstances. We’re slow to adjust, and the technologies themselves are introducing so many new elements to life that people will potentially have a hard time adjusting to that. There’s a sense that people are marching not necessarily blindly, but certainly without full knowledge, into a future that they don’t fully know. They’re thrilled with their gadgets but they don’t know what their gadgets are doing to them.

In this era of social media, how will privacy and anonymity be maintained?

Anonymity will be harder to maintain. There are too many threats that are posed by people being allowed to do anything they want without any level of accountability or authentication. There will still be chances for anonymous encounters, but they will be in special environments in special ways.

We’re in an environment now where lots of personal sharing is going on. The experts anticipate that a new sensibility would emerge called “reputation management.” There will be tools that allow people to erase all the goofy things that they did in college, if they want to. People will be able to essentially crowd out bad information about themselves by getting better information out there and making it more prominent, more linked to or more easily findable.

The majority of experts agreed that by 2020, people’s use of the Internet will enhance human intelligence. How so?

The Web is shifting the needs that we have in our lives and the functions that we can perform, so there will be some cognitive shifting that goes on. We don’t have to remember as much stuff, for example, so there might be a shift in cognitive abilities over time from less memorization and storage. New literacies will be required such as screen literacy. Reading, writing, arithmetic and retrieval will become key, as people who can find [information] fastest and make sense of it will be at a marked advantage over those who struggle to find information and have less capacity to synthesize and organize this wealth of data that we have.

In what other realms of life did people anticipate improvements?

There’s almost a uniform feeling that health care will get better. Mobile technology and wearable devices will be able to give real-time feedback about people’s health status.  That will potentially be a life-changing event for the chronically ill or for people who have to manage their care in a deliberate way. That the capacity to interact with a doctor — either through devices or through communications that don’t involve office visits — will improve interactions and empower people in important new ways to be managers of their own health care.

The education story is a different one. There’s hope that education will change, but some despair that it’s not changing fast enough. Kids are still being taught largely in the same format and environment that their great-grandparents were — with students of the same age sitting in a classroom riveted on the all-knowing teacher.

Technologists think that that model will break down at some point and a very different set of activities will define formal education. It won’t necessarily be people of the same age, they won’t necessarily be in the same place. What will organize them is their proficiency in a subject and their interest in a subject.

There’s also hope invested in e-government and civic activity. People have new ways to engage with each other and their leaders about social activity, and to engage with the governmental agencies that are entrusted to act in those areas. The technology community has high hopes that these tools will be deployed in more interesting and exciting new ways so that we’ll see more government data and will be able to make smarter policies because of that.

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The Relevance of Social Networks to Public Sector Agencies

Vanadium fever, the new 'green gold', openmind books, scientific anniversaries, plants, the root of the earth’s health problem, featured author, latest book, change: 19 key essays on how the internet is changing our lives.

As a tool available to a reasonably wide public, the Internet is only twenty years old, but it is already the fundamental catalyst of the broadest based and fastest technological revolution in history . It is the broadest based because over the past two decades its effects have touched upon practically every citizen in the world. And it is the fastest because its mass adoption is swifter than that of any earlier technology.

It is impossible today to imagine the world without the Internet: it enables us to do things which only a few years ago would be unthinkable, and impinges on every sphere of our lives.

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Essay on Importance of Internet: Samples for Students

• Updated on  
• Nov 23, 2023

Internet is not just a need or luxury, it has become a household necessity. It was used as a source of entertainment but now it is impossible to work in offices or study without the Internet. When the global pandemic locked everyone in their house, it became an important medium to connect, study and work. Students were able to study without the risk of catching COVID-19 because of the Internet. The importance of the internet is also a common topic in various entrance exams such as SAT , TOEFL , and UPSC . In this blog, you will learn how to write an essay on the importance of the Internet.

This Blog Includes:

Tips to write the perfect essay on internet, sample 1 of essay on the importance of the internet (100 words), sample essay 2 – importance of the internet (150 words), sample essay 3 on use of internet for student (300 words).

Also Read: LNAT Sample Essays

Now the task of essay writing may not always be easy, hence candidates must always know a few tips to write the perfect essay. Mentioned below are a few tips for writing the correct essay:

• Prepare a basic outline to make sure there is continuity and relevance and no break in the structure of the essay
• Follow a given structure. Begin with an introduction then move on to the body which should be detailed and encapsulate the essence of the topic and finally the conclusion for readers to be able to comprehend the essay in a certain manner
• Students can also try to include solutions in their conclusion to make the essay insightful and lucrative to read.

Also Read: UPSC Essay Topics

The last few years have witnessed heavy reliance on the Internet. This has been because of multiple advantages that it has to offer – for instance, reducing work stress and changing the face of communication most importantly. If we take the current scenario, we cannot ignore how important the Internet is in our everyday lives. It is now indeed a challenging task to visualize a world without the internet. One may define the internet as a large library composed of stuff like – records, pictures, websites, and pieces of information. Another sector in which the internet has an undeniably important role to play is the field of communication. Without access to the internet, the ability to share thoughts and ideas across the globe would have also been just a dream. 

Also Read: IELTS Essay Topics

With the significant progress in technology, the importance of the internet has only multiplied with time. The dependence on the internet has been because of multiple advantages that it has to offer – for instance, reducing work stress and changing the face of communication most importantly. By employing the correct usage of the internet, we can find various information about the world. The internet hosts Wikipedia, which is considered to be one of the largest best-composed reference books kept up by a vast community of volunteer scholars and editors from all over the world. Through the internet, one may get answers to all their curiosity.

In the education sector too, it plays a major role, especially taking into consideration the pandemic. The Internet during the pandemic provided an easy alternative to replace the traditional education system and offers additional resources for studying, students can take their classes in the comforts of their homes. Through the internet, they can also browse for classes – lectures at no extra cost. The presence of the Internet is slowly replacing the use of traditional newspapers. It offers various recreational advantages as well. It can be correctly said that the internet plays a great role in the enhancement of quality of life.

Also Read: TOEFL Sample Essays

One may correctly define the 21st century as the age of science and technology. However, this has been possible not only by the efforts of the current generation but also by the previous generation. The result of one such advancement in the field of science and technology is the Internet. What is the Internet? So the internet can be called a connected group of networks that enable electronic communication. It is considered to be the world’s largest communication connecting millions of users.

The dependence on the internet has been because of multiple advantages that it has to offer – for instance, reducing work stress and changing the face of communication most importantly. Given the current scenario, the Internet has become a massive part of our daily lives, and it is now a challenging task to imagine the world without the Internet. The importance of the Internet in the field of communication definitely cannot be ignored.

Without access to the internet, the ability to share thoughts and ideas across the globe would have been just a dream. Today we can talk to people all over the globe only because of services like email, messenger, etc that are heavily reliant on the internet. Without the internet, it would be hard to imagine how large the world would be. The advent of the internet has made the task of building global friendships very easy.

The youth is mainly attracted by entertainment services. Streaming platforms like Amazon , Netflix, and YouTube have also gained immense popularity among internet users over the past few years. The presence of the Internet is slowly replacing the use of traditional newspapers among people too. 

In addition to these, it has various recreational advantages to offer as well. For instance, people can search for fun videos to watch and play games online with friends and other people all over the globe. Hence, we can say the internet holds immense importance in today’s era. Internet technology has indeed changed the dynamics of how we communicate, respond or entertain ourselves. Its importance in everyday life is never-ending. It can be correctly said that the internet plays a great role in the enhancement of quality of life. In the future too, we will see further changes in technology .

Also Read: SAT to Drop Optional Essays and Subject Tests from the Exam

Related Articles

The internet provides us with facts and data, as well as information and knowledge, to aid in our personal, social, and economic development. The internet has various applications; nevertheless, how we utilize it in our daily lives is determined by our particular needs and ambitions.

Here are five uses of the internet: email; sharing of files; watching movies and listening to songs; research purposes; and education.

The Internet has also altered our interactions with our families, friends, and life partners. Everyone is now connected to everyone else in a more simplified, accessible, and immediate manner; we can conduct part of our personal relationships using our laptops, smartphones, and tablets.

This was all about an essay on importance of Internet. The skill of writing an essay comes in handy when appearing for standardized language tests. Thinking of taking one soon? Leverage Live provides the best online test prep for the same. Register today to know more!

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Nikita is a creative writer and editor, who is always ready to learn new skills. She has great knowledge about study abroad universities, researching and writing blogs about them. Being a perfectionist, she has a habit of keeping her tasks complete on time before the OCD hits her. When Nikita is not busy working, you can find her eating while binge-watching The office. Also, she breathes music. She has done her bachelor's from Delhi University and her master's from Jamia Millia Islamia.

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Essay on Internet

Here we have shared the Essay on Internet in detail so you can use it in your exam or assignment of 150, 250, 400, 500, or 1000 words.

You can use this Essay on Internet for any assignment or project whether you are in school (class 10th or 12th), college, or preparing for answer writing in competitive exams. 

Topics covered in this article.

Essay on Internet in 150 words

Essay on internet in 250-400 words, essay on internet in 500-1000 words.

The Internet has revolutionized communication, information access, and business operations. It connects people globally, enabling faster and more convenient communication through email, instant messaging, and social media. It democratizes information, providing vast knowledge and resources at our fingertips. The Internet has also transformed businesses, allowing them to reach a global customer base through e-commerce. However, challenges like online privacy and the digital divide remain. Privacy concerns require protection measures, and efforts are needed to bridge the gap in Internet access based on geography and socioeconomic factors. Despite these challenges, the Internet continues to shape our lives, offering immense potential for positive change and advancement. It is a powerful tool that connects people, empowers individuals with knowledge, and provides opportunities for businesses to thrive in the digital era.

The Internet has become an indispensable part of our lives, transforming the way we communicate, access information, and conduct business. It is a vast network of interconnected computers and servers that enables the sharing and exchange of data worldwide.

One of the most significant impacts of the Internet is its ability to revolutionize communication. With the advent of email, instant messaging, and social media platforms, communication has become faster, more convenient, and more accessible. People can connect with each other instantly, regardless of geographical distances. Social media platforms have also provided new avenues for individuals to express themselves, share ideas, and build virtual communities.

Moreover, the Internet has democratized access to information. With a few clicks, anyone can access a wealth of knowledge on almost any topic. Online libraries, databases, and search engines have made information easily accessible, empowering individuals to learn, research, and stay informed. This unprecedented access to information has transformed education, enabling online learning platforms and resources to reach learners across the globe.

In addition to communication and information access, the Internet has revolutionized business operations. E-commerce has witnessed significant growth, allowing businesses to reach a global customer base and conduct transactions online. Online platforms have opened up new opportunities for entrepreneurship and innovation, enabling small businesses to thrive and compete on a global scale.

However, the Internet also poses challenges. Online privacy and security have become major concerns, with the risk of data breaches, identity theft, and cybercrime. Safeguarding personal information and practicing responsible online behavior is essential to protect oneself in the digital realm.

Furthermore, the digital divide remains a significant issue. While the Internet has connected billions of people worldwide, there are still disparities in access based on geography, income, and socioeconomic factors. Bridging this divide is crucial to ensure equal opportunities for all.

In conclusion, the Internet has revolutionized communication, information access, and business operations. It has connected people globally, democratized knowledge, and opened up new opportunities. However, challenges like online privacy and the digital divide need to be addressed. The Internet is a powerful tool that has transformed our lives and society, and its continued advancement requires responsible use and efforts to ensure inclusivity and security in the digital age.

Title: The Internet – Connecting the World in the Digital Age

Introduction :

The Internet has emerged as one of the most transformative technologies in human history. It has revolutionized communication, transformed information access, and reshaped the way we conduct business. This essay explores the origins and evolution of the Internet, its impact on communication and information access, the role of the Internet in business and entrepreneurship, as well as its social and cultural implications.

Origins and Evolution of the Internet

The Internet’s origins can be traced back to the 1960s when it was developed as a research project by the United States Department of Defense. Initially known as ARPANET, it was designed to create a decentralized network that could withstand a nuclear attack. Over time, the Internet expanded beyond its military origins, becoming a global network of interconnected computers and servers.

Communication Revolution

The Internet has transformed communication, making it faster, more convenient, and more accessible than ever before. Email, instant messaging, and social media platforms have revolutionized the way people connect and interact. Distance is no longer a barrier, and individuals can communicate in real time across continents. Social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, have provided new avenues for self-expression, networking, and building virtual communities.

Information Access and Knowledge Sharing

The Internet has democratized access to information, fundamentally changing the way we seek and share knowledge. Online libraries, databases, and search engines have made a vast amount of information easily accessible to anyone with an Internet connection. Websites, blogs, and online forums serve as platforms for individuals to share their expertise, experiences, and opinions. Online educational platforms have also emerged, offering courses and resources that reach learners across the globe, revolutionizing education and lifelong learning.

The Internet and Business

The Internet has transformed the business landscape, offering new opportunities and challenges. E-commerce has witnessed tremendous growth, allowing businesses to reach a global customer base and conduct transactions online. Online marketplaces, such as Amazon and eBay, have revolutionized retail, providing convenience and variety to consumers. Moreover, the Internet has enabled small businesses and entrepreneurs to compete on a global scale, as they can establish an online presence and reach customers without the need for physical storefronts.

Entrepreneurship and Innovation

The Internet has fueled entrepreneurship and innovation, empowering individuals to turn their ideas into viable businesses. Online platforms and marketplaces have facilitated the launch of startups, creating a fertile ground for innovation and creativity. Crowdfunding platforms have democratized access to funding, allowing entrepreneurs to secure capital from a global community of investors. The Internet has also facilitated collaboration and knowledge sharing among entrepreneurs, enabling them to learn from each other and form strategic partnerships.

Social and Cultural Implications

The Internet has had profound social and cultural implications. It has connected people from diverse backgrounds and cultures, fostering a global exchange of ideas and perspectives. Social media has become a powerful tool for social and political movements, enabling grassroots activism and mobilization. However, the Internet has also given rise to challenges such as cyberbullying, misinformation, and the erosion of privacy. Society is grappling with issues related to digital citizenship, online ethics, and the balance between freedom of expression and responsible behavior.

Conclusion :

The Internet has revolutionized communication, transformed information access, and reshaped the business landscape. It has connected people globally, facilitated knowledge sharing, and fostered entrepreneurship and innovation. However, challenges related to privacy, cybersecurity, and the digital divide remain. As the Internet continues to evolve, it is crucial to strike a balance between the opportunities it presents and the responsibilities it entails. The Internet has become an integral part of our lives, and navigating its impact requires thoughtful engagement, ethical practices, and continuous adaptation to the ever-changing digital landscape.

Impact of Internet on Students’ Life

The internet’s effects on students lives: essay introduction, positive impact of internet on students’ life, negative impact of internet on students’ life, the internet’s effects on students lives: essay conclusion.

Technology, particularly the Internet, has changed the lives of students who have access in various ways. The effects of technology ripple out and reach even those students who may not have direct access to Internet but whose professors have the privilege of accessing and utilizing it.

Students with direct access to the Internet have wider access to information and knowledge, which is essential for their career development. Such instantaneous access to the Internet aids research and facilitates faster knowledge acquisition, development, and even sharing. Such a privilege puts students ahead of those who do not have access to the Internet whether directly or indirectly.

Technology has condensed the world into a tiny village, or like it has been put elsewhere, the world has become a global village. While there could be enormous geographical distance and difference between a student in Australia and the one in North America, information-wise, the two students are more or less at the same location. Thanks to technology.

So technology has worked to bridge the gap (geographical) between students provided they have equal access and availability of the requisite technological needs. Students on the extreme opposite end of the earth can share and exchange ideas and opinions instantly via online chatting.

The ability to reach a worldwide sample population through technology (Internet), and access to diverse materials on the Internet makes the whole idea of research easier and more fascinating than before. Students carrying out research find it less tedious; for instance, they can conduct an online survey through online questionnaires.

Due to the influence of technology, students have abandoned their careers and opted for a fast-growing and vibrant career in information technology. The popularity it is gaining has compelled and persuaded many students to change their career aspirations and therefore changing their lives.

At the moment, the world is on a mass exodus toward technology, and students can not afford the luxury of sitting back and watch a “neo- evolution” that they are not part of. The world is moving fast, and they have to keep pace. They have to be “there” if they want to remain relevant anymore.

Online jobs, for instance, data entry jobs, have provided students with the option of working from their rooms while they study so as to earn some money to support themselves. All a student needs is a computer connected to the Internet and his head!

Technology (Internet) has made it possible for students to shop online without having to travel to the actual stores. They can shop from whichever corner of the world. Again students are able to order for educational materials online instantly, a process that would be more tedious without technology.

Learning has been rendered a flexible undertaking. Professor of English, Andrea Lunsford, said: “the Wallberg hall classrooms allow us to carry out multiple modes of collaborations in class and allow students to continue those collaborations at other sites including their dorm room.”

Technology enables students to adjust the learning environment to suit their needs in the Wallberg Hall of Stanford University. Isn’t this fascinating? This evidences the new face technology is giving to learning as a process.

Students are also relieved of the burden of having to carry a whole bulk of learning materials, inter alia, books, and articles. These materials can be stored in small devices, for instance, a flash disk from where the students can retrieve the information at whatever time they wish. Maybe the era of students carrying a heavy bag on their back to school is slowly fading away.

The idea of not having the relevant manpower is not much of a worry in learning institutions today. Technology makes it possible for students in America to attend a lecture in Australia! They do not participate as passive but rather as active participants.

I am sure to our great ancestors this could be an all-time impossibility. Put simply, Unimaginable! But today? Not a surprise anymore. Through E-Learning, one can earn their degree online while on a job or at home. Technology has provided students with more options for how to do things.

The possibilities of technology are inexhaustible. Maybe this is the same thought that prompted Isaac Asimov to write about a fictional computer called Multivac, which could not answer the question of how the amount of entropy could be massively reduced.

Though Multivac finally gets the answer, sadly, there is no one to hear it. Maybe this is to say that while today some problems may seem insoluble, with time technology will provide answers to them. Asimov catapults us into a future with technological solutions to the toughest human concerns.

Well, all we have considered may be seen as the positive effects of technology. The field is not without negative effects. Technology has worked to change students’ lives negatively. Firstly, it has made some students lazier. Some students, instead of doing research, just download information from the Internet and plagiarize it.

This is retrogressive and does not do the students any good. Again most students are made lazier by the fact that they can mail their assignments to an outsourcing firm and have their work done and returned to them within the stipulated time. This has commercialized education and makes education to lose its succinct meaning.

Technology has a role in students’ moral degradation. Access to such junks as pornography and serious crime movies and literature has eroded student’s morals. They no longer see these things as vices but as part of the day-to-day life. To them, there is nothing wrong with reading and watching such materials.

Unfortunately, they don’t just stop here; they go the extra mile and actually do them. The result is evils are escalating. Maybe this is what Asimov meant by entropy! The question of what will happen when the disorder finally hits the height puzzles many people: the disorder of moral degradation and over-reliance on computers. Man is insidiously losing his identity because of technology.

A major reason for technology’s success is the convenience attached to it. It is more instant, gives wider access to information, and reduces demand for paper and bulk in general. Again the computer is faster and more accurate than human beings.

If there is a means that can help me do the same job at a faster rate and more accurately with actually less effort, why not opt for it? Anyone would be tempted to have a firm grip on such a way of doing things. I would concur with anyone who argues that this is the rationale behind the success of the technology.

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Regions & Countries

Internet seen as positive influence on education but negative on morality in emerging and developing nations, internet usage more common among the young, well-educated and english speakers.

Overall, a median of 64% across 32 emerging and developing nations say the internet is a good influence on education, with at least half also seeing it as a good influence on personal relationships (53%) and the economy (52%). People are more mixed on the internet’s effect on politics, with similar proportions saying that the influence is good (36%) as say it is bad (30%).

Publics in emerging and developing nations are more convinced that the internet is having a negative effect on morality. A median of 42% say it is a bad influence on morality, while only 29% see the internet as a good influence. And in no country surveyed does a majority say that the internet’s influence on morality is a positive.

However, many in these emerging and developing nations are left out of the internet revolution entirely. A median of less than half across the 32 countries surveyed use the internet at least occasionally, through either smartphones or other devices, though usage rates vary considerably. Computer ownership also varies, from as little as 3% in Uganda to 78% in Russia.

Internet access and smartphone ownership rates in these emerging and developing nations are greatest among the well-educated and the young, i.e. those 18- to 34-year-olds who came of age in an era of massive technological advancement. People who read or speak English are also more likely to access the internet, even when holding constant other key factors, such as age and education. 1 Overall, across the countries surveyed, internet access rates are higher in richer, more developed economies.

Social networkers in these countries share information on popular culture, such as music, movies and sports. To a lesser extent, they share views about commercial products, politics and religion. Regardless of what internet users choose to do online, most in these emerging and developing countries are doing it daily.

These are among the main findings of a Pew Research Center survey conducted among 36,619 people in 32 emerging and developing countries from March 17 to June 5, 2014. All interviews were conducted face-to-face. Comparison figures from the U.S. are from a Pew Research telephone survey conducted April 22 to May 11, 2014, among 1,002 people, unless otherwise noted.

Internet Influence Seen as Positive on Education, Negative on Morality

A clear majority of people in these emerging and developing countries see the internet as a positive influence on education. A median of 64% among the general population (including non-internet users) in the 32 emerging and developing nations surveyed say the internet is a good influence on education. People are also keen on the internet and its influence on personal relationships (53% good influence) and the economy (52%). Few people say that the internet has no influence on these aspects of life.

People are even more leery of the internet’s effect on morality. A median of only 29% say the internet is a good influence on morality, while 42% say it is a bad influence. These sentiments are fairly constant across the countries surveyed.

Generally, people who have access to the internet are more positive about its societal influence. For example, 65% of internet users in these emerging and developing nations say the increasing use of the internet is a positive for personal relationships, while only 44% of non-internet users agree. Similar gaps appear on the positive influence of the internet on education, the economy and politics.

Highly educated respondents are also more likely to say the internet is a positive influence. Six-in-ten of those with a secondary education or more say the increasing use of the internet is a good influence on personal relationships, compared with 44% among people with less education.

Internet Access Lacking in Many Countries, but More Common in Wealthier Nations

Even as general publics see the influence of the internet increase in their everyday lives, there are still many people without access to the internet in these emerging and developing countries. Across the 32 nations surveyed, a median of 44% use the internet at least occasionally, either through smartphones or other devices. Comparatively, as of early 2014, 87% of adults in the U.S. use the internet, according to Pew Research Center studies .

Access rates vary considerably across the emerging and developing nations surveyed. Two-thirds or more in Chile (76%), Russia (73%) and Venezuela (67%) have access to the internet, as do six-in-ten or more in Poland, China, Lebanon and Argentina. Yet less than half in Vietnam (43%) and the Philippines (42%) have internet access. And in nations that are less economically developed, such as those in sub-Saharan Africa, internet access rates lag even further.

Toward the bottom in terms of access rates are some of the world’s most heavily populated nations in South and Southeast Asia. These include Indonesia, where only 24% of the population has access to the internet, India (20%), Bangladesh (11%) and Pakistan (8%). Combined, these countries account for approximately a quarter of the world’s population.

Internet Access Strongly Related to Per Capita Income

Additionally, within countries, internet usage is more common among young people, the well-educated and those who have the ability to read or speak English. People with a secondary education or higher are significantly more likely to use the internet than their less educated counterparts. Similarly, those who have some English language ability are more likely to use the internet, even accounting for differences in education. Age also impacts whether someone uses the internet – older people are less likely to report using the internet than their younger counterparts.

For example, 70% of young Vietnamese (18-34 years old) use the internet, while only 21% of those age 35 and older do. And three-quarters of Vietnamese with a secondary education or higher have access to the net, while only two-in-ten with less than a secondary education do. A similar gap appears for Vietnamese who can speak or read at least some English (83%) versus those who cannot (20%).

In addition to these factors, having a higher income, being male and being employed have a significant, positive impact on internet use, though to a lesser degree.

Socializing Most Popular Form of Internet Activity

Along with social networking, an equally popular use of the internet is staying in touch with friends and family. A median of 86% of internet users across the emerging and developing nations surveyed say they have used the internet this way in the past year.

While not as popular as socializing, many internet users also like to access digital information, whether it is political (a median of 54% among internet users), medical (46%) or governmental (42%). Getting online political news is particularly prevalent in Middle Eastern countries, like Tunisia (72%), Lebanon (70%) and Egypt (68%).

Utilizing the internet for career and commerce is a less popular activity. Among internet users, medians of less than four-in-ten say they look and apply for jobs (35%), make or receive payments (22%), buy products (16%) or take online classes (13%).

In certain countries, these professional and commercial online activities are more common. For example, 62% of internet users in Bangladesh and 55% in India say they have used the internet to look for or apply for a job. In China, home to internet commerce giants such as Baidu and Alibaba, 52% of internet users say they have purchased a product online in the last year.

Sharing information about personal views regarding religion and politics and purchases is less common. Less than four-in-ten social networkers in emerging and developing nations say they share views about products (37%), politics (34%) and religion (30%). But there is a range of interest in debating these topics online, from the 8% among social networkers in Russia and Ukraine who discuss religion to the 64% in Jordan who say the same. Similar ranges can be found for sharing views about politics and products on social networks.

Smartphones Have Not Yet Replaced Regular Mobile Phones

In several of the countries surveyed, sizeable percentages access the internet from devices other than a computer in their home. Across the 32 emerging and developing nations, a median of 38% have a working computer in their household. In 10 countries, computer ownership is roughly two-in-ten or less. By contrast, 80% in the U.S. and 78% in Russia have a computer in working order in their house.

But smartphones – and the mobile access to the internet that they make possible in some locations – are not nearly as common as conventional cell phones. A median of only 24% say they own a cell phone that can access the internet and applications (See Appendix B for a full list of devices in each country). In the U.S., 58% owned a smartphone as of early 2014.

These cell phones and smartphones are critical as communication tools in most of the emerging and developing nations, mainly because the infrastructure for landline communications is sparse, and in many instances almost nonexistent. In these emerging and developing nations, only a median of 19% have a working landline telephone in their home. In fact, in many African and Asian countries, landline penetration is in the low single digits. This compares with 60% landline ownership in the U.S.

Cell phones also have the added benefit of being capable of more than just vocal communication. Among cell phone owners across the 32 countries, 76% use text messaging via their phones. This is similar to the 83% of cell owners in the U.S. who text. And an additional 55% of mobile owners in these emerging and developing nations use their phones for taking pictures or video.

• For more on how these demographics influence internet use, see Appendix A. For a list of countries surveyed, including the smartphone devices and social networks specified in our questions in each country, see Appendix B. ↩

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Report Materials

Table of contents, 8 charts on technology use around the world, comparing views of the u.s. and china in 24 countries, bhutanese in the u.s. fact sheet, in changing u.s. electorate, race and education remain stark dividing lines, protests in lebanon highlight ubiquity of whatsapp, dissatisfaction with government, most popular.

About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .

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Internet And Its Effects Essay

Internet And Its Effects Essay In About 800 Words

Table of Contents

Internet And Its Effects Essay  

Introduction:

The Internet is a wonderful invention of modern science nowadays. The world is at our fingertips. This is impossible through the Internet. The discovery of the internet has changed the world and lives of people. The world is well-connected now. Communication through the Internet is now possible in any corner of the world. The Internet has thus, contracted the world.

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WWW and Internet:  

The innovation of www (World Wide Web) has transformed the world itself. WWW is the search result or the sites corresponding to the user’s query and displays the list of documents called websites. On the website, one click makes the user find out any information required on any topic from any part of this world.

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Compare between letter and email:

It is because of the internet that we can send and receive emails instantly from anywhere in the world. Earlier it used to take weeks to reach a letter from one place to another. The Internet has facilitated communication through emails as a cheaper and faster means. It has also helped industries and businesses to grow and expand because the information can be shared so easily and spontaneously.

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Communication:

Most of the communication professionally and personally is done through the Internet. People spend most of their time in front of their computers accessing the internet. All the companies have their own websites. Internet on a personal basis has been proved as a blessing as a lot of things can now be done sitting at home. For example, buying and selling a home, cars, furniture, etc., looking for a bride and groom on the internet at matrimonial websites, looking for a job, booking rail or air tickets, booking of hotels, paying taxes, applying for a passport, etc. These activities earlier were cumbersome and took a lot of time. These are now done with ease. Standing in the long queue for the above activities was common. The Internet is a big respite in such cases.

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Role in the field of medical:

The Internet has played a significant role in the field of medicine. Videos of complex surgeries are uploaded on websites that doctors all over the world can see and apply. In many complicated cases, earlier the doctors used to come from other countries to perform surgeries that increased the cost largely. Video conferencing through the internet has made things simpler as the specialized doctors direct the other doctor to perform without being physically present.

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Work from the house:

A new concept of ‘work from the house’ is possible only through the Internet. A person saves a lot of cost, time, and money for the company by simply working from home through chatting and video conferencing through the internet. He needs not to have a proper office set up but still can run the company.

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Social networking:

Social networking is the new craze that has taken the world in its grip. This is again possible only through the Internet. Websites like Facebook, Twitter, etc., have become popular. People from the entire world are connected with each other. Whichever place of the world a person is, he can conveniently get connected to anybody in this world. Sharing of information, photos, news updates, everything is now possible through the Internet.

The basket of information:

Any information like getting recipes, downloading movies, songs, games, and shopping, is there with the help of the internet within seconds. The Internet has therefore given a new lifestyle that has broadened the horizon of thinking of people.

Help to the students:

The Internet is also a great help to students who can learn almost anything through the Internet. Children have become very inquisitive and proactive in life. The Internet has a big role in this. With any information available on the internet, children first access information available on the internet, children first access information from websites before they can get it from anywhere else. This is helping the new generation in becoming more knowledgeable and learned. They can see any topic on the internet which answers their queries.

Disadvantages:

With the advantages of the internet, there are a few disadvantages also. The Internet is becoming an addiction to everyone. The Internet has replaced books largely. Children are sitting in front of computers for a long rather than doing physical exercise. This also affects their health. With any information available easily on the internet, children sometimes access information that is too early for their age to know. This is harming their healthy mental growth and forcing them to do things that are not suitable for them.  They are growing faster than their age. Crime rates are also increasing with the excess of information on the internet. The invasion of privacy caused by the internet is scary. People upload objectionable videos of other people without their knowledge.

Conclusion:

Keeping in mind the advantages and the disadvantages of the internet, it is true that it has changed our lives largely. Now we cannot imagine our life without the internet but for a clean society and healthy thinking, we have to set our limits to access to the internet.

10-line paragraph on the internet and its effects in English. 

• We live in the age of the internet and it is a part of our daily life.
• The Internet is a wonderful invention of modern science.
• It has taken a great role in medical, education, war, administration, business, communication and so on.
• It helps us to collect information quickly.
• The unemployed young generation is getting a chance to work at home and it is providing the job.
• It is not only an unmixed blessing but also a course on animal and plant lives.
• The number of scams and cyber crimes is increasing day by day.
• Children are addicted to online games.
• It will call the danger on the trees, birds and human bodies in the near future.
• So we should use it carefully in limit.

This is the Internet And Its Effects Essay   

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Essay On Internet for Students and Children

500+ words essay on internet.

We live in the age of the internet. Also, it has become an important part of our life that we can’t live without it. Besides, the internet is an invention of high-end science and modern technology . Apart from that, we are connected to internet 24×7. Also, we can send big and small messages and information faster than ever. In this essay on the Internet, we are going to discuss various things related to the internet.

Reach of Internet

It is very difficult to estimate the area that the internet cover. Also, every second million people remain connected to it with any problem or issue. Apart from that, just like all the things the internet also has some good and bad effect on the life of people. So the first thing which we have to do is learn about the good and bad effect of the internet.

Good effects of the internet mean all those things that the internet make possible. Also, these things make our life easier and safer.

Bad effects of the internet mean all those things that we can no longer do because of the internet. Also, these things cause trouble for oneself and others too.

You can access in any corner of the world. Also, it is very easy to use and manage. In today’s world, we cannot imagine our life without it.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Uses Of Internet

From the time it first came into existence until now the internet has completed a long journey. Also, during this journey, the internet has adopted many things and became more user-friendly and interactive. Besides, every big and small things are available on internet and article or material that you require can be obtainable from internet.

Tim Berners-Lee can be called one of the main father of internet as he invented/discovered the WWW (World Wide Web) which is used on every website. Also, there are millions of pages and website on the internet that it will take you years to go through all of them.

The Internet can be used to do different things like you can learn, teach, research, write, share, receive, e-mail , explore, and surf the internet.

Read Essay on Technology here

Convenience Due To Internet

Because of internet, our lives have become more convenient as compared to the times when we don’t have internet. Earlier, we have to stand in queues to send mails (letters), for withdrawing or depositing money, to book tickets, etc. but after the dawn of the internet, all these things become quite easy. Also, we do not have to waste our precious time standing in queues.

Also, the internet has contributed a lot to the environment as much of the offices (government and private), school and colleges have become digital that saves countless paper.

Although, there is no doubt that the internet had made our life easier and convenient but we can’t leave the fact that it has caused many bigger problems in the past. And with the speed, we are becoming addict to it a day in will come when it will become our basic necessity.

{ “@context”: “https://schema.org”, “@type”: “FAQPage”, “mainEntity”: [ { “@type”: “Question”, “name”: “What are the limitation of internet?”, “acceptedAnswer”: { “@type”: “Answer”, “text”: “Although internet can help you with anything but there are certain limitation to it. First of it does not have a physical appearance. Secondly, it does not have emotions and thirdly, it can’t send you to a place where you can’t go (physically).” } }, { “@type”: “Question”, “name”: “What is the ideal age for using internet?”, “acceptedAnswer”: { “@type”: “Answer”, “text”: “Nowadays everybody from small kids to adult is internet addicts. So it is difficult to decide an ideal age for using internet. However, according to researches using internet from an early age can cause problems in the child so internet usage of small children should be controlled or banned.” } } ] }

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Effects of Internet Use on Health and Depression: A Longitudinal Study

Katie bessière.

1 Human-Computer Interaction Institute, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, USA

Sarah Pressman

2 Department of Psychology, University of Kansas, Lawrence, USA

Sara Kiesler

Robert kraut.

The rapid expansion of the Internet has increased the ease with which the public can obtain medical information. Most research on the utility of the Internet for health purposes has evaluated the quality of the information itself or examined its impact on clinical populations. Little is known about the consequences of its use by the general population.

Is use of the Internet by the general population for health purposes associated with a subsequent change in psychological well-being and health? Are the effects different for healthy versus ill individuals? Does the impact of using the Internet for health purposes differ from the impact of other types of Internet use?

Data come from a national US panel survey of 740 individuals conducted from 2000 to 2002. Across three surveys, respondents described their use of the Internet for different purposes, indicated whether they had any of 13 serious illnesses (or were taking care of someone with a serious illness), and reported their depression. In the initial and final surveys they also reported on their physical health. Lagged dependent variable regression analysis was used to predict changes in depression and general health reported on a later survey from frequency of different types of Internet use at an earlier period, holding constant prior depression and general health, respectively. Statistical interactions tested whether uses of the Internet predicted depression and general health differently for people who initially differed on their general health, chronic illness, and caregiver status.

Health-related Internet use was associated with small but reliable increases in depression (ie, increasing use of the Internet for health purposes from 3 to 5 days per week to once a day was associated with .11 standard deviations more symptoms of depression, P = .002). In contrast, using the Internet for communication with friends and family was associated with small but reliable decreases in depression (ie, increasing use of the Internet for communication with friends and family purposes from 3 to 5 days per week to once a day was associated with .07 standard deviations fewer symptoms of depression, P = .007). There were no significant effects of respondents’ initial health status ( P = .234) or role as a caregiver ( P = .911) on the association between health-related Internet use and depression. Neither type of use was associated with changes in general health ( P = .705 for social uses and P = .494 for health uses).

Conclusions

Using the Internet for health purposes was associated with increased depression. The increase may be due to increased rumination, unnecessary alarm, or over-attention to health problems. Additionally, those with unmeasured problems or those more prone to health anxiety may self-select online health resources. In contrast, using the Internet to communicate with friends and family was associated with declines in depression. This finding is comparable to other studies showing that social support is beneficial for well-being and lends support to the idea that the Internet is a way to strengthen and maintain social ties.

Introduction

The rapid expansion of the Internet has greatly increased the amount of health information available to the general public. In 2001, approximately 43% of the US public was using the Internet, and an estimated 40% reported using Internet health resources in the previous year [ 1 ]. More recently, in 2009, about 74% [ 2 ] of US adults said they used the Internet. While email and general information searches remain the most common uses of the Internet [ 3 ], using the Internet to obtain health resources is also very popular [ 4 ], with over 50% of Internet users searching for medical information [ 2 ]. With millions using the Internet, and a large proportion of the population explicitly using it for health purposes, it is important to assess how this particular use of the Internet is affecting people's well-being, especially their physical and mental health. Although prior research has shown that use of the Internet to communicate with friends and family is associated with declines in depression [ 5 ], little reliable information exists about the impact of using the Internet to obtain health resources, especially in nonclinical populations [ 6 - 8 ]. The current study used data from a national US random household sample survey to address the impact of Internet use to obtain health information and support on well-being and health. We also examined whether these effects differed for people with differing levels of health and caregiver status, and whether these well-being associations were present for other types of Internet use.

Health Resources Online

Traditionally, physicians held and filtered health information for the general public [ 9 ]. Given the easy availability of health information online, people can now bypass medical professionals entirely and find information, advice, support, and even treatments (eg, pharmaceuticals and herbal remedies) on the Internet [ 6 ]. The Internet contains thousands of medically relevant websites such as large information sites (eg, WebMD and Medline), disease support groups, discussion boards, distributions lists, personal websites, and websites selling “miracle cures”. Online communities and support groups allow people to talk about their health problems with others and are popular both as a source of social support and as a primary source of information [ 10 - 12 ]. Online communities and support groups also provide support to caregivers and the families of people with serious health problems [ 13 ].

Much of the research examining the effects of these online health resources has examined its use by groups with a specific illness or disease [ 14 ]. Although some writers have warned about poor quality medical information online [ 8 ] and patients’ inability to distinguish poor advice from good advice [ 10 ], there are few reports of serious harm [ 15 ]. Both qualitative studies [ 16 ] and polls assessing consumers’ beliefs [ 13 , 17 ] suggest that online health information and health support can improve patients’ and caregivers’ optimism and feelings of control. For example, 32% of respondents who used one consumer health site reported their condition had improved after visiting the site, 64% said they felt they were better informed, and 50% said they believed that the information they learned changed how they felt about their condition [ 18 ]. These types of retrospective data are unreliable on many dimensions, including that typically do not compare Internet users’ reports of health benefits to those of non-users. However, they are one source for the popular belief that use of the Internet for health purposes can improve well-being. These self-report studies are supported by clinical trials of online interventions, which suggest that these programs can reduce patients’ pain and stress and improve their physical performance and perceived social support [ 7 , 19 , 20 ]. Many studies of online health resources include the caregivers of the chronically ill in the sample [ 21 ] because of the high levels of stress experienced by this population as well as their strong interest in the health of those they care for [ 22 ]. Overall, little is known about the extent to which individuals with health problems (or caregivers of the ill) benefit from having unfettered access to online health information and support. The literature cited above would lead one to believe that online health information might be beneficial to patients and could certainly lead people to feel more in control of their interactions with medical providers, reassure them about ordinary aches and pains, increase their understanding of others’ health problems, and improve their preventive health care and physical condition.

Although having a serious illness is one factor that leads people to use the Internet for medical purposes [ 23 ], there are also millions of healthy individuals who use online health resources [ 24 , 25 ]. About three-quarters of visitors to one health website had no particular health condition or illness, and half of searches concerned another person [ 18 ]. These healthy individuals may be seeking information about a friend’s illness, or they may be educating themselves about diseases in the news. They may also be seeking information about their own minor or ambiguous symptoms or looking into other health-relevant concerns such as baldness or weight loss. While this type of Internet use in healthy individuals seems harmless, these individuals may receive unnecessary or alarming information about minor problems [ 26 ] and may focus too much attention on disease processes and symptoms, leading them to ruminate about their health [ 27 ]. Rumination increases pessimism [ 28 ] and increases depression symptoms [ 29 ]. Reading about disease might increase people’s health anxiety, reinforce hypochondriasis, or cause them unnecessary concern about the health status of themselves or loved ones [ 30 ]. Online health websites might even lead people to purchase harmful drugs or engage in risky health practices. Given some poor quality health information available online and the possibility that reading about health online may induce unnecessary health-related concerns, the use of online health information by healthy people may harm their psychological well-being.

Nonmedical Internet Use

In addition to providing health-related information and access to online health support groups, the Internet may influence health and well-being by influencing the ease with which people can access social support from family and friends. Social communication with friends and family is arguably the most important use of the Internet [ 31 ]. For example, on a typical day Americans are more likely to use the Internet to send and receive email than for any other type of Internet use (eg, search engines, news, medical and weather) [ 4 ]. Researchers have argued that communication on the Internet augments social resources by providing an added avenue for interaction, that is, a way to keep up with distant friends and family, and that this could lead to a larger social network [ 32 - 37 ]. The implication is that those who use the Internet to communicate with friends and family will show well-being benefits, which is consistent with work showing that communication (and the ensuing social resources) is associated with better psychological functioning, lower stress, and greater positive affect [ 38 , 39 ]. By contrast, those who communicate little and have fewer social resources have poorer psychological functioning and higher levels of depression [ 40 , 41 ]. While some research has suggested that Internet communication is also associated with better psychological well-being [ 42 ], interacting with strangers online may harm psychological well-being, especially among those who have already-existing social support and other social resources [ 43 ], perhaps by displacing strong social ties with weaker ones.

Excessive use of the Internet for gaming and gambling has been tied to increased depression [ 44 , 45 ], as has use of the Internet for shopping [ 46 ]. While suggestive of possible negative outcomes from using the Internet for entertainment, these studies have primarily been done as case studies of addicted individuals and/or as evidence for Internet pathology. It is not clear whether less excessive amounts of Internet use for these purposes would have similar negative outcomes. Finally, use of the Internet for escape may have both positive and negative outcomes, resulting in the overall impact on well-being remaining relatively neutral. Going online to escape and relax has been shown to be a source of gratification to Internet users and is a predictor of heavier Internet usage [ 47 ]. This may have positive well-being outcomes since using the Internet to escape and relax may be viewed as a coping strategy [ 48 ] or as a restorative activity [ 49 ] that helps people “recharge their batteries.” On the other hand, individuals likely to say that they use the Internet for escapism are often doing so to alleviate feelings of depression and isolation [ 50 ] or to divert themselves from something stressful and negative going on in the offline world (eg, HIV treatment) [ 51 ]. Again, this may be beneficial as a coping strategy and/or relaxation technique, but if this escapism occurs at pathological levels it may also lead to harmed social relationships, negative health consequences (from a lack of activity), and further depression.

Current Study

The purpose of the current research was to determine whether using the Internet for health purposes is beneficial or harmful to physical and psychological well-being. We were also interested in whether this association would be moderated by people's health or care-giving status. Specifically, we examined whether individuals with a good reason for searching the Internet for medical information would fare differently from their healthy (or non care-giving) counterparts. We were also interested in whether the impact on well-being of using the Internet for medical purposes could be isolated from the effects of other types of Internet use (ie, is harm to well-being simply a function of time spent online?). Specifically, we examined the impact of Internet use in six domains—communication with friends and family, meeting new people, news and other information access, entertainment and escape, shopping, and health—on Internet users’ depression and general health from 6 to 18 months later. We anticipated that using the Internet for health purposes would lead to better health and less depression among participants in poor health and in their caregivers, but that the direction of these effects would be the opposite among healthy people. To test these hypotheses, we studied the impact of three moderating factors: participants’ initial general health, whether or not they currently had a serious illness, and whether or not they were the caregivers of someone with a serious illness. We also hypothesized that using the Internet for communication with friends and family would be associated with well-being benefits, consistent with previous work showing the positive effects of social support and relationships. We did not predict that using the Internet in other ways would have any impact on well-being.

Procedure and Participants

In 2000, we conducted a national sample survey of US households using random digit dialing and a panel design with three questionnaires delivered over an 18-month period. Those answering the phone were asked to list members of their household and specify if they had Internet access; all persons 19 years and older were solicited for the survey. We then sent surveys to all 2700 respondents who agreed to participate. Because of our interest in the consequences of Internet use, we oversampled on Internet access so that approximately 75% of those surveyed came from Internet-enabled households at a time when about 50% of US household had Internet access [ 52 ]. To encourage responses, participants had a choice of taking the survey in paper or electronic form [ 53 ]. Prior research has shown that electronic and paper versions of standard survey instruments are comparable [ 54 ]. We sent potential respondents a personalized pre notice, a cover letter, a consent form, a US $10 honorarium, a pointer to an electronic survey if they had Internet access, a paper survey if they had no Internet access or preferred paper, and up to three personalized follow-up reminders [ 55 ]. We also mailed a paper survey to any participant with an invalid email address and to those requiring a third reminder. Sixty percent of the participants completed the surveys online. Participants completed their first survey from June to September 2000, and their final survey 12 to 18 months later.

Forty-five percent of this sample, or 1222 adults, completed the first survey; of these, 74% reported having Internet access. Approximately six months after they responded, we sent those who completed the first survey a follow-up survey, which 82.8%, or 1011 people, completed (37% of the original sample). These 1222 respondents were sent a third survey approximately 6 months later. Of the 1222 people who completed the initial survey, 60.5%, or 740 people responded to the third survey (27% of the original sample).

Participants’ ages ranged from 13 to 101 (85% were 19 years or older), with a median age of 44 years. Forty-three percent were men, 89% were Caucasian, and 61% were married. Participants’ median household income was between US $30,000 and US $50,000. Thirty percent had a household income of US $30,000 or less; 44% had a household income between US $30,000 and US $70,000; 26% had a household income of US $70,000 or more. Compared with 2000 US Census data, our sample was older (median for sample = 44 years vs census median = 35.3 years), had fewer men (sample = 43% vs census = 49.1%), more Caucasians (sample = 89% vs census = 75.1%), and a higher median household income (sample = US $30-50,000 vs census = US $41,900). Internet users in this sample were younger and wealthier than nonusers, mirroring national trends among Internet users [ 3 ]. These differences in our sample compared with characteristics of the US population as a whole suggest caution in generalizing our findings to the population as a whole.

Demographic Control Variables

Participants reported their gender (coded male = 1, female = 0), age, marital status (coded as married = 1, not married = 0), education level (coded from some elementary school = 1 to post graduate school = 7), race (coded as white = 1, other = 0), and household income per year (coded as less than US $10,000 = 1 to US $70,000 or more = 8).

Presence of a serious illness was measured by asking the participants whether they had any of the following health problems: heart disease or serious heart problem, liver disease (eg, cirrhosis), cancer, disabling arthritis, stroke, serious immune disease (eg, multiple sclerosis or lupus), long term injury from an accident, Alzheimer's or dementia, clinical depression or mental illness, alcohol or drug problem, disability or developmental disorder, lung problem (eg, emphysema or asthma), serious digestive system problems such as Crohn's disease, and nervous system or seizure disorder. Twenty-one percent of the sample completing the first questionnaire reported having at least one of these illnesses (coded as having at least one disease = 1, none = 0).

Caregiver Status

Participants indicated whether they were responsible for the care of anyone having any of the aforementioned illnesses (coded yes = 1, no = 0). Sixteen percent of participants in the first questionnaire reporting taking care of someone with a serious illness.

Depression was measured using a 12-item version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies of Depression Scale (CES-D) [ 56 ]. The CES-D was designed to measure current levels of depressive symptomatology, including depressed mood, feelings of guilt and worthlessness, feelings of helplessness and hopelessness, loss of appetite, sleep disturbance, and psychomotor retardation. The scale measures the frequency of symptoms of depression among healthy, nondepressed populations as well as among those with clinical disorders. Although the scale can reliably distinguish clinically depressed individuals from those who are not depressed as diagnosed by interview measures like the structured clinical interview for the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) [ 57 ], it is more frequently used to assess the degree of depression in the general population. We used the CES-D as a continuous measure of degree of depression rather than using a cut-off to classify participants as clinically depressed for two reasons. First, prior research indicates that those with higher levels of depression face worse health outcomes even if they are not clinically depressed [ 58 , 59 ]. Second, a continuous measure of depression is more sensitive than a dichotomous one, thereby reducing the type II error of failing to identify relationships that actually exist. Respondents described how frequently they experienced various symptoms of depression in the past week, with 1 = no days with a symptom, and 4 = experienced the symptom 5 to 7 days in the preceding week (Cronbach alpha = .89).

General Health

We asked the one-item general health question from the 36-item Medical Outcome Study Short-Form Health Survey (MOS SF-36) [ 60 , 61 ]. The item asked, “In general, would you say your health is…” scored from 1 = poor to 5 = excellent. Because of an error, this item was omitted from the second survey and measured only on the first and third ones.

Internet Uses

Respondents described how often they had used the Internet for 27 different purposes in the previous six months. They made these estimates on a 7-point, logarithmic-like scale, in which a unit increase represented an approximate doubling of Internet use. The choices were: “never,” “less often” (than every few weeks), “every few weeks,” “1-2 days per week,” “3-5 days per week,” “about once a day,” and “several times a day.” We grouped these 27 items into six scales based on prior exploratory factor analyses from an independent sample of 446 respondents. The six scales were: communicating with friends and family, communicating in online groups and to meet people, retrieving and using non-health information, retrieving and using health information, seeking entertainment or escape, and shopping [ 37 ].

We conducted a confirmatory factor analysis in the current sample to test whether the six-factor model better explained the data than a single-factor model. The single-factor model represented the hypothesis that Internet use is best measured by a single index. The single-factor model was a poor fit to the data (comparative fit index [CFI] = .81), whereas a six-factor model was a significantly better fit (CFI = .90). Listed below are the Internet-use scales examined in this research and the Chronbach alpha measure of internal reliability of the items that make up each scale.

• Communicating with family and friends included items that measured “communicating with someone in your local area,” “keeping in touch with someone far away,” “communicating with friends,” and “communicating with relatives.” (Cronbach alpha = .95).
• Communicating to meet new people and/or in online groups included items that measured “meeting new people for social purposes,” and “participating in an online group.” (Cronbach alpha = .81).
• Informational uses included items that measured “getting news online,” “finding information about local events,” “finding information about national or international events,” “finding information about movies, books, or other leisure activities,” “getting information for work or school,” and “getting information for a hobby.” (Cronbach alpha = .94).
• Entertainment/escape included items that measured “killing time,” “releasing tension,” “overcoming loneliness,” “being entertained,” “playing games,” and “listening to music.” (Cronbach alpha = .94).
• Shopping included items that measured “buying products or services,” “getting information about products,” and “making a travel reservation.” (Cronbach alpha = .65).
• Health included items that measured “getting information about a health concern or medical problem,” “getting information about ways to prevent illness,” and “communicating with others about health concerns or problems.” (Cronbach alpha = .84).

Statistical Analysis

To test hypotheses about changes in participants’ general health and levels of depression, we used regression analysis with a lagged dependent variable, as recommended by Cohen et al [ 62 ]. This analysis predicts participants’ levels of general health or depression at a later time period from variables measured at an earlier time period, including control variables, measures of Internet use, and the lagged dependent variable (ie, their prior health or depression score). Since the health outcome was assessed only on the first questionnaire (at time 1) and on the third questionnaire (at time 3), there is only a single lagged dependent variable and thus a single observation per respondent; changes in general heath, therefore, were analyzed using ordinary least-squares regression. However, depression was assessed on all three questionnaires (at times 1, 2, and 3). Therefore, there are two lagged dependent variables measuring depression (depression at time 2 controlling for depression at time 1 and depression at time 3 controlling for depression at time 2). This resulted in two observations per respondent. To adjust both the coefficients and standard errors for the nonindependence of observations within respondents, we analyzed changes in depression using random effects regression, with the respondent as the random effect.

Because prior levels of the outcome variables (ie, health and depression) are included in the analyses, both the dependent variables and the other predictor variables have been adjusted for the initial levels of health or depression. Lagged dependent variable regression is appropriate for testing dynamic theories of change, in which states or events at one time influence states or events at a later time [ 63 ]. Lagged dependent variable models are appropriate when the data exhibit “stationarity,” that is, the dependent variable at each time period comes from the same population with a common mean and variance, and the serial correlation in the residuals is not high (ie, less than .50). Preliminary tests indicated that these conditions were met, making lagged dependent variable regression appropriate for the research reported here.

The sample includes all respondents who had change scores on the depression and health outcomes: 916 respondents who completed the CES-D depression index at least twice and 671 who described their general health twice. We included in the analyses participants who had never used the Internet. Our analyses did not change when we eliminated respondents who had never used the Internet. Some respondents omitted one or more independent variables (such as their initial health status, income or estimates of Internet use), causing a reduction in sample size in the regressions and potential biases in results if the respondents with missing data were not a random subset of the full sample. To correct for these problems, we used multiple imputation to fill in missing values, as suggested by Rubin [ 64 ]. Multiple imputation creates multiple datasets that estimate missing independent variables from the nonmissing data. These data are then analyzed using conventional statistical methods and combined to produce estimates and confidence intervals that incorporate the uncertainty resulting from imputing missing data [ 65 ]. Our imputation model included all the analysis variables as well as respondents’ self-reports on the number of hours per week they used the Internet at home and at work for electronic mail and accessing the World Wide Web. We used the multiple imputation procedure in Stata version 11 (StataCorp LP, College Station, TX, USA) [ 66 ]. We then replicated the results using the multiple imputation (MI) procedure in SAS for Windows version 9.1 (SAS Institute Inc, Cary, NC, USA) [ 67 ], which assumes the data have an underlying multivariate normal distribution. The results were similar regardless of whether they involved multiple imputation or not and whether the imputation was based on the Stata or SAS procedures. To simplify the presentation, therefore, we present only the results based on the Stata multiple imputation procedure.

Preliminary Analyses

Descriptive statistics for the sample and correlations among variables are presented in Multimedia Appendix 1 . The correlations showed moderate associations among all the Internet use variables (mean r = .50). In addition, older respondents were less likely to use the Internet than younger ones (mean r between various Internet use measures and age = -.26). The outcome measures were relatively stable (correlation between general health at times 1 and 3, r = .69 and between depression at times 1 and 3, r = .59). The measures of general health and depression were themselves moderately negatively correlated (mean r at a single time period = -.35).

We conducted a preliminary regression analysis using demographic controls and measures of initial health status to predict the six different components of Internet use at time 1. When predicting use of the Internet for a specific purpose we included the other components of Internet use as predictor variables to control for overall propensity to use the Internet. These analyses are summarized in Tables 1 and ​ and2. 2 . As shown in Models 1A to 1F, at the time of the first survey, women were more likely to use the Internet to communicate with friends and family online and for health purposes, whereas men were more likely to use the Internet for information and escape. Younger participants reported more use of the Internet to meet people and participate in online groups and for information and entertainment, whereas older participants reported more use of the Internet for health purposes. Married respondents were less likely than single respondents to use the Internet to communicate with friends and family and to meet new people. More highly educated respondents were more likely to use the Internet to communicate with friends and family, for information, and for shopping, but less likely to use it for entertainment. Wealthier respondents were more likely to use the Internet to communicate with friends and family, for information, and for shopping, but less likely to use it for health purposes. These demographic results echo results of national polls [ 68 ].

Predicting different uses of the Internet at time 1 from demographic, health, and well-being variables (models 1A to 1C)

Predicting different uses of the Internet at time 1 from demographic, health, and well-being variables (models 1D to 1F)

Of particular interest to the present research is that at the time of the first questionnaire, respondents who had a serious illness themselves or those who cared for someone with a serious illness were more likely to use the Internet for health purposes. Those who were more depressed at the time of the first questionnaire were more likely to use the Internet for escape and to obtain health resources, but were less likely to use it for communicating with friends and family or for shopping.

Changes in Depression and Health

Table 3 summarizes the lagged dependent variable regression analysis of CES-D depression at a later time from demographic variables and the types of Internet use at an earlier time, controlling for depression at the earlier time. The intercept in this model is the expected level of depression on the second and third questionnaires among nonwhite, unmarried females who did not have a serious illness themselves nor were they caring for someone who did, and who had average levels of education, income, health, depression, and Internet use at the first questionnaire. Those who were more depressed at the initial period were also more depressed at the subsequent period ( P < .001). Being younger, wealthier, and male were all associated with reductions in symptoms of depression after accounting for initial depression. Using the Internet to obtain health resources was associated with increased depression after accounting for initial depression ( P = .002). People who used the Internet for communication with friends and family, on the other hand, reported reduced depression after accounting for initial depression ( P = .002). The changes in depression associated with Internet use were small [ 69 ]. Increasing use of the Internet for health purposes by one unit (eg, from 3 to 5 days per week to once a day) was associated with 11% of a standard deviation increase in depression. Conversely, a unit increase in Internet use to communicate with friends and family was associated with 7% of a standard deviation decrease in depression. Using the Internet for meeting new people, escape, entertainment, or shopping was not associated with changes in depression.

Predicting later depression from prior uses of the Internet, controlling for demographics and earlier levels of depression

Table 4 summarizes the regression analysis predicting general health at the third questionnaire from demographic variables and the different components of Internet use at the first questionnaire, controlling for prior general health. Being younger, wealthier, and Caucasian were all associated with reporting better health, after statistically accounting for initial health. We found no main effects of Internet use predicting general health at time 3.

Predicting general health at Time 3 from uses of the Internet at Time 1, controlling for demographic variables and prior health

We anticipated that respondents’ initial health and caregiver status would moderate the association between Internet use and subsequent depression and health. We tested this expectation by adding to the models presented in Tables 3 and ​ and4 4 interactions of the six types of Internet use with the dummy variables representing whether the respondent had a serious illness or took care of a household member with a serious illness at the earlier time period. None of the interactions of Internet use with prior illness or caregiver status was significant (all P s > .20; see Multimedia Appendix 2 and Multimedia Appendix 3 for complete results). Thus, these interaction analyses provided no evidence that the impact of using the Internet for health purposes influenced well-being in different ways for those who had a serious illness or who cared for someone with a serious illness compared to a healthy or noncaretaking sample.

The goals of this study were to determine whether people’s use of the Internet to obtain health resources would have consequences for their psychological well-being and physical health, and whether these consequences were comparable to consequences of other uses of the Internet. We examined whether the impact of using the Internet to obtain health resources might be moderated by participants’ initial health or caregiver status. We found that using the Internet to obtain health information was associated with increased depression over approximately 6 to 8 months, while using it to communicate with friends and family was associated with decreased depression. Interestingly, these associations did not depend on the initial health status of the participants (eg, the presence of serious illness) or whether they were the primary caregiver for an ill person. Furthermore, these uses of the Internet were not associated with changes in individuals’ ratings of their general health.

We did not expect that using the Internet for health purposes would be associated with increases in depression. There are, however, several plausible explanations for this finding. First, the Internet has both good and poor quality medical advice [ 70 ] that is difficult to for an untrained observer to distinguish [ 10 ]. For example, a previous study revealed that only 20% of websites provided correct information on how to take a child’s temperature [ 71 ]. Furthermore, only one third of users verify Internet information with their doctor to ensure accuracy [ 72 ]. It may be that one source of the increase in depression is the misinformation people get from factually incorrect websites. This may lead to inaccurate self-diagnosis, poor health behaviors (eg, herbal remedies), or potentially unnecessary worry (for both healthy and ill populations). This negative rumination could occur when researching one’s own medical problems or those of loved ones, easily leading to depressive symptoms at a later point in time.

Another possible source of depression may come about when people use online health support groups. While health support groups moderated by doctors, nurses, or trained moderators may be an important source of health information, many online support groups do not have professional moderation, and most are composed of strangers. Both the information and the empathy and other types of emotional support people receive from strangers they meet in online support groups may be less valuable than the resources they could get from offline interactions with family and friends. The advice offered in support groups often consists of personal anecdotes that may not be as helpful as medically relevant information [ 73 ]. Moreover, too much time spent in online support groups may displace in-person support and as a result harm the psychological well-being people derive from interaction with friends and family offline [ 74 ]. Results from the current study showing that communicating online was associated with declines in depression when the communication was with friends and family but not with new people; and results from prior research [ 43 ] showing that communication with strangers online may lead to increased depression suggest that discussion of health problems with strangers online may be problematic.

An alternative interpretation is that people who choose to seek out Internet health resources may be especially sensitive to hypochondriasis or excessive worry about minor health symptoms or perceived health risks. The association between baseline depression and seeking health information online is evidence of this. Internet websites and support groups might be compelling for such persons, as they are rife with lists of symptoms, narratives of pain and grief, dire warnings about treatment side effects, and even graphic photos of diseased organs. Reading about symptoms and anecdotes from patients may cause this group to imagine being ill and to inflate their perceptions of risk. Information and discussions of health problems also may cause them to ruminate [ 28 , 29 ] and increase their anxiety [ 27 , 30 ]. Consistent with this argument is evidence suggesting that those with psychosomatic illnesses are particularly likely to use Internet health resources [ 23 , 75 ], and that people with high levels of health anxiety or hypochondriasis use health resources significantly more than their nonanxious counterparts.

The finding that online communication with friends and family reduced the frequency of depression symptoms is consistent with a large literature on social support [ 76 , 77 ] and warrants little further discussion. If online communication with friends and family increases perceived social support, this could lead to lower depression and improved psychological well-being. Similarly, maintaining contact with friends and family may enhance the quality of relationships, decrease loneliness and social isolation, and improve the nature of the social network, all of which have been tied to lower depression and improved psychological well-being [ 78 - 81 ].

Although one might be concerned about regression toward the mean, this statistical artifact cannot account for results showing that use of the Internet for health information was associated with increases in depression, but use for communication with friends and family was associated with decreases. Indeed regression artifacts would have produced a pattern of results opposite to the ones reported here. Regression toward the mean occurs because of measurement error, when error causes extreme scores at one measurement period to be less extreme at a different period (eg, people who reported many symptoms of depression at the first survey should report fewer at subsequent periods). Models 1A and 1F in Tables 1 and 2 show that people who were initially more depressed were more likely to use the Internet for health purposes and less likely to use it to communicate with friends and family. If their initial depression caused this pattern of Internet use, then regression toward the mean would cause those people who were initially severely depressed (and therefore selected to use the Internet for health purposes) to appear less depressed at the later period.

The absence of significant effects of the Internet on changes in participants’ general health may stem from insensitivity of the health measure. First, we used a single-item measure of general health, which limits our assessment to perceptions of general health as opposed to any one specific symptom. It is also possible that there is no link between physical health and Internet health resource use, or that it is weakened by other behaviors. For example, if using the Internet for health purposes resulted in appropriate treatment seeking, this might mask a possible connection. Unfortunately, since we do not have data on actions taken or health center visits, we cannot determine if this was the case. Thus far, however, the literature does not show such effects, at least not for unevaluated health resources and unsupervised use [ 82 ]. Most previous studies of online health resources have measured attitudes rather than behavior change. The few studies examining behavior change [ 83 ] have been clinical trials involving physician-supervised, closed Internet sites or moderated support groups rather than free access to Internet resources.

Limitations

The longitudinal data and analyses reported here allow stronger causal claims about the relationship between Internet use and depression than do cross-sectional data. Because the same individuals were measured at multiple time points, stable characteristics such as demographic differences and personality are automatically controlled when assessing changes in depression. In addition, the lagged dependent variable analysis controls for initial levels of depression and health when predicting subsequent levels of depression and health. Despite the benefits of longitudinal analyses, however, we cannot establish causality solely based on them. In particular, longitudinal analyses do not control for unmeasured variables, such as hypochondriasis, stress, or health behaviors that may also change over time and predict both changes in depression and changes in use of the Internet for health resources. Clinical trials with random assignment are needed to make stronger causal claims.

Our ability to generalize to the US population is limited because we over-sampled Internet users and because only 35% of those initially contacted by telephone completed an outcome measure at least two times. Finally, our data were collected during 2000 to 2002, and the Internet and access to it have changed dramatically since then. The quality of health information and support online may have improved, and Internet users today may no longer use Internet resources in the same fashion as they did during the time period of our study, suggesting the need for follow-up research in this area.

This study examined the consequences of using Internet health-related resources in a way that other studies have not. We used a national sample including both healthy and ill people, and administered a longitudinal survey to discover if using the Internet to obtain health information or interpersonal communication with friends and family predicted subsequent changes in participants’ reported depression and general health. Our results suggest that using the Internet to obtain health resources is associated with increases in symptoms of depression. This finding cannot be interpreted as a broad effect of being online, since we also showed that communicating online with friends and family was associated with declines in symptoms of depression. However, since we did not control the uses of the Internet chosen by respondents, we cannot determine whether these effects were due to characteristics of the individuals or the nature of the online resources they used, or both. Additional research is needed to determine what leads individuals to seek out health resources online, whether the information that they discover (and believe) is factually correct, and what actions ensue.

Acknowledgments

This research was supported by NSF grant IIS-9900449 and a grant from the Pew Charitable Trust.

Multimedia Appendix 1

Means/percentages and correlations among variables

Multimedia Appendix 2

Intervention Characteristics for Interventions Included in the Meta-Analysis

Multimedia Appendix 3

Predicting health from respondents’ prior use of the Internet and interactions with health and caregiver status

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S omething went suddenly and horribly wrong for adolescents in the early 2010s. By now you’ve likely seen the statistics : Rates of depression and anxiety in the United States—fairly stable in the 2000s—rose by more than 50 percent in many studies from 2010 to 2019. The suicide rate rose 48 percent for adolescents ages 10 to 19. For girls ages 10 to 14, it rose 131 percent.

The problem was not limited to the U.S.: Similar patterns emerged around the same time in Canada, the U.K., Australia, New Zealand , the Nordic countries , and beyond . By a variety of measures and in a variety of countries, the members of Generation Z (born in and after 1996) are suffering from anxiety, depression, self-harm, and related disorders at levels higher than any other generation for which we have data.

The decline in mental health is just one of many signs that something went awry. Loneliness and friendlessness among American teens began to surge around 2012. Academic achievement went down, too. According to “The Nation’s Report Card,” scores in reading and math began to decline for U.S. students after 2012, reversing decades of slow but generally steady increase. PISA, the major international measure of educational trends, shows that declines in math, reading, and science happened globally, also beginning in the early 2010s.

Read: It sure looks like phones are making students dumber

As the oldest members of Gen Z reach their late 20s, their troubles are carrying over into adulthood. Young adults are dating less , having less sex, and showing less interest in ever having children than prior generations. They are more likely to live with their parents. They were less likely to get jobs as teens , and managers say they are harder to work with. Many of these trends began with earlier generations, but most of them accelerated with Gen Z.

Surveys show that members of Gen Z are shyer and more risk averse than previous generations, too, and risk aversion may make them less ambitious. In an interview last May , OpenAI co-founder Sam Altman and Stripe co-founder Patrick Collison noted that, for the first time since the 1970s, none of Silicon Valley’s preeminent entrepreneurs are under 30. “Something has really gone wrong,” Altman said. In a famously young industry, he was baffled by the sudden absence of great founders in their 20s.

Generations are not monolithic, of course. Many young people are flourishing. Taken as a whole, however, Gen Z is in poor mental health and is lagging behind previous generations on many important metrics. And if a generation is doing poorly––if it is more anxious and depressed and is starting families, careers, and important companies at a substantially lower rate than previous generations––then the sociological and economic consequences will be profound for the entire society.

What happened in the early 2010s that altered adolescent development and worsened mental health? Theories abound , but the fact that similar trends are found in many countries worldwide means that events and trends that are specific to the United States cannot be the main story.

I think the answer can be stated simply, although the underlying psychology is complex: Those were the years when adolescents in rich countries traded in their flip phones for smartphones and moved much more of their social lives online—particularly onto social-media platforms designed for virality and addiction . Once young people began carrying the entire internet in their pockets, available to them day and night, it altered their daily experiences and developmental pathways across the board. Friendship, dating, sexuality, exercise, sleep, academics, politics, family dynamics, identity—all were affected. Life changed rapidly for younger children, too, as they began to get access to their parents’ smartphones and, later, got their own iPads, laptops, and even smartphones during elementary school.

Jonathan Haidt: Get phones out of schools now

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As a social psychologist who has long studied social and moral development, I have been involved in debates about the effects of digital technology for years. Typically, the scientific questions have been framed somewhat narrowly, to make them easier to address with data. For example, do adolescents who consume more social media have higher levels of depression? Does using a smartphone just before bedtime interfere with sleep? The answer to these questions is usually found to be yes, although the size of the relationship is often statistically small, which has led some researchers to conclude that these new technologies are not responsible for the gigantic increases in mental illness that began in the early 2010s.

But before we can evaluate the evidence on any one potential avenue of harm, we need to step back and ask a broader question: What is childhood––including adolescence––and how did it change when smartphones moved to the center of it? If we take a more holistic view of what childhood is and what young children, tweens, and teens need to do to mature into competent adults, the picture becomes much clearer. Smartphone-based life, it turns out, alters or interferes with a great number of developmental processes.

The intrusion of smartphones and social media are not the only changes that have deformed childhood. There’s an important backstory, beginning as long ago as the 1980s, when we started systematically depriving children and adolescents of freedom, unsupervised play, responsibility, and opportunities for risk taking, all of which promote competence, maturity, and mental health. But the change in childhood accelerated in the early 2010s, when an already independence-deprived generation was lured into a new virtual universe that seemed safe to parents but in fact is more dangerous, in many respects, than the physical world.

My claim is that the new phone-based childhood that took shape roughly 12 years ago is making young people sick and blocking their progress to flourishing in adulthood. We need a dramatic cultural correction, and we need it now.

Brain development is sometimes said to be “experience-expectant,” because specific parts of the brain show increased plasticity during periods of life when an animal’s brain can “expect” to have certain kinds of experiences. You can see this with baby geese, who will imprint on whatever mother-sized object moves in their vicinity just after they hatch. You can see it with human children, who are able to learn languages quickly and take on the local accent, but only through early puberty; after that, it’s hard to learn a language and sound like a native speaker. There is also some evidence of a sensitive period for cultural learning more generally. Japanese children who spent a few years in California in the 1970s came to feel “American” in their identity and ways of interacting only if they attended American schools for a few years between ages 9 and 15. If they left before age 9, there was no lasting impact. If they didn’t arrive until they were 15, it was too late; they didn’t come to feel American.

Human childhood is an extended cultural apprenticeship with different tasks at different ages all the way through puberty. Once we see it this way, we can identify factors that promote or impede the right kinds of learning at each age. For children of all ages, one of the most powerful drivers of learning is the strong motivation to play. Play is the work of childhood, and all young mammals have the same job: to wire up their brains by playing vigorously and often, practicing the moves and skills they’ll need as adults. Kittens will play-pounce on anything that looks like a mouse tail. Human children will play games such as tag and sharks and minnows, which let them practice both their predator skills and their escaping-from-predator skills. Adolescents will play sports with greater intensity, and will incorporate playfulness into their social interactions—flirting, teasing, and developing inside jokes that bond friends together. Hundreds of studies on young rats, monkeys, and humans show that young mammals want to play, need to play, and end up socially, cognitively, and emotionally impaired when they are deprived of play .

One crucial aspect of play is physical risk taking. Children and adolescents must take risks and fail—often—in environments in which failure is not very costly. This is how they extend their abilities, overcome their fears, learn to estimate risk, and learn to cooperate in order to take on larger challenges later. The ever-present possibility of getting hurt while running around, exploring, play-fighting, or getting into a real conflict with another group adds an element of thrill, and thrilling play appears to be the most effective kind for overcoming childhood anxieties and building social, emotional, and physical competence. The desire for risk and thrill increases in the teen years, when failure might carry more serious consequences. Children of all ages need to choose the risk they are ready for at a given moment. Young people who are deprived of opportunities for risk taking and independent exploration will, on average, develop into more anxious and risk-averse adults .

From the April 2014 issue: The overprotected kid

Human childhood and adolescence evolved outdoors, in a physical world full of dangers and opportunities. Its central activities––play, exploration, and intense socializing––were largely unsupervised by adults, allowing children to make their own choices, resolve their own conflicts, and take care of one another. Shared adventures and shared adversity bound young people together into strong friendship clusters within which they mastered the social dynamics of small groups, which prepared them to master bigger challenges and larger groups later on.

And then we changed childhood.

The changes started slowly in the late 1970s and ’80s, before the arrival of the internet, as many parents in the U.S. grew fearful that their children would be harmed or abducted if left unsupervised. Such crimes have always been extremely rare, but they loomed larger in parents’ minds thanks in part to rising levels of street crime combined with the arrival of cable TV, which enabled round-the-clock coverage of missing-children cases. A general decline in social capital ––the degree to which people knew and trusted their neighbors and institutions–– exacerbated parental fears . Meanwhile, rising competition for college admissions encouraged more intensive forms of parenting . In the 1990s, American parents began pulling their children indoors or insisting that afternoons be spent in adult-run enrichment activities. Free play, independent exploration, and teen-hangout time declined.

In recent decades, seeing unchaperoned children outdoors has become so novel that when one is spotted in the wild, some adults feel it is their duty to call the police. In 2015, the Pew Research Center found that parents, on average, believed that children should be at least 10 years old to play unsupervised in front of their house, and that kids should be 14 before being allowed to go unsupervised to a public park. Most of these same parents had enjoyed joyous and unsupervised outdoor play by the age of 7 or 8.

But overprotection is only part of the story. The transition away from a more independent childhood was facilitated by steady improvements in digital technology, which made it easier and more inviting for young people to spend a lot more time at home, indoors, and alone in their rooms. Eventually, tech companies got access to children 24/7. They developed exciting virtual activities, engineered for “engagement,” that are nothing like the real-world experiences young brains evolved to expect.

The first wave came ashore in the 1990s with the arrival of dial-up internet access, which made personal computers good for something beyond word processing and basic games. By 2003, 55 percent of American households had a computer with (slow) internet access. Rates of adolescent depression, loneliness, and other measures of poor mental health did not rise in this first wave. If anything, they went down a bit. Millennial teens (born 1981 through 1995), who were the first to go through puberty with access to the internet, were psychologically healthier and happier, on average, than their older siblings or parents in Generation X (born 1965 through 1980).

The second wave began to rise in the 2000s, though its full force didn’t hit until the early 2010s. It began rather innocently with the introduction of social-media platforms that helped people connect with their friends. Posting and sharing content became much easier with sites such as Friendster (launched in 2003), Myspace (2003), and Facebook (2004).

Teens embraced social media soon after it came out, but the time they could spend on these sites was limited in those early years because the sites could only be accessed from a computer, often the family computer in the living room. Young people couldn’t access social media (and the rest of the internet) from the school bus, during class time, or while hanging out with friends outdoors. Many teens in the early-to-mid-2000s had cellphones, but these were basic phones (many of them flip phones) that had no internet access. Typing on them was difficult––they had only number keys. Basic phones were tools that helped Millennials meet up with one another in person or talk with each other one-on-one. I have seen no evidence to suggest that basic cellphones harmed the mental health of Millennials.

It was not until the introduction of the iPhone (2007), the App Store (2008), and high-speed internet (which reached 50 percent of American homes in 2007 )—and the corresponding pivot to mobile made by many providers of social media, video games, and porn—that it became possible for adolescents to spend nearly every waking moment online. The extraordinary synergy among these innovations was what powered the second technological wave. In 2011, only 23 percent of teens had a smartphone. By 2015, that number had risen to 73 percent , and a quarter of teens said they were online “almost constantly.” Their younger siblings in elementary school didn’t usually have their own smartphones, but after its release in 2010, the iPad quickly became a staple of young children’s daily lives. It was in this brief period, from 2010 to 2015, that childhood in America (and many other countries) was rewired into a form that was more sedentary, solitary, virtual, and incompatible with healthy human development.

In the 2000s, Silicon Valley and its world-changing inventions were a source of pride and excitement in America. Smart and ambitious young people around the world wanted to move to the West Coast to be part of the digital revolution. Tech-company founders such as Steve Jobs and Sergey Brin were lauded as gods, or at least as modern Prometheans, bringing humans godlike powers. The Arab Spring bloomed in 2011 with the help of decentralized social platforms, including Twitter and Facebook. When pundits and entrepreneurs talked about the power of social media to transform society, it didn’t sound like a dark prophecy.

You have to put yourself back in this heady time to understand why adults acquiesced so readily to the rapid transformation of childhood. Many parents had concerns , even then, about what their children were doing online, especially because of the internet’s ability to put children in contact with strangers. But there was also a lot of excitement about the upsides of this new digital world. If computers and the internet were the vanguards of progress, and if young people––widely referred to as “digital natives”––were going to live their lives entwined with these technologies, then why not give them a head start? I remember how exciting it was to see my 2-year-old son master the touch-and-swipe interface of my first iPhone in 2008. I thought I could see his neurons being woven together faster as a result of the stimulation it brought to his brain, compared to the passivity of watching television or the slowness of building a block tower. I thought I could see his future job prospects improving.

Touchscreen devices were also a godsend for harried parents. Many of us discovered that we could have peace at a restaurant, on a long car trip, or at home while making dinner or replying to emails if we just gave our children what they most wanted: our smartphones and tablets. We saw that everyone else was doing it and figured it must be okay.

It was the same for older children, desperate to join their friends on social-media platforms, where the minimum age to open an account was set by law to 13, even though no research had been done to establish the safety of these products for minors. Because the platforms did nothing (and still do nothing) to verify the stated age of new-account applicants, any 10-year-old could open multiple accounts without parental permission or knowledge, and many did. Facebook and later Instagram became places where many sixth and seventh graders were hanging out and socializing. If parents did find out about these accounts, it was too late. Nobody wanted their child to be isolated and alone, so parents rarely forced their children to shut down their accounts.

We had no idea what we were doing.

The numbers are hard to believe. The most recent Gallup data show that American teens spend about five hours a day just on social-media platforms (including watching videos on TikTok and YouTube). Add in all the other phone- and screen-based activities, and the number rises to somewhere between seven and nine hours a day, on average . The numbers are even higher in single-parent and low-income families, and among Black, Hispanic, and Native American families.

These very high numbers do not include time spent in front of screens for school or homework, nor do they include all the time adolescents spend paying only partial attention to events in the real world while thinking about what they’re missing on social media or waiting for their phones to ping. Pew reports that in 2022, one-third of teens said they were on one of the major social-media sites “almost constantly,” and nearly half said the same of the internet in general. For these heavy users, nearly every waking hour is an hour absorbed, in full or in part, by their devices.

In Thoreau’s terms, how much of life is exchanged for all this screen time? Arguably, most of it. Everything else in an adolescent’s day must get squeezed down or eliminated entirely to make room for the vast amount of content that is consumed, and for the hundreds of “friends,” “followers,” and other network connections that must be serviced with texts, posts, comments, likes, snaps, and direct messages. I recently surveyed my students at NYU, and most of them reported that the very first thing they do when they open their eyes in the morning is check their texts, direct messages, and social-media feeds. It’s also the last thing they do before they close their eyes at night. And it’s a lot of what they do in between.

The amount of time that adolescents spend sleeping declined in the early 2010s , and many studies tie sleep loss directly to the use of devices around bedtime, particularly when they’re used to scroll through social media . Exercise declined , too, which is unfortunate because exercise, like sleep, improves both mental and physical health. Book reading has been declining for decades, pushed aside by digital alternatives, but the decline, like so much else, sped up in the early 2010 s. With passive entertainment always available, adolescent minds likely wander less than they used to; contemplation and imagination might be placed on the list of things winnowed down or crowded out.

But perhaps the most devastating cost of the new phone-based childhood was the collapse of time spent interacting with other people face-to-face. A study of how Americans spend their time found that, before 2010, young people (ages 15 to 24) reported spending far more time with their friends (about two hours a day, on average, not counting time together at school) than did older people (who spent just 30 to 60 minutes with friends). Time with friends began decreasing for young people in the 2000s, but the drop accelerated in the 2010s, while it barely changed for older people. By 2019, young people’s time with friends had dropped to just 67 minutes a day. It turns out that Gen Z had been socially distancing for many years and had mostly completed the project by the time COVID-19 struck.

Read: What happens when kids don’t see their peers for months

You might question the importance of this decline. After all, isn’t much of this online time spent interacting with friends through texting, social media, and multiplayer video games? Isn’t that just as good?

Some of it surely is, and virtual interactions offer unique benefits too, especially for young people who are geographically or socially isolated. But in general, the virtual world lacks many of the features that make human interactions in the real world nutritious, as we might say, for physical, social, and emotional development. In particular, real-world relationships and social interactions are characterized by four features—typical for hundreds of thousands of years—that online interactions either distort or erase.

First, real-world interactions are embodied , meaning that we use our hands and facial expressions to communicate, and we learn to respond to the body language of others. Virtual interactions, in contrast, mostly rely on language alone. No matter how many emojis are offered as compensation, the elimination of communication channels for which we have eons of evolutionary programming is likely to produce adults who are less comfortable and less skilled at interacting in person.

Second, real-world interactions are synchronous ; they happen at the same time. As a result, we learn subtle cues about timing and conversational turn taking. Synchronous interactions make us feel closer to the other person because that’s what getting “in sync” does. Texts, posts, and many other virtual interactions lack synchrony. There is less real laughter, more room for misinterpretation, and more stress after a comment that gets no immediate response.

Third, real-world interactions primarily involve one‐to‐one communication , or sometimes one-to-several. But many virtual communications are broadcast to a potentially huge audience. Online, each person can engage in dozens of asynchronous interactions in parallel, which interferes with the depth achieved in all of them. The sender’s motivations are different, too: With a large audience, one’s reputation is always on the line; an error or poor performance can damage social standing with large numbers of peers. These communications thus tend to be more performative and anxiety-inducing than one-to-one conversations.

Finally, real-world interactions usually take place within communities that have a high bar for entry and exit , so people are strongly motivated to invest in relationships and repair rifts when they happen. But in many virtual networks, people can easily block others or quit when they are displeased. Relationships within such networks are usually more disposable.

From the September 2015 issue: The coddling of the American mind

These unsatisfying and anxiety-producing features of life online should be recognizable to most adults. Online interactions can bring out antisocial behavior that people would never display in their offline communities. But if life online takes a toll on adults, just imagine what it does to adolescents in the early years of puberty, when their “experience expectant” brains are rewiring based on feedback from their social interactions.

Kids going through puberty online are likely to experience far more social comparison, self-consciousness, public shaming, and chronic anxiety than adolescents in previous generations, which could potentially set developing brains into a habitual state of defensiveness. The brain contains systems that are specialized for approach (when opportunities beckon) and withdrawal (when threats appear or seem likely). People can be in what we might call “discover mode” or “defend mode” at any moment, but generally not both. The two systems together form a mechanism for quickly adapting to changing conditions, like a thermostat that can activate either a heating system or a cooling system as the temperature fluctuates. Some people’s internal thermostats are generally set to discover mode, and they flip into defend mode only when clear threats arise. These people tend to see the world as full of opportunities. They are happier and less anxious. Other people’s internal thermostats are generally set to defend mode, and they flip into discover mode only when they feel unusually safe. They tend to see the world as full of threats and are more prone to anxiety and depressive disorders.

A simple way to understand the differences between Gen Z and previous generations is that people born in and after 1996 have internal thermostats that were shifted toward defend mode. This is why life on college campuses changed so suddenly when Gen Z arrived, beginning around 2014. Students began requesting “safe spaces” and trigger warnings. They were highly sensitive to “microaggressions” and sometimes claimed that words were “violence.” These trends mystified those of us in older generations at the time, but in hindsight, it all makes sense. Gen Z students found words, ideas, and ambiguous social encounters more threatening than had previous generations of students because we had fundamentally altered their psychological development.

Staying on task while sitting at a computer is hard enough for an adult with a fully developed prefrontal cortex. It is far more difficult for adolescents in front of their laptop trying to do homework. They are probably less intrinsically motivated to stay on task. They’re certainly less able, given their undeveloped prefrontal cortex, and hence it’s easy for any company with an app to lure them away with an offer of social validation or entertainment. Their phones are pinging constantly— one study found that the typical adolescent now gets 237 notifications a day, roughly 15 every waking hour. Sustained attention is essential for doing almost anything big, creative, or valuable, yet young people find their attention chopped up into little bits by notifications offering the possibility of high-pleasure, low-effort digital experiences.

It even happens in the classroom. Studies confirm that when students have access to their phones during class time, they use them, especially for texting and checking social media, and their grades and learning suffer . This might explain why benchmark test scores began to decline in the U.S. and around the world in the early 2010s—well before the pandemic hit.

The neural basis of behavioral addiction to social media or video games is not exactly the same as chemical addiction to cocaine or opioids. Nonetheless, they all involve abnormally heavy and sustained activation of dopamine neurons and reward pathways. Over time, the brain adapts to these high levels of dopamine; when the child is not engaged in digital activity, their brain doesn’t have enough dopamine, and the child experiences withdrawal symptoms. These generally include anxiety, insomnia, and intense irritability. Kids with these kinds of behavioral addictions often become surly and aggressive, and withdraw from their families into their bedrooms and devices.

Social-media and gaming platforms were designed to hook users. How successful are they? How many kids suffer from digital addictions?

The main addiction risks for boys seem to be video games and porn. “ Internet gaming disorder ,” which was added to the main diagnosis manual of psychiatry in 2013 as a condition for further study, describes “significant impairment or distress” in several aspects of life, along with many hallmarks of addiction, including an inability to reduce usage despite attempts to do so. Estimates for the prevalence of IGD range from 7 to 15 percent among adolescent boys and young men. As for porn, a nationally representative survey of American adults published in 2019 found that 7 percent of American men agreed or strongly agreed with the statement “I am addicted to pornography”—and the rates were higher for the youngest men.

Girls have much lower rates of addiction to video games and porn, but they use social media more intensely than boys do. A study of teens in 29 nations found that between 5 and 15 percent of adolescents engage in what is called “problematic social media use,” which includes symptoms such as preoccupation, withdrawal symptoms, neglect of other areas of life, and lying to parents and friends about time spent on social media. That study did not break down results by gender, but many others have found that rates of “problematic use” are higher for girls.

Jonathan Haidt: The dangerous experiment on teen girls

I don’t want to overstate the risks: Most teens do not become addicted to their phones and video games. But across multiple studies and across genders, rates of problematic use come out in the ballpark of 5 to 15 percent. Is there any other consumer product that parents would let their children use relatively freely if they knew that something like one in 10 kids would end up with a pattern of habitual and compulsive use that disrupted various domains of life and looked a lot like an addiction?

During that crucial sensitive period for cultural learning, from roughly ages 9 through 15, we should be especially thoughtful about who is socializing our children for adulthood. Instead, that’s when most kids get their first smartphone and sign themselves up (with or without parental permission) to consume rivers of content from random strangers. Much of that content is produced by other adolescents, in blocks of a few minutes or a few seconds.

This rerouting of enculturating content has created a generation that is largely cut off from older generations and, to some extent, from the accumulated wisdom of humankind, including knowledge about how to live a flourishing life. Adolescents spend less time steeped in their local or national culture. They are coming of age in a confusing, placeless, ahistorical maelstrom of 30-second stories curated by algorithms designed to mesmerize them. Without solid knowledge of the past and the filtering of good ideas from bad––a process that plays out over many generations––young people will be more prone to believe whatever terrible ideas become popular around them, which might explain why v ideos showing young people reacting positively to Osama bin Laden’s thoughts about America were trending on TikTok last fall.

All this is made worse by the fact that so much of digital public life is an unending supply of micro dramas about somebody somewhere in our country of 340 million people who did something that can fuel an outrage cycle, only to be pushed aside by the next. It doesn’t add up to anything and leaves behind only a distorted sense of human nature and affairs.

When our public life becomes fragmented, ephemeral, and incomprehensible, it is a recipe for anomie, or normlessness. The great French sociologist Émile Durkheim showed long ago that a society that fails to bind its people together with some shared sense of sacredness and common respect for rules and norms is not a society of great individual freedom; it is, rather, a place where disoriented individuals have difficulty setting goals and exerting themselves to achieve them. Durkheim argued that anomie was a major driver of suicide rates in European countries. Modern scholars continue to draw on his work to understand suicide rates today.

Durkheim’s observations are crucial for understanding what happened in the early 2010s. A long-running survey of American teens found that , from 1990 to 2010, high-school seniors became slightly less likely to agree with statements such as “Life often feels meaningless.” But as soon as they adopted a phone-based life and many began to live in the whirlpool of social media, where no stability can be found, every measure of despair increased. From 2010 to 2019, the number who agreed that their lives felt “meaningless” increased by about 70 percent, to more than one in five.

An additional source of evidence comes from Gen Z itself. With all the talk of regulating social media, raising age limits, and getting phones out of schools, you might expect to find many members of Gen Z writing and speaking out in opposition. I’ve looked for such arguments and found hardly any. In contrast, many young adults tell stories of devastation.

Freya India, a 24-year-old British essayist who writes about girls, explains how social-media sites carry girls off to unhealthy places: “It seems like your child is simply watching some makeup tutorials, following some mental health influencers, or experimenting with their identity. But let me tell you: they are on a conveyor belt to someplace bad. Whatever insecurity or vulnerability they are struggling with, they will be pushed further and further into it.” She continues:

Gen Z were the guinea pigs in this uncontrolled global social experiment. We were the first to have our vulnerabilities and insecurities fed into a machine that magnified and refracted them back at us, all the time, before we had any sense of who we were. We didn’t just grow up with algorithms. They raised us. They rearranged our faces. Shaped our identities. Convinced us we were sick.

Rikki Schlott, a 23-year-old American journalist and co-author of The Canceling of the American Mind , writes ,

The day-to-day life of a typical teen or tween today would be unrecognizable to someone who came of age before the smartphone arrived. Zoomers are spending an average of 9 hours daily in this screen-time doom loop—desperate to forget the gaping holes they’re bleeding out of, even if just for … 9 hours a day. Uncomfortable silence could be time to ponder why they’re so miserable in the first place. Drowning it out with algorithmic white noise is far easier.

A 27-year-old man who spent his adolescent years addicted (his word) to video games and pornography sent me this reflection on what that did to him:

I missed out on a lot of stuff in life—a lot of socialization. I feel the effects now: meeting new people, talking to people. I feel that my interactions are not as smooth and fluid as I want. My knowledge of the world (geography, politics, etc.) is lacking. I didn’t spend time having conversations or learning about sports. I often feel like a hollow operating system.

Or consider what Facebook found in a research project involving focus groups of young people, revealed in 2021 by the whistleblower Frances Haugen: “Teens blame Instagram for increases in the rates of anxiety and depression among teens,” an internal document said. “This reaction was unprompted and consistent across all groups.”

How can it be that an entire generation is hooked on consumer products that so few praise and so many ultimately regret using? Because smartphones and especially social media have put members of Gen Z and their parents into a series of collective-action traps. Once you understand the dynamics of these traps, the escape routes become clear.

Social media, in contrast, applies a lot more pressure on nonusers, at a much younger age and in a more insidious way. Once a few students in any middle school lie about their age and open accounts at age 11 or 12, they start posting photos and comments about themselves and other students. Drama ensues. The pressure on everyone else to join becomes intense. Even a girl who knows, consciously, that Instagram can foster beauty obsession, anxiety, and eating disorders might sooner take those risks than accept the seeming certainty of being out of the loop, clueless, and excluded. And indeed, if she resists while most of her classmates do not, she might, in fact, be marginalized, which puts her at risk for anxiety and depression, though via a different pathway than the one taken by those who use social media heavily. In this way, social media accomplishes a remarkable feat: It even harms adolescents who do not use it.

From the May 2022 issue: Jonathan Haidt on why the past 10 years of American life have been uniquely stupid

A recent study led by the University of Chicago economist Leonardo Bursztyn captured the dynamics of the social-media trap precisely. The researchers recruited more than 1,000 college students and asked them how much they’d need to be paid to deactivate their accounts on either Instagram or TikTok for four weeks. That’s a standard economist’s question to try to compute the net value of a product to society. On average, students said they’d need to be paid roughly $50 ($59 for TikTok, $47 for Instagram) to deactivate whichever platform they were asked about. Then the experimenters told the students that they were going to try to get most of the others in their school to deactivate that same platform, offering to pay them to do so as well, and asked, Now how much would you have to be paid to deactivate, if most others did so? The answer, on average, was less than zero. In each case, most students were willing to pay to have that happen.

Social media is all about network effects. Most students are only on it because everyone else is too. Most of them would prefer that nobody be on these platforms. Later in the study, students were asked directly, “Would you prefer to live in a world without Instagram [or TikTok]?” A majority of students said yes––58 percent for each app.

This is the textbook definition of what social scientists call a collective-action problem . It’s what happens when a group would be better off if everyone in the group took a particular action, but each actor is deterred from acting, because unless the others do the same, the personal cost outweighs the benefit. Fishermen considering limiting their catch to avoid wiping out the local fish population are caught in this same kind of trap. If no one else does it too, they just lose profit.

Cigarettes trapped individual smokers with a biological addiction. Social media has trapped an entire generation in a collective-action problem. Early app developers deliberately and knowingly exploited the psychological weaknesses and insecurities of young people to pressure them to consume a product that, upon reflection, many wish they could use less, or not at all.

The trap here is that each child thinks they need a smartphone because “everyone else” has one, and many parents give in because they don’t want their child to feel excluded. But if no one else had a smartphone—or even if, say, only half of the child’s sixth-grade class had one—parents would feel more comfortable providing a basic flip phone (or no phone at all). Delaying round-the-clock internet access until ninth grade (around age 14) as a national or community norm would help to protect adolescents during the very vulnerable first few years of puberty. According to a 2022 British study , these are the years when social-media use is most correlated with poor mental health. Family policies about tablets, laptops, and video-game consoles should be aligned with smartphone restrictions to prevent overuse of other screen activities.

The trap here, as with smartphones, is that each adolescent feels a strong need to open accounts on TikTok, Instagram, Snapchat, and other platforms primarily because that’s where most of their peers are posting and gossiping. But if the majority of adolescents were not on these accounts until they were 16, families and adolescents could more easily resist the pressure to sign up. The delay would not mean that kids younger than 16 could never watch videos on TikTok or YouTube—only that they could not open accounts, give away their data, post their own content, and let algorithms get to know them and their preferences.

Most schools claim that they ban phones, but this usually just means that students aren’t supposed to take their phone out of their pocket during class. Research shows that most students do use their phones during class time. They also use them during lunchtime, free periods, and breaks between classes––times when students could and should be interacting with their classmates face-to-face. The only way to get students’ minds off their phones during the school day is to require all students to put their phones (and other devices that can send or receive texts) into a phone locker or locked pouch at the start of the day. Schools that have gone phone-free always seem to report that it has improved the culture, making students more attentive in class and more interactive with one another. Published studies back them up .

Many parents are afraid to give their children the level of independence and responsibility they themselves enjoyed when they were young, even though rates of homicide, drunk driving, and other physical threats to children are way down in recent decades. Part of the fear comes from the fact that parents look at each other to determine what is normal and therefore safe, and they see few examples of families acting as if a 9-year-old can be trusted to walk to a store without a chaperone. But if many parents started sending their children out to play or run errands, then the norms of what is safe and accepted would change quickly. So would ideas about what constitutes “good parenting.” And if more parents trusted their children with more responsibility––for example, by asking their kids to do more to help out, or to care for others––then the pervasive sense of uselessness now found in surveys of high-school students might begin to dissipate.

It would be a mistake to overlook this fourth norm. If parents don’t replace screen time with real-world experiences involving friends and independent activity, then banning devices will feel like deprivation, not the opening up of a world of opportunities.

The main reason why the phone-based childhood is so harmful is because it pushes aside everything else. Smartphones are experience blockers. Our ultimate goal should not be to remove screens entirely, nor should it be to return childhood to exactly the way it was in 1960. Rather, it should be to create a version of childhood and adolescence that keeps young people anchored in the real world while flourishing in the digital age.

In recent decades, however, Congress has not been good at addressing public concerns when the solutions would displease a powerful and deep-pocketed industry. Governors and state legislators have been much more effective, and their successes might let us evaluate how well various reforms work. But the bottom line is that to change norms, we’re going to need to do most of the work ourselves, in neighborhood groups, schools, and other communities.

Read: Why Congress keeps failing to protect kids online

There are now hundreds of organizations––most of them started by mothers who saw what smartphones had done to their children––that are working to roll back the phone-based childhood or promote a more independent, real-world childhood. (I have assembled a list of many of them.) One that I co-founded, at LetGrow.org , suggests a variety of simple programs for parents or schools, such as play club (schools keep the playground open at least one day a week before or after school, and kids sign up for phone-free, mixed-age, unstructured play as a regular weekly activity) and the Let Grow Experience (a series of homework assignments in which students––with their parents’ consent––choose something to do on their own that they’ve never done before, such as walk the dog, climb a tree, walk to a store, or cook dinner).

Even without the help of organizations, parents could break their families out of collective-action traps if they coordinated with the parents of their children’s friends. Together they could create common smartphone rules and organize unsupervised play sessions or encourage hangouts at a home, park, or shopping mall.

P arents are fed up with what childhood has become. Many are tired of having daily arguments about technologies that were designed to grab hold of their children’s attention and not let go. But the phone-based childhood is not inevitable.

We didn’t know what we were doing in the early 2010s. Now we do. It’s time to end the phone-based childhood.

This article is adapted from Jonathan Haidt’s forthcoming book, The Anxious Generation: How the Great Rewiring of Childhood Is Causing an Epidemic of Mental Illness .

​When you buy a book using a link on this page, we receive a commission. Thank you for supporting The Atlantic.

What to know about the crisis of violence, politics and hunger engulfing Haiti

A long-simmering crisis over Haiti’s ability to govern itself, particularly after a series of natural disasters and an increasingly dire humanitarian emergency, has come to a head in the Caribbean nation, as its de facto president remains stranded in Puerto Rico and its people starve and live in fear of rampant violence. 

The chaos engulfing the country has been bubbling for more than a year, only for it to spill over on the global stage on Monday night, as Haiti’s unpopular prime minister, Ariel Henry, agreed to resign once a transitional government is brokered by other Caribbean nations and parties, including the U.S.

But the very idea of a transitional government brokered not by Haitians but by outsiders is one of the main reasons Haiti, a nation of 11 million, is on the brink, according to humanitarian workers and residents who have called for Haitian-led solutions. 

“What we’re seeing in Haiti has been building since the 2010 earthquake,” said Greg Beckett, an associate professor of anthropology at Western University in Canada. 

What is happening in Haiti and why?

In the power vacuum that followed the assassination of democratically elected President Jovenel Moïse in 2021, Henry, who was prime minister under Moïse, assumed power, with the support of several nations, including the U.S. 

When Haiti failed to hold elections multiple times — Henry said it was due to logistical problems or violence — protests rang out against him. By the time Henry announced last year that elections would be postponed again, to 2025, armed groups that were already active in Port-au-Prince, the capital, dialed up the violence.

Even before Moïse’s assassination, these militias and armed groups existed alongside politicians who used them to do their bidding, including everything from intimidating the opposition to collecting votes . With the dwindling of the country’s elected officials, though, many of these rebel forces have engaged in excessively violent acts, and have taken control of at least 80% of the capital, according to a United Nations estimate. 

Those groups, which include paramilitary and former police officers who pose as community leaders, have been responsible for the increase in killings, kidnappings and rapes since Moïse’s death, according to the Uppsala Conflict Data Program at Uppsala University in Sweden. According to a report from the U.N . released in January, more than 8,400 people were killed, injured or kidnapped in 2023, an increase of 122% increase from 2022.

“January and February have been the most violent months in the recent crisis, with thousands of people killed, or injured, or raped,” Beckett said.

Armed groups who had been calling for Henry’s resignation have already attacked airports, police stations, sea ports, the Central Bank and the country’s national soccer stadium. The situation reached critical mass earlier this month when the country’s two main prisons were raided , leading to the escape of about 4,000 prisoners. The beleaguered government called a 72-hour state of emergency, including a night-time curfew — but its authority had evaporated by then.

Aside from human-made catastrophes, Haiti still has not fully recovered from the devastating earthquake in 2010 that killed about 220,000 people and left 1.5 million homeless, many of them living in poorly built and exposed housing. More earthquakes, hurricanes and floods have followed, exacerbating efforts to rebuild infrastructure and a sense of national unity.

Since the earthquake, “there have been groups in Haiti trying to control that reconstruction process and the funding, the billions of dollars coming into the country to rebuild it,” said Beckett, who specializes in the Caribbean, particularly Haiti. 

Beckett said that control initially came from politicians and subsequently from armed groups supported by those politicians. Political “parties that controlled the government used the government for corruption to steal that money. We’re seeing the fallout from that.”

Many armed groups have formed in recent years claiming to be community groups carrying out essential work in underprivileged neighborhoods, but they have instead been accused of violence, even murder . One of the two main groups, G-9, is led by a former elite police officer, Jimmy Chérizier — also known as “Barbecue” — who has become the public face of the unrest and claimed credit for various attacks on public institutions. He has openly called for Henry to step down and called his campaign an “armed revolution.”

But caught in the crossfire are the residents of Haiti. In just one week, 15,000 people have been displaced from Port-au-Prince, according to a U.N. estimate. But people have been trying to flee the capital for well over a year, with one woman telling NBC News that she is currently hiding in a church with her three children and another family with eight children. The U.N. said about 160,000 people have left Port-au-Prince because of the swell of violence in the last several months. 

Deep poverty and famine are also a serious danger. Gangs have cut off access to the country’s largest port, Autorité Portuaire Nationale, and food could soon become scarce.

Haiti's uncertain future

A new transitional government may dismay the Haitians and their supporters who call for Haitian-led solutions to the crisis. 

But the creation of such a government would come after years of democratic disruption and the crumbling of Haiti’s political leadership. The country hasn’t held an election in eight years. 

Haitian advocates and scholars like Jemima Pierre, a professor at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, say foreign intervention, including from the U.S., is partially to blame for Haiti’s turmoil. The U.S. has routinely sent thousands of troops to Haiti , intervened in its government and supported unpopular leaders like Henry.

“What you have over the last 20 years is the consistent dismantling of the Haitian state,” Pierre said. “What intervention means for Haiti, what it has always meant, is death and destruction.”

In fact, the country’s situation was so dire that Henry was forced to travel abroad in the hope of securing a U.N. peacekeeping deal. He went to Kenya, which agreed to send 1,000 troops to coordinate an East African and U.N.-backed alliance to help restore order in Haiti, but the plan is now on hold . Kenya agreed last October to send a U.N.-sanctioned security force to Haiti, but Kenya’s courts decided it was unconstitutional. The result has been Haiti fending for itself. 

“A force like Kenya, they don’t speak Kreyòl, they don’t speak French,” Pierre said. “The Kenyan police are known for human rights abuses . So what does it tell us as Haitians that the only thing that you see that we deserve are not schools, not reparations for the cholera the U.N. brought , but more military with the mandate to use all kinds of force on our population? That is unacceptable.”  

Henry was forced to announce his planned resignation from Puerto Rico, as threats of violence — and armed groups taking over the airports — have prevented him from returning to his country.  

Now that Henry is to stand down, it is far from clear what the armed groups will do or demand next, aside from the right to govern. 

“It’s the Haitian people who know what they’re going through. It’s the Haitian people who are going to take destiny into their own hands. Haitian people will choose who will govern them,” Chérizier said recently, according to The Associated Press .

Haitians and their supporters have put forth their own solutions over the years, holding that foreign intervention routinely ignores the voices and desires of Haitians. 

In 2021, both Haitian and non-Haitian church leaders, women’s rights groups, lawyers, humanitarian workers, the Voodoo Sector and more created the Commission to Search for a Haitian Solution to the Crisis . The commission has proposed the “ Montana Accord ,” outlining a two-year interim government with oversight committees tasked with restoring order, eradicating corruption and establishing fair elections. 

For more from NBC BLK, sign up for our weekly newsletter .

CORRECTION (March 15, 2024, 9:58 a.m. ET): An earlier version of this article misstated which university Jemima Pierre is affiliated with. She is a professor at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, not the University of California, Los Angeles, (or Columbia University, as an earlier correction misstated).

Patrick Smith is a London-based editor and reporter for NBC News Digital.

Char Adams is a reporter for NBC BLK who writes about race.