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The Problems Caused by Homelessness and Ways to Solve Them

• Categories: Homelessness Poverty in America

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Words: 1386 |

Published: Jan 28, 2021

Words: 1386 | Pages: 3 | 7 min read

Table of contents

Introduction, problems related to homelessness, homelessness solutions.

This essay delves into the escalating issue of homelessness, highlighting the historical context and current challenges faced by individuals without homes. It examines the root causes, including job loss, unaffordable housing, and health crises. Offering comprehensive solutions such as health insurance access, affordable housing, and employment opportunities, it presents a problem solution short essay example aimed at mitigating homelessness. Through detailed analysis, it advocates for systemic changes to support those affected, emphasizing the need for actionable policies and community involvement.

Homelessness,Health care,Poverty,Homelessness in the United States,Health insurance,Healthcare reform

Works Cited

• Caton, C. L. M., Wilkins, C., & Anderson, J. (2007). People who experience long-term homelessness: Characteristics and interventions. In D. Levinson (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Homelessness (Vol. 2, pp. 609-617). Sage Publications.
• Culhane, D. P., Metraux, S., Byrne, T., Stino, M., & Bainbridge, J. (2013). The age structure of contemporary homelessness: Evidence and implications for public policy. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, 13(1), 228-244.
• D’Amore, J., Hung, O., Chiang, W., Goldfrank, L., & Adams, J. G. (2016). The epidemiology of the homeless population and its impact on an urban emergency department. Academic Emergency Medicine, 23(6), 655-657.
• Fazel, S., Geddes, J. R., & Kushel, M. (2014). The health of homeless people in high-income countries: Descriptive epidemiology, health consequences, and clinical and policy recommendations. The Lancet, 384(9953), 1529-1540.
• Hwang, S. W., & Burns, T. (2014). Health interventions for people who are homeless. The Lancet, 384(9953), 1541-1547.
• Kertesz, S. G., Baggett, T. P., O’Connell, J. J., & Buck, D. S. (2017). Permanent supportive housing for homeless people—Refining the concept. Journal of General Internal Medicine, 32(9), 1016-1017.
• National Alliance to End Homelessness. (n.d.). Health care and homelessness. Retrieved from https://endhomelessness.org/homelessness-in-america/what-causes-homelessness/health-care/
• National Coalition for the Homeless. (2021). Factsheet: Healthcare and homelessness. Retrieved from https://nationalhomeless.org/issues/healthcare/
• O’Connell, J. J., & Sledge, W. H. (2005). Substance abuse among the homeless: Epidemiology and treatment. Psychiatric Clinics, 28(4), 1023-1034.
• Tsemberis, S., & Eisenberg, R. F. (2000). Pathways to housing: Supported housing for street-dwelling homeless individuals with psychiatric disabilities. Psychiatric Services, 51(4), 487-493.

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Experts cite complexity of problem, which is rooted in poverty, lack of affordable housing but includes medical, psychiatric, substance-use issues

It took seven years for Abigail Judge to see what success looked like for one Boston homeless woman.

The woman had been sex trafficked since she was young, was a drug user, and had been abused, neglected, or exploited in just about every relationship she’d had. If Judge was going to help her, trust had to come first. Everything else — recovery, healing, employment, rejoining society’s mainstream — might be impossible without it. That meant patience despite the daily urgency of the woman’s situation.

“It’s nonlinear. She gets better, stops, gets re-engaged with the trafficker and pulled back into the lifestyle. She does time because she was literally holding the bag of fentanyl for these guys,” said Judge, a psychology instructor at Harvard Medical School whose outreach program, Boston Human Exploitation and Sex Trafficking (HEAT), is supported by Massachusetts General Hospital and the Boston Police Department. “This is someone who’d been initially trafficked as a kid and when I met her was 23 or 24. She turned 30 last year, and now she’s housed, she’s abstinent, she’s on suboxone. And she’s super involved in her community.”

It’s a success story, but one that illustrates some of the difficulties of finding solutions to the nation’s homeless problem. And it’s not a small problem. A  December 2023 report  by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said 653,104 Americans experienced homelessness, tallied on a single night in January last year. That figure was the highest since HUD began reporting on the issue to Congress in 2007 .

Abigail Judge of the Medical School (from left) and Sandra Andrade of Massachusetts General Hospital run the outreach program Boston HEAT (Human Exploitation and Sex Trafficking).

Niles Singer/Harvard Staff Photographer

Scholars, healthcare workers, and homeless advocates agree that two major contributing factors are poverty and a lack of affordable housing, both stubbornly intractable societal challenges. But they add that hard-to-treat psychiatric issues and substance-use disorders also often underlie chronic homelessness. All of which explains why those who work with the unhoused refer to what they do as “the long game,” “the long walk,” or “the five-year-plan” as they seek to address the traumas underlying life on the street.

“As a society, we’re looking for a quick fix, but there’s no quick fix for this,” said Stephen Wood, a visiting fellow at Harvard Law School’s Petrie-Flom Center for Health Law Policy, Biotechnology and Bioethics and a nurse practitioner in the emergency room at Carney Hospital in the Dorchester neighborhood of Boston. “It takes a lot of time to fix this. There will be relapses; there’ll be problems. It requires an interdisciplinary effort for success.”

A recent study of 60,000 homeless people in Boston found the average age of death was decades earlier than the nation’s 2017 life expectancy of 78.8 years.

Illustration by Liz Zonarich/Harvard Staff

Katherine Koh, an assistant professor of psychiatry at HMS and psychiatrist at MGH on the street team for Boston Health Care for the Homeless Program, traced the rise of homelessness in recent decades to a combination of factors, including funding cuts for community-based care, affordable housing, and social services in the 1980s as well as deinstitutionalization of mental hospitals.

“Though we have grown anesthetized to seeing people living on the street in the U.S., homelessness is not inevitable,” said Koh, who sees patients where they feel most comfortable — on the street, in church basements, public libraries. “For most of U.S. history, it has not been nearly as visible as it is now. There are a number of countries with more robust social services but similar prevalence of mental illness, for example, where homelessness rates are significantly lower. We do not have to accept current rates of homelessness as the way it has to be.”

“As a society, we’re looking for a quick fix, but there’s no quick fix for this.” Stephen Wood, visiting fellow, Petrie-Flom Center for Health Law Policy, Biotechnology and Bioethics

Success stories exist and illustrate that strong leadership, multidisciplinary collaboration, and adequate resources can significantly reduce the problem. Prevention, meanwhile, in the form of interventions focused on transition periods like military discharge, aging out of foster care, and release from prison, has the potential to vastly reduce the numbers of the newly homeless.

Recognition is also growing — at Harvard and elsewhere — that homelessness is not merely a byproduct of other issues, like drug use or high housing costs, but is itself one of the most difficult problems facing the nation’s cities. Experts say that means interventions have to be multidisciplinary yet focused on the problem; funding for research has to rise; and education of the next generation of leaders on the issue must improve.

“This is an extremely complex problem that is really the physical and most visible embodiment of a lot of the public health challenges that have been happening in this country,” said Carmel Shachar, faculty director of Harvard Law School’s Center for Health Law and Policy Innovation. “The public health infrastructure has always been the poor Cinderella, compared to the healthcare system, in terms of funding. We need increased investment in public health services, in the public health workforce, such that, for people who are unhoused, are unsheltered, who are struggling with substance use, we have a meaningful answer for them.”

“You can either be admitted to a hospital with a substance-use disorder, or you can be admitted with a psychiatric disorder, but very, very rarely will you be admitted to what’s called a dual-diagnosis bed,” said Wood, a nurse practitioner in the emergency room at Carney Hospital.

Kris Snibbe/Harvard Staff Photographer

Experts say that the nation’s unhoused population not only experiences poverty and exposure to the elements, but also suffers from a lack of basic health care, and so tend to get hit earlier and harder than the general population by various ills — from the flu to opioid dependency to COVID-19.

A recent study of 60,000 homeless people in Boston recorded 7,130 deaths over the 14-year study period. The average age of death was 53.7, decades earlier than the nation’s 2017 life expectancy of 78.8 years. The leading cause of death was drug overdose, which increased 9.35 percent annually, reflecting the track of the nation’s opioid epidemic, though rising more quickly than in the general population.

A closer look at the data shows that impacts vary depending on age, sex, race, and ethnicity. All-cause mortality was highest among white men, age 65 to 79, while suicide was a particular problem among the young. HIV infection and homicide, meanwhile, disproportionately affected Black and Latinx individuals. Together, those results highlight the importance of tailoring interventions to background and circumstances, according to Danielle Fine, instructor in medicine at HMS and MGH and an author of two analyses of the study’s data.

“The takeaway is that the mortality gap between the homeless population and the general population is widening over time,” Fine said. “And this is likely driven in part by a disproportionate number of drug-related overdose deaths in the homeless population compared to the general population.”

Inadequate supplies of housing

Though homelessness has roots in poverty and a lack of affordable housing, it also can be traced to early life issues, Koh said. The journey to the streets often starts in childhood, when neglect and abuse leave their marks, interfering with education, acquisition of work skills, and the ability to maintain healthy relationships.

“A major unaddressed pathway to homelessness, from my vantage point, is childhood trauma. It can ravage people’s lives and minds, until old age,” Koh said. “For example, some of my patients in their 70s still talk about the trauma that their parents inflicted on them. The lack of affordable housing is a key factor, though there are other drivers of homelessness we must also tackle.”

The number was the highest since the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development began reporting on the issue to Congress in 2007 .

Most advocates embrace a “housing first” approach, prioritizing it as a first step to obtaining other vital services. But they say the type of housing also matters. Temporary shelters are a key part of the response, but many of the unhoused avoid them because of fears of theft, assault, and sexual assault. Instead, long-term beds, including those designated for people struggling with substance use and mental health issues, are needed.

“You can either be admitted to a hospital with a substance-use disorder, or you can be admitted with a psychiatric disorder, but very, very rarely will you be admitted to what’s called a dual-diagnosis bed,” said Petrie-Flom’s Wood. “The data is pretty solid on this issue: If you have a substance-use disorder there’s likely some underlying, severe trauma. Yet, when we go to treat them, we address one but not the other. You’re never going to find success in the system that we currently have if you don’t recognize that dual diagnosis.”

Services offered to those in housing should avoid what Koh describes as a “one-size-fits-none” approach. Some might need monthly visits from a caseworker to ensure they’re getting the support they need, she said. But others struggle once off the streets. They need weekly — even daily — support from counselors, caseworkers, and other service providers.

“I have seen, sadly, people who get housed and move very quickly back out on the streets or, even more tragically, lose their life from an unwitnessed overdose in housing,” Koh said. “There’s a community that’s formed on the street so if you overdose, somebody can give you Narcan or call 911. If you don’t have the safety of peers around, people can die. We had a patient who literally died just a few days after being housed, from an overdose. We really cannot just house people and expect their problems to be solved. We need to continue to provide the best care we can to help people succeed once in housing.”

“We really cannot just house people and expect their problems to be solved.”  Katherine Koh, Mass. General psychiatrist

Koh works on the street team for Boston Health Care for the Homeless Program.

Photo by Dylan Goodman

The nation’s failure to address the causes of homelessness has led to the rise of informal encampments from Portland, Maine, to the large cities of the West Coast. In Boston, an informal settlement of tents and tarps near the intersection of Massachusetts Avenue and Melnea Cass Boulevard was a point of controversy before it was cleared in November.

In the aftermath, more than 100 former “Mass and Cass” residents have been moved into housing, according to media reports. But experts were cautious in their assessment of the city’s plans. They gave positive marks for features such as a guaranteed place to sleep, “low threshold” shelters that don’t require sobriety, and increased outreach to connect people with services. But they also said it’s clear that unintended consequences have arisen. and the city’s homelessness problem is far from solved.

Examples abound. Judge, who leads Boston HEAT in collaboration with Sandra Andrade of MGH, said that a woman she’d been working with for two years, who had been making positive strides despite fragile health, ongoing sexual exploitation, and severe substance use disorder, disappeared after Mass and Cass was cleared.

Mike Jellison, a peer counselor who works on Boston Health Care for the Homeless Program’s street team, said dismantling the encampment dispersed people around the city and set his team scrambling to find and reconnect people who had been receiving medical care with providers. It’s also clear, he said, that Boston Police are taking a hard line to prevent new encampments from popping up in other neighborhoods, quickly clearing tents and other structures.

“We were out there Wednesday morning on our usual route in Charlesgate,” Jellison said in early December. “And there was a really young couple who had all their stuff packed. And [the police] just told them, ‘You’ve got to leave, you can’t stay here.’ She was crying, ‘Where am I going to go?’ This was a couple who works; they’re employed and work out of a tent. It was like 20 degrees out there. It was heartbreaking.”

Prevention as cure?

Successes in reducing homelessness in the U.S. are scarce, but not unknown. The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, for example, has reduced veteran homelessness nationally by more than 50 percent since 2010.

Experts point out, however, that the agency has advantages in dealing with the problem. It is a single, nationwide, administrative entity so medical records follow patients when they move, offering continuity of care often absent for those without insurance or dealing with multiple private providers. Another advantage is that the VA’s push, begun during the Obama administration, benefited from both political will on the part of the White House and Congress and received support and resources from other federal agencies.

The city of Houston is another example. In 2011, Houston had the nation’s fifth-largest homeless population. Then-Mayor Annise Parker began a program that coordinated 100 regional nonprofits to provide needed services and boost the construction of low-cost housing in the relatively inexpensive Houston market.

Neither the VA nor Houston was able to eliminate homelessness, however.

To Koh, that highlights the importance of prevention. In 2022, she published research in which she and a team used an artificial-intelligence-driven model to identify those who could benefit from early intervention before they wound up on the streets. The researchers examined a group of U.S. service members and found that self-reported histories of depression, trauma due to a loved one’s murder, and post-traumatic stress disorder were the three strongest predictors of homelessness after discharge.

In April 2023, Koh, with co-author Benjamin Land Gorman, suggested in the Journal of the American Medical Association that using “Critical Time Intervention,” where help is focused on key transitions, such as military discharge or release from prison or the hospital, has the potential to head off homelessness.

“So much of the clinical research and policy focus is on housing those who are already homeless,” Koh said. “But even if we were to house everybody who’s homeless today, there are many more people coming down the line. We need sustainable policies that address these upstream determinants of homelessness, in order to truly solve this problem.”

The education imperative

Despite the obvious presence of people living and sleeping on city sidewalks, the topic of homelessness has been largely absent from the nation’s colleges and universities. Howard Koh, former Massachusetts commissioner of public health and former U.S. assistant secretary for Health and Human Services, is working to change that.

In 2019, Koh, who is also the Harvey V. Fineberg Professor of the Practice of Public Health Leadership, founded the Harvard T.H Chan School of Public Health’s pilot Initiative on Health and Homelessness. The program seeks to educate tomorrow’s leaders about homelessness and support research and interdisciplinary collaboration to create new knowledge on the topic. The Chan School’s course “Homelessness and Health: Lessons from Health Care, Public Health, and Research” is one of just a handful focused on homelessness offered by schools of public health nationwide.

“The topic remains an orphan,” said Koh. The national public health leader (who also happens to be Katherine’s father) traced his interest in the topic to a bitter winter while he was Massachusetts public health commissioner when 13 homeless people froze to death on Boston’s streets. “I’ve been haunted by this issue for several decades as a public health professional. We now want to motivate courageous and compassionate young leaders to step up and address the crisis, educate students, motivate researchers, and better inform policymakers about evidence-based studies. We want every student who walks through Harvard Yard and sees vulnerable people lying in Harvard Square to not accept their suffering as normal.”

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Essays About Homelessness: Top 8 Examples Plus Prompts

Everyone has heard of homeless people at some point in their lives; if you are writing essays about homelessness, read our top essay examples and prompts.

Poverty is one of the greatest evils in the world. Its effects are seen daily, from people begging on the streets to stealing to support their families. But unfortunately, one of the most prominent and upsetting diversity is homelessness. Homelessness is a significant problem in even the most developed nations, including the U.S. and Canada. Despite all the resources used to fight this issue, countries often lack the means to reduce homelessness significantly. With the proper aid, homelessness can be entirely eradicated in the future. 

If you want to write essays about homelessness, keep reading to see our essay examples and helpful writing prompts.

2. A journey with the homeless by Sujata Jena

3. i chose to be homeless: reflections on the homeless challenge by emily kvalheim, 4. my experience being homeless by scott benner, 5. what people get wrong when they try to end homelessness by james abro, 1. causes of homelessness , 2. how can homelessness be reduced, 3. mental illness and homelessness, 4. reflection on homelessness, 5. is homelessness a “personal problem”.

Are you looking for more? Check out our guide packed full of transition words for essays

1. That Homeless Man is My Brother by Megan Regnerus

“But the subtext of my friend’s statement is really Why should I give money to someone who’s lazy; who isn’t willing to work for money like I do?’ And to that I say, her opinion that people who ask for money are freeloaders who could work but choose not to, is based on assumption. It relies on the notion that the two things that shape us into able-bodied adults who can hold down a regular job, nature and nurture, are level playing fields. And they’re not.”

Regnerus writes about a friend’s claim that the homeless are “lazy,” reminding her of her homeless brother. She cites genetics and circumstance as contributing factors to homelessness. Despite the other woman being her friend, Regnerus strongly refutes her belief that the homeless are non-disabled freeloaders- they should be treated with empathy. For more, check out these articles about homelessness .

“I realize that the situation of poverty and homelessness is a huge social problem around the world. But when I meet them, I face fellow human beings, not some abstract “social problem.” The very phrase, “What would Jesus do at this scene?” haunted me.  I ventured to ask their names, age, where they came from, where they live (street, bridges, cemetery) and the reason they are on the streets. Their stories are poignant. Each one has a unique story to tell about his/her reason to be homeless, how they were forced to leave distant rural villages to live on the city streets. I tried to listen to them with empathy.”

In her essay, Jena remembers the homeless people in Manila, Philippines. She can see them beyond some “aspect of society” as human beings. She empathizes with them extensively and recalls the words of Jesus Christ about loving others, particularly the neediest.

“I, too, have not been compassionate enough, and I have allowed my prejudices to distort my view of the homeless. One woman, who sat across from me at a feeding program, talking to herself erratically, may have seemed strange to me before the Homeless Challenge. But when I really saw myself as her equal, and when I took the time to watch her get up and laugh as she danced to the music playing in the background, I thought she was beautiful. She had found her own happiness, amidst despair.”

Kvalheim details her experiences during an immersion challenge with the homeless. She recalls both the discrimination and generosity she experienced and her experiences with other homeless people. She was amazed to see how they could stay positive despite their terrible circumstances. We should be thankful for what we have and use it to help others in need. 

“As my funds dwindled, and the weather got colder, I sought shelter at Father Bill’s in Quincy Ma. When you are homeless, sometimes very small things mean a lot. A dry pair of socks, shoes without holes, a pocketful of change. You begin to realize how much you value your personal space. You begin to realize other people want space too. A lot of people have issues or have suffered in one way or another and you can see their pain. I think that there are people who for a variety of issue are chronically homeless and a larger portion of homeless are transitioning through a series of bad events.”

Benner’s essay, written for the company ArtLifting, reflects on his experience of being homeless for a brief while. Then, he and his wife grew ill, and Benner sought refuge at a homeless shelter after his company shut down. After that, he realized how his struggles were very different from those of others and the value of the more minor things he previously took for granted. Luckily, he escaped homelessness by making art with the help of ArtLifting. 

“The court denied my sister’s request and named me our mother’s legal guardian, but it appointed my sister as guardian of her property.  In 2009, when my mother passed away, my sister evicted me. The day I was scheduled to move out, I stood in a convenience store, dazed, as I stared at microwaveable meals.  These would be my new staple when I moved into the motel room. My phone rang—my sister.  She told me she needed me out of the house in a couple of hours—she was a real estate agent and a client wanted to see the house. ‘No hard feelings,’ she said.”

Similar to Benner, Abro narrates the circumstances surrounding his homelessness. After his mother’s death and a conflict with his sister led to his eviction, he ended up homeless. While his situation was unfortunate, he believes that there are many people worse off than him and that something must change to address the housing and poverty crises in America.

Top 5 Prompts On Essays about Homelessness

For your essay, it would be interesting to write about how people become homeless in the first place. Research the different causes of homelessness and elaborate on them, and be sure to provide sources such as statistics and anecdotes. 

What solutions to homelessness can you think of? In your essay, propose at least one way you think the homelessness problem can be solved or at least reduced. It must be concrete, realistic, and defensible; be sure to explain your solution well and defend its feasibility, backing up your claims with facts and logic. 

Homelessness and mental health can be linked—research into declining mental health and how homelessness can impact a person’s mental well-being. Make sure to use research data and statistics to show your findings. Conclude whether poor mental health can cause homelessness or if homelessness causes poor mental health.

You can write about what homelessness means to you in your essay. Perhaps you’ve heard stories of homeless people, or maybe you know someone who is or has been homeless. Use this essay to highly the effects of homelessness and how we can work together as a society to eradicate it.

Many say that homeless people “choose to be homeless” and are underachievers; otherwise, they would simply “get a job” and lift themselves out of poverty. Is this true? Research this topic and decide on your stance. Then, write about whether you agree with this topic for a compelling argumentative essay.

If you’re still stuck, check out our general resource of essay writing topics .

Martin is an avid writer specializing in editing and proofreading. He also enjoys literary analysis and writing about food and travel.

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How to solve homelessness – lessons from around the world

There are an estimated 150 million homeless people worldwide. Some organizations are offering innovative solutions to the problem. Image:  Unsplash/Jon Tyson

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Stay up to date:, cities and urbanization.

• There are many causes of homelessness.
• Homelessness is on the rise in many parts of the developed world.
• New approaches might offer a solution to solving the problem.

It's estimated around 150 million people worldwide are homeless – around 2% of the global population.

But the actual number could be much higher, because there are many states of homelessness – and many causes, too.

Have you read?

This scottish café chain has built a village for the homeless, this is the critical number that shows when housing breaks down, making affordable housing a reality in cities.

Too often, people without a permanent home fall off the edge of the recorded world. They don’t appear on official registers, in census declarations or in social security records. This compounds the homelessness problem in two distinct but connected ways: it makes it impossible to say how many people are homeless and it creates further difficulties in trying to come up with solutions.

But a number of innovative approaches to homelessness are creating both short-term and long-term solutions.

The UK capital is one of the world’s most-visited cities – and the red double-decker bus is an iconic, must-see sight. But strict emissions regulations have pushed many of the older buses off the road and into retirement.

Now, a social enterprise called Buses4Homeless is converting some of those decommissioned vehicles into accommodation , classrooms, diners and health centres.

One bus can provide shelter for 16 people, who are also given vocational and life-skills training. Their health and wellbeing are also looked after while they’re under the care of the charity.

Finding work and being able to earn enough money to afford somewhere to live are obviously important for people trying to break out of the cycle of homelessness. Elsewhere in London, coffee is helping do just that.

An organization called Change Please is training homeless people to become baristas and work in its fleet of mobile coffee stores. Founder Cemal Ezel says, “If we can just get a small proportion of coffee drinkers to simply change where they buy their coffee, we could really change the world."

In Delhi, the charity Aashray Adhikar Abhiyan trained 20 homeless people to repair mobile phones . Almost half of those who completed the course went on to either find work or start their own businesses. The organization plans to run the course again next year.

UK charity Crisis lists the following as some of the common causes of homelessness :

• A lack of affordable housing
• Poverty and unemployment
• Leaving prison, care or the armed forces with no stable home to go to
• Escape from a violent relationship or abusive childhood home
• Relationship breakdown
• Mental or physical health problems
• Substance misuse and other addictive behaviours

This means there is no one-size-fits-all solution, and the solution one person’s problems might only offer temporary respite for another.

Addressing the symptomatic problems of homelessness can be beneficial, but it won’t automatically fix the root cause of an individual’s circumstances.

For someone struggling with poor mental health or substance abuse, for example, it can be practically impossible to meet the commitments of training and employment.

These people can find themselves outside of possible routes to help, too, with some shelters and hostels not accepting people who have not dealt with their addictions.

The US-based non-profit Community Solutions believes it may have an answer, though.

Across the United States, more than half a million people are homeless. Most of them are sleeping in shelters and transient accommodation.

As Community Solutions says, “No single actor is fully accountable for ending homelessness in a community. Each local agency or programme holds its own small piece of the solution, but no one has their eye on how the pieces fit together.”

Therein lies the explanation for the intractability of homelessness. Operating in isolation from one another, even the most effective and well-intentioned of support services can fail to see the bigger picture.

By connecting all the different agencies and organizations that interact with homeless people, Community Solutions’ president Rosanne Haggerty believes homelessness can be eliminated altogether.

"Imagine a world where homelessness is rare, brief when it happens, and really gets fixed for those people to whom it happens – the first time,” she says.

In Abilene, Texas, they can do more than just imagine. They can see the results. Following the Built for Zero programme championed by Community Solutions, the Abilene authorities set the goal of zero homelessness.

Their first target was the homeless veterans’ community, which has now been completely eradicated by moving everyone into a home of their own.

A similar philosophy has been adopted in the Finnish capital, Helsinki. Rather than offer housing only to people who have taken steps to fix some of their everyday problems, such as substance abuse, the authorities now follow a homes-first approach.

Finland is the only EU country where homelessness is in decline . And it started by scrapping hostels and shelters that had been providing short-term respite for homeless people.

“It was clear to everyone the old system wasn’t working; we needed radical change,” says Juha Kaakinen, who runs an organization called Y-Foundation, which helps deliver supported and affordable housing .

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“We decided to make the housing unconditional,” he says. “To say, look, you don’t need to solve your problems before you get a home. Instead, a home should be the secure foundation that makes it easier to solve your problems.”

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5 Essays About Homelessness

Around the world, people experience homelessness. According to a 2005 survey by the United Nations, 1.6 billion people lack adequate housing. The causes vary depending on the place and person. Common reasons include a lack of affordable housing, poverty, a lack of mental health services, and more. Homelessness is rooted in systemic failures that fail to protect those who are most vulnerable. Here are five essays that shine a light on the issue of homelessness:

What Would ‘Housing as a Human Right’ Look Like in California? (2020) – Molly Solomon

For some time, activists and organizations have proclaimed that housing is a human right. This essay explores what that means and that it isn’t a new idea. Housing as a human right was part of federal policy following the Great Depression. In a 1944 speech introducing what he called the “Second Bill of Rights,” President Roosevelt attempted to address poverty and income equality. The right to have a “decent home” was included in his proposals. Article 25 of the Universal Declaration also recognizes housing as a human right. It describes the right to an “adequate standard of living.” Other countries such as France and Scotland include the right to housing in their constitutions. In the US, small local governments have adopted resolutions on housing. How would it work in California?

At KQED, Molly Solomon covers housing affordability. Her stories have aired on NPR’s All Things Considered, Morning Edition, and other places. She’s won three national Edward R. Murrow awards.

“What People Get Wrong When They Try To End Homelessness” – James Abro

In his essay, James Abro explains what led up to six weeks of homelessness and his experiences helping people through social services. Following the death of his mother and eviction, Abro found himself unhoused. He describes himself as “fortunate” and feeling motivated to teach people how social services worked. However, he learned that his experience was somewhat unique. The system is complicated and those involved don’t understand homelessness. Abro believes investing in affordable housing is critical to truly ending homelessness.

James Abro is the founder of Advocate for Economic Fairness and 32 Beach Productions. He works as an advocate for homeless rights locally and nationally. Besides TalkPoverty, he contributes to Rebelle Society and is an active member of the New Jersey Coalition to End Homelessness.

“No Shelter For Some: Street-Sleepers” (2019)

This piece (by an unknown author) introduces the reader to homelessness in urban China. In the past decades, a person wouldn’t see many homeless people. This was because of strict rules on internal migration and government-supplied housing. Now, the rules have changed. People from rural areas can travel more and most urban housing is privatized. People who are homeless – known as “street-sleepers” are more visible. This essay is a good summary of the system (which includes a shift from police management of homelessness to the Ministry of Civil Affairs) and how street-sleepers are treated.

“A Window Onto An American Nightmare” (2020) – Nathan Heller

This essay from the New Yorker focuses on San Francisco’s history with homelessness, the issue’s complexities, and various efforts to address it. It also touches on how the pandemic has affected homelessness. One of the most intriguing parts of this essay is Heller’s description of becoming homeless. He says people “slide” into it, as opposed to plunging. As an example, someone could be staying with friends while looking for a job, but then the friends decide to stop helping. Maybe someone is jumping in and out of Airbnbs, looking for an apartment. Heller’s point is that the line between only needing a place to stay for a night or two and true “homelessness” is very thin.

Nathan Heller joined the New Yorker’s writing staff in 2013. He writes about technology, higher education, the Bay Area, socioeconomics, and more. He’s also a contributing editor at Vogue, a former columnist for Slate, and contributor to other publications.

“Homelessness in Ireland is at crisis point, and the vitriol shown towards homeless people is just as shocking” (2020)#- Megan Nolan

In Ireland, the housing crisis has been a big issue for years. Recently, it’s come to a head in part due to a few high-profile incidents, such as the death of a young woman in emergency accommodation. The number of children experiencing homelessness (around 4,000) has also shone a light on the severity of the issue. In this essay, Megan Nolan explores homelessness in Ireland as well as the contempt that society has for those who are unhoused.

Megan Nolan writes a column for the New Statesman. She also writes essays, criticism, and fiction. She’s from Ireland but based in London.

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About the author, emmaline soken-huberty.

Emmaline Soken-Huberty is a freelance writer based in Portland, Oregon. She started to become interested in human rights while attending college, eventually getting a concentration in human rights and humanitarianism. LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, and climate change are of special concern to her. In her spare time, she can be found reading or enjoying Oregon’s natural beauty with her husband and dog.

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Solving Homelessness from a Complex Systems Perspective: Insights for Prevention Responses

Patrick j. fowler.

1 The Brown School, Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri 63130, USA; ude.ltsuw@relwofjp , ude.ltsuw@dnamvohp , ude.ltsuw@lacramek

Peter S. Hovmand

Katherine e. marcal.

2 Department of Computer Science and Engineering, Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri 63130, USA; ude.ltsuw@yamnas

Homelessness represents an enduring public health threat facing communities across the developed world. Children, families, and marginalized adults face life course implications of housing insecurity, while communities struggle to address the extensive array of needs within heterogeneous homeless populations. Trends in homelessness remain stubbornly high despite policy initiatives to end homelessness. A complex systems perspective provides insights into the dynamics underlying coordinated responses to homelessness. A constant demand for housing assistance strains service delivery, while prevention efforts remain inconsistently implemented in most countries. Feedback processes challenge efficient service delivery. A system dynamics model tests assumptions of policy interventions for ending homelessness. Simulations suggest that prevention provides a leverage point within the system; small efficiencies in keeping people housed yield disproportionately large reductions in homelessness. A need exists for policies that ensure reliable delivery of coordinated prevention efforts. A complex systems approach identifies capacities and constraints for sustainably solving homelessness.

1. HOMELESSNESS AS A COMPLEX PUBLIC HEALTH THREAT

1.1. scope of homelessness.

Homelessness poses an enduring public health challenge throughout the developed world. Although the Universal Declaration of Human Rights declared housing a basic right in 1991, the United Nations continues to identify homelessness as an urgent human rights crisis ( 109 ). Definitions vary, but homelessness generally refers to the lack of safe accommodations necessary for respite and connection with people and places ( 11 , 47 , 110 ). Homelessness includes living on the streets or in shelters, as well as patterns of housing insecurity such as overcrowding or excessive cost burden. The most recent global survey of countries estimates that more than 1.5% of the world’s population lack basic shelter, while as many as one in five people experience housing insecurity ( 109 ).

Trends of homelessness suggest stubbornly stable or expanding rates. Most of Europe has seen large increases in rooflessness as well as housing instability in recent years ( 80 , 110 ). For instance, the homeless populations of Germany and Ireland have increased by approximately 150% from 2014 to 2016 and from 2014 to 2017, respectively ( 92 ). Point-in-time counts of homeless persons in Australia suggest increases in per capita (PC) rates from 2006 (45 per 10,000) to 2016 (50 PC) ( 3 ). The United States shows decreases in PC rates of homelessness based on annual point-in-time counts of sheltered and unsheltered persons ( 47 ); however, changes have leveled off despite substantial reorganization of homeless assistance.

Housing insecurity represents the much larger problem of hidden homelessness. On average, poor families (earning less than 60% of the median national income) in the European Union spent more than 40% of their income on rent in 2016 ( 92 ). More than 80% of US households below the federal poverty line spent at least 30% of their incomes on rent. Frequent moves and doubling up represent additional common indicators of inadequate housing ( 20 ). Foreclosure and evictions are endemic in certain communities; estimates suggest that nearly one million US households experienced eviction in 2016, while eviction represents a major challenge across Europe ( 23 , 53 ). Trends demonstrate the challenges of solving homelessness and the need for innovations.

1.2. Impact of Homelessness

Homelessness and associated poverty have life course implications for physical and mental health. Many adverse health and socioemotional outcomes are linked to homelessness in children ( 26 , 117 ). Homeless adults face increased mortality from all causes, and those with severe mental illness display significantly worse quality of life compared with nonhomeless individuals with mental illness ( 61 ). Education levels and employment rates among homeless adults are low compared with the general population ( 9 , 16 ). In Europe, average life expectancy of people who experience homelessness is 30 years less than nonhomeless populations ( 11 ).

In addition to human suffering, public expenditures associated with homelessness are substantial. In the United States, estimated costs (all adjusted to 2018 USD) of a homeless shelter can exceed $7,000 per month per family ( 19 , 45 , 98 ) with additional costs attributed to inpatient hospitalization, incarceration, and public assistance ( 36 , 99 ). Cost estimates in Europe are limited but suggest substantial expenditures associated with shelter and outside services such as emergency departments, psychiatric care, and jail or prison ( 78 ). In Australia, the government estimates spending at $30,000 per homeless person per year ( 4 ). Few rigorous studies quantify the additional social losses in productivity and well-being. Communities around the world struggle to manage the human and financial burdens of homelessness.

2. COMPLEXITY IN CAUSES AND RESPONSES TO HOMELESSNESS

2.1. complex causes of homelessness.

Experiences of homelessness depend on a complex interplay between individual, interpersonal, and socioeconomic factors. Research has long identified mental illness and addiction as risk factors for homelessness ( 37 , 47 , 48 ). Personal struggles also strain interpersonal relationships with family, friends, and romantic partners; in a vicious cycle, conflict undermines well-being as well as erodes potential housing supports ( 21 , 77 ). However, socioeconomic factors often dictate the likelihood of displacement.

Globally, marginalized communities disproportionately experience homelessness. Homelessness is much more common among the poor and minorities in terms of race/ethnicity, sexual orientation and identity, and institutionalization and among those with physical and mental disabilities compared with the general population ( 105 ). For instance, members of Aboriginal communities in Australia comprise a quarter of people receiving homeless services, while representing less than 3% of the total population ( 3 ). A similar disparity exists in Canada, with Indigenous people 10 times more likely to use homeless shelters than non-Indigenous ( 37 , 91 ). Due to structural inequalities associated with marginalization, the accessibility of jobs and affordable housing remains constrained; availability of appropriate accommodations is more or less random ( 11 , 74 ). Household-level shocks to housing stability such as job loss, termination of assistance, or eviction require a scramble for housing that may or may not be available, given market constraints. Homelessness results when other formal or informal housing supports remain inaccessible; lack of supports can reinforce vulnerability to crises that threaten stable housing. Thus, entries as well as exits into homelessness among vulnerable populations become a matter of bad timing and bad luck. The presence of personal and interpersonal barriers exacerbates vulnerabilities but fails to explain homelessness.

2.2. Implications of Complexity for Homeless Responses

Complexity underlying housing insecurity carries important implications for systematic responses to homelessness. First, extensive heterogeneity exists in homeless populations and in the types of services needed to address housing instability. Individuals with severe mental illness, for example, may require ongoing intensive supports to avoid falling back into homelessness, whereas pregnant teens with few connections to supportive adults have a different set of needs. This variation requires considerable flexibility and tailoring of resources to promote stability.

A related implication concerns variation in the timing and patterns of homelessness. Some households experience single episodes of homelessness, while chronic homelessness refers to instability for more than two years (one year for families with children) with ongoing barriers to stability [HEARTH Act of 2009 (Pub. L. 112–141)]. Research that investigates patterns of housing insecurity reveals distinct subpopulations based on housing trajectories ( 18 , 31 , 33 , 106 ). For instance, studies show that chronic patterns of homelessness affect a relatively small number of persons ( 33 , 34 ). Homeless assistance continuously interacts with households at different stages of different trajectories, which makes accurate prediction of risk as well as response to interventions exceedingly difficult ( 5 , 38 , 44 , 58 , 95 ).

The complex causes of homelessness require complex solutions. Homeless assistance typically requires the provision of multifaceted supports that adapt in response to shifting household demands and often includes unique combinations of residential and nonresidential supports. Recurrent constraints on the availability of supports often require further tailoring of homeless assistance on the basis of resource accessibility. The resulting combinatorial complexity of housing interventions challenges sustained, systematic responses to homelessness ( 35 ).

Finally, the complex causes of and responses to homelessness present substantial challenges for screening and resource allocation. Efficient service provision depends on accurate assessments of risk and potential responses to interventions ( 10 , 58 , 72 ). Tools, such as the Vulnerability Index—Service Prioritization Decision Assistance Tool (VI SPDAT), purport to categorize households seeking homeless assistance for appropriate interventions from responses to screening questions; high vulnerability requires supportive housing, moderate requires temporary housing with less intensive supports, and households with low risk are diverted from the system ( 22 ). VI SPDAT developers report item reliability and claim use in communities around the world ( 75 ). However, little evidence exists on the tool’s accuracy, and available research suggests poor sensitivity and specificity with common scoring procedures ( 7 , 15 ). The VI SPDAT intervention assignments poorly differentiate households, resulting in extensive false positives (false alarms) and false negatives (missed hits) ( 6 , 108 ). Other screening tools show similar challenges for targeting preventive services ( 13 , 28 , 44 , 94 ). The difficulty in prediction reflects the complexity that underlies homelessness ( 5 , 38 , 58 ).

2.3. Complex Systems and Coordinated Responses to Homelessness

Nations have adopted various strategies to address homelessness. Responsibility for serving homeless populations in European Union nations generally falls under common social welfare policies, while federal policies and funding structure local responses to homelessness in Australia, Canada, and the United States (11, 116; Pub. L. 112–141). Although communities differ in how supports are organized, a common structure connects the delivery of homeless assistance. Delivery of housing plus supports leverages interorganizational networks composed of governmental and nongovernmental agencies ( 10 , 41 , 81 , 87 ). Formal and informal partnerships work together to screen and respond to individuals and families experiencing housing crises.

Figure 1 illustrates the underlying framework for homeless services from a complex systems perspective. In the center, households experience countervailing supports and strains that influence stability, represented as virtuous and vicious cycles. When strains exceed supports, a need for housing triggers the demand for homeless assistance. Access to homeless services depends on local and national contexts; formal and informal policies determine eligibility, timing, and funding of resources, while socioeconomic conditions influence demand chains for services ( 27 , 74 ). The resulting dynamics allow homeless services to adapt and evolve over time.

Coordinated responses to homelessness as a complex system. Solid lines reflect a treatment first approach, whereas dashed lines represent housing first philosophy. Circular nodes represent examples of key supports in keeping people housed; ties between nodes generally refer to information exchanges, such as communications, service referrals, or funds. The + and − signs indicate the direction of correlation between variables.

The top layer in Figure 1 represents the general structure of homeless or residential services. Although heavily based on a North American perspective, the model captures a number of common elements in local and national responses to homelessness ( 10 , 11 , 25 ). Screening aims to identify need and allocate households to the most appropriate and available service. Emergency responses address immediate housing crises; in many countries, this represents homeless shelters that provide short-term accommodations. Temporary housing provides time-limited accommodations with case management and other nonresidential services. Supportive housing refers to permanent connection to housing plus case management to address substantial barriers to stability. Rapid rehousing and homelessness prevention represent efforts to provide immediate access to stable accommodations.

Movement through the system depends on organizing philosophies for solving homelessness. Screening attempts to forecast the level of need, ranging from low (prevention), moderate (rapid rehousing), and high (supportive housing) risk for ongoing homelessness ( 75 ). Treatment first assumes people need services to address the underlying barriers that led to homelessness ( 88 , 107 ). A staircase model structures services so that households progress from shelters to temporary housing in addition to the provision of services to permanent supportive housing. Transitions expose people to higher levels of supports that make them more prepared for stable housing. In contrast, housing first considers stable accommodations as a precondition for any treatment needed to reduce homelessness ( 107 ). The structure of residential services attempts to place people in stable housing as quickly as possible.

The bottom layer in Figure 1 illustrates the extensive networks of formal and informal supports engaged in addressing household instability. Conceptually, connections can be informal interpersonal communities or formalized through agreements and contracts. Homeless services at the hub denote efforts to weave a safety net of supports for households. Systems vary in the extent to which nonresidential supports are specific to the residential service or carry over with households as they transition into and out of homelessness ( 11 , 30 ). Regardless, homeless systems rely on extensive cross-systems collaboration to promote stability and remove barriers that prolong homelessness ( 10 , 19 , 90 ).

Use of interagency networks responds to the complexities of addressing homelessness. Foremost, referral networks allow for quicker access to a wide range of supports, which can handle the extensive heterogeneity of needs among homeless populations. Networks also provide flexibility to expand and contact with shifts in demand for services ( 10 , 19 , 73 , 87 ). A timely example concerns displacement due to conflict that triggers surges in refugee populations with various needs within a community or country; Germany, for example, saw a 150% increase in homelessness from 2014 to 2016 composed primarily of refugees ( 92 ). In times of greater need such as an influx of refugee families, interagency networks allow for sharing information and resources to respond more quickly. Likewise, collaborative organizations avoid hierarchal approval processes; instead, decision making on service delivery is distributed across providers within agencies that potentially speed up resource allocations ( 82 ). A network structure provides a dynamic and adaptive response to homelessness.

Collaborative networks introduce their own complexities for homeless service delivery. Actual efficiencies of the system depend on the mutually agreed upon rules that drive resource allocation ( 8 , 82 ). Partnerships must continuously devote time toward planning and monitoring mutually agreed upon goals, which shifts resources away from the core service missions of each agency ( 35 ). Given the constant pressure for social services, a dynamic emerges that threatens continued investment in collaboration ( 59 ). Instability can create oscillations in the quality of network performance toward ending homelessness ( 35 ). Virtuous cycles emerge within collaborations that have clear goals, strong leadership, and investments in backbone supports ( 62 ). Challenges exist for sustainable efforts.

Taken together, coordinated approaches to homelessness must consider the extensive heterogeneity in the population, as well as in the types and timing of services. Given the multiple pathways into homelessness and the diversity of the homeless population, a one-size-fits-all approach is inadequate. Collaborations represent a flexible strategy to address homelessness. However, system performance toward ending homelessness depends in large part on continuous investments in partnerships.

3. TRANSFORMING COORDINATED RESPONSES TO HOMELESSNESS

3.1. housing first as an organizing philosophy.

The complex systems delivering homeless assistance organize around key theories on ending homelessness. Formal and informal policies operationalize these theories, and structure emerges to coordinate resource allocation across intersecting networks ( 8 ). A paradigm shift has moved homeless systems toward a housing first philosophy ( 76 ). Although housing first also refers to a specific case management intervention, the philosophy more generally aligns services to stabilize accommodations quickly and without preconditions. This approach contrasts with the earlier treatment first, or staircase, approach that require homeless persons to demonstrate housing readiness or compliance with service plans as a condition of obtaining and maintaining housing supports. Fundamentally, the shift in philosophies moves toward a person-centered and recovery-oriented approach that assumes housing serves as a platform for reintegrating into communities.

Housing first interventions provide access to housing plus ongoing supports ranging in duration and intensity ( 11 , 107 ). Examples include assertive community treatment (ACT), critical time intervention (CTI), and Pathways to Housing. Early experimental studies in the 1980s and 1990s showed that homeless persons experiencing severe mental illness achieved stability more quickly and more consistently when randomly assigned to housing first instead of to treatment first services ( 87 , 102 ). Moreover, early studies suggested that the delivery of case management yielded savings from avoided costs for shelter, hospitalization, and criminalization ( 51 , 85 ). The initial evidence challenged assumptions of housing readiness to highlight cheaper and more effective options for homeless service delivery.

Well-designed studies subsequently tested the implementation and impact of housing first models with different homeless populations. Several large experiments in the United States and Canada randomly assigned homeless individuals and families to different housing interventions and carefully monitored the impacts of service delivery on a host of outcomes ( 2 , 45 , 87 ). Evidence from these and other studies generally support permanent housing approaches for improving stability ( 84 ). Benefits of permanent housing on well-being and quality-of-life improvements are more elusive; treatment effects are smaller and less consistent across outcomes and populations ( 32 , 45 ). Additionally, emerging evidence on rapid rehousing interventions providing time-limited rental assistance shows little impact on stability or well-being ( 14 , 45 , 58 ). As a whole, the body of evidence firmly dismisses housing readiness requirements for homeless assistance.

3.2. Dissemination and Implementation of Housing First

Numerous rigorous investigations into widespread dissemination and implementation of housing first provide important considerations for complex homeless systems. Studies show that fidelity to specific housing first models promotes household outcomes ( 2 , 40 , 87 ). Yet, model adherence requires substantial investment in training and technical assistance ( 2 , 40 , 69 ). Using the interactive systems framework ( 115 ), a national rollout of Pathways to Housing in Canada showed that fidelity diminished in communities with less initial buy-in and support ( 2 , 69 ).

Similar findings emerged from an initiative to provide housing first to 85,000 veterans across the United States ( 55 , 56 ). The organizational transformation model ( 63 ) directed substantial investment and technical assistance to deliver supportive housing as part of the health care system for veterans. Housing readiness requirements diminished through transformational efforts; however, model fidelity for client-centered supportive services remained inconsistent ( 54 ). Both studies emphasize the necessity of strong leadership and buy-in for achieving housing first model adherence ( 2 , 39 , 40 , 54 ). The studies show the difficulty in shifting cultures toward housing first principles even in well-resourced initiatives.

Systems integration of services for housing first also proves challenging. An innovative early experiment of supportive housing for homeless individuals experiencing severe mental illness also tested impacts on systems of care ( 43 ). The study randomly assigned individuals to receive supportive housing, as well as communities to receive technical assistance for systems transformation to integrate services. Community-level interagency networks were assessed over time to see if resources for supportive housing triggered new and stronger partnerships for nonresidential services. Findings suggested little change in systems of care, and technical assistance failed to integrate services ( 73 , 86 , 88 ).

3.3. Housing First Adoption and Adaptations

Despite implementation challenges, the housing first philosophy has been broadly adopted within homeless services around the world ( 11 , 76 ). This shift is most apparent in the integration of housing first principles into national strategies for addressing homelessness in Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Scotland, Spain, Sweden, and the United States ( 76 ). Policies focus on the provision of housing as a platform for connection to other services necessary for ending homelessness ( 79 , 112 ). However, considerable variation exists in adherence to evidence-based interventions as well as adaptations for system-wide implementation ( 11 , 76 ).

The United States provides an example of both broad adoption and adaptations of housing first philosophy. The Homeless Emergency Assistance and Rapid Transition to Housing (HEARTH) Act of 2009 (Pub. L. 112–141) introduced federal legislation that required every community across the country to develop and implement coordinated responses to homelessness. Guided by housing first principles, policies focus on procedures for community-wide screening and allocation of homeless assistance based on level of need; resources are prioritized for homeless persons deemed most vulnerable ( 62 , 113 ). The emphasis on vulnerability coincides with a shift in resources toward the literal homeless and away from the broader demand for supports to maintain housing ( 10 , 19 , 94 ). The housing first tenets were codified in a redefinition of homelessness and eligibility for services, as well as national agendas for ending homelessness ( 113 ; Pub. L. 112–141).

Figure 2 illustrates the implementation of housing first policies through shifts in new and reallocated resources. Plotting year-round beds available for homeless persons since 2007, the system has increasingly used housing first rapid rehousing and supportive housing, whereas use of shelters and temporary housing has declined. Trends in total federal funding for homeless assistance also demonstrate increases in capacities. Although annual budgets fail to disaggregate funds by service type, increases in funding correspond with shifts toward rapid rehousing and supportive housing. Decreases in the number of persons served through homeless assistance over the same period further suggest that the homeless systems provide more intensive services ( 46 ).

Capacity trends of homeless assistance in the United States. Bars indicate the number and type of year-round beds according to Continuum of Care Housing Inventory Counts; the red trend line represents overall federal funding of homeless services through the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), Veterans Affairs (VA), and Community Development Block Grants (CDBG). Other abbreviations: ES, emergency shelter; OPH, other permanent housing; PSH, permanent supportive housing; SH, safe haven.

3.4. Housing Insecurity and Coordinated Responses to Homelessness

Capacity shifts also signal the role of housing insecurity in the coordinated response to homelessness. Although US policy requires communities to include prevention in coordinated responses to homelessness, the availability and funding for such efforts are not tracked. Moreover, annual assessments of homeless system performance required by federal regulations do not consistently measure successful prevention efforts (Pub. L. 112–141). A similar pattern emerges in countries across the world; European countries that record funding show disproportionate spending on homeless interventions relative to prevention ( 66 , 78 ). Only Wales systematically monitors the total demand and response to prevention services ( 66 , 68 ). In the absence of metrics that track the implementation and outcomes of prevention, it is difficult to understand how well-coordinated responses address overall demand for homeless assistance.

Crises in affordable housing throughout the United States and globally suggest widespread unmet demand. Figure 3 , for instance, presents an indicator of housing insecurity in the United States. The figure plots the annual number of renting households paying more than 50% of income toward rent, referred to as severe rent burdened ( 111 ). A spike of 10 million households in 2012 has declined in recent years, and the trend line of severely burdened as a proportion of all renting households suggests some relief for the lowest-income households. Yet, reductions have yet to return to prehousing crises levels ( 52 ). Markets around the world face similar shortages in affordable housing that create a constant demand for homeless assistance ( 27 , 60 , 92 ).

Number ( blue bars ) and percent ( red line ) of households in the United States with severe rent burden 2007–2017. Data obtained from the American Community Survey 1-year estimates ( 111 ).

3.5. Prevention in Coordinated Responses to Homelessness

The lack of focus on housing insecurity reflects ambivalence in national policies regarding prevention ( 67 ). On one hand, most countries emphasize prevention as a key component of housing first strategies ( 11 , 37 , 66 , 113 ). Prevention frameworks are based on a public health conceptualization of homelessness and generally refer to policies and practices that promote connections to stable homes ( 37 , 67 , 94 ). As illustrated in Figure 4 , prevention efforts target populations at varying levels of risk for homelessness with evidence-based resources that increase in intensity ( 42 , 67 , 94 ). Universal prevention is broadly available to ensure access to housing, such as the right to housing legislation that guarantees access to housing supports, as well as duty to assist policies that require governments to respond to requests for housing supports ( 11 , 67 , 103 ). Selective prevention targets resources toward groups vulnerable for homelessness, for instance families under investigation for child maltreatment, youth aging out of foster care, and veterans returning from combat ( 14 , 32 , 33 ). Indicated prevention focuses on populations demonstrating vulnerability for homelessness, such as households facing evictions and foreclosures and low-income families screening high for housing instability ( 44 , 95 , 114 ). Coordinated prevention initiatives combine multiple intervention types to stem the inflow into homelessness. National policies aspire to avoid human and social costs through timely assistance that addresses housing insecurity.

Homelessness prevention targets based on population and intensity of housing supports.

On the other hand, policy agendas struggle to reconcile aspirations with the feasibility of meeting the broad demand posed by housing insecurity ( 11 , 19 , 67 ). Prevention proves challenging, given the difficulty in predicting whether timely assistance averts homelessness that would have occurred otherwise; inefficiencies in targeting create false alarms that diminish cost-effectiveness ( 12 , 94 , 95 ). Moreover, prevention efforts that fail to address societal determinants of homelessness—including structural poverty, violence, and marginalization—are perceived as misguided ( 12 , 94 ). In the context of scarcity, persuasive arguments suggest a responsibility to deliver services for households most likely to avoid homelessness and associated costs ( 12 , 19 , 94 ). Prevention efforts shift toward avoiding reentry into homelessness instead of promoting connections to housing ( 14 , 67 , 104 ).

Policy ambivalence results in inconsistent applications of prevention across countries ( 67 ). Debates over prevention-oriented approaches to homelessness have persisted over three decades ( 19 , 50 , 94 ). Few national strategies currently include structured processes for delivering and monitoring prevention activities, and instead, countries vary considerably in basic definitions on targeting of services ( 67 , 68 ). In the United States, coordinated responses allow allocation of homeless funds for prevention without guaranteeing access. Even most communities that recognize housing as a basic right ensure only connection with supports (regardless of appropriateness and legality) and not accommodations ( 12 , 67 ). Homeless assistance relies on diverting demand driven by housing insecurity toward community-based services and other social welfare resources outside of homeless systems ( 12 , 19 , 72 ). If the adage that what gets measured gets done is correct, the lack of accountability reveals the unsystematic role of prevention within coordinated responses to homelessness ( 67 , 68 ).

4. SOLVING HOMELESSNESS FROM A COMPLEX SYSTEMS PERSPECTIVE

4.1. homeless assistance from a complex systems perspective.

Complex systems provide a critical perspective on the delivery of coordinated responses to homelessness. Complex systems are composed of multiple interacting agents that produce nonlinear patterns of behaviors, and they continually adapt and evolve in response to conditions within the system ( 24 , 64 , 93 , 101 ). Dynamics emerge from feedback mechanisms, influencing future system behaviors. Reinforcing feedback generates patterns of growth (positive or negative), whereas balancing feedback limits unconstrained growth (homeostasis). Interactions between feedback processes often produce counterintuitive results when trying to change a system. Given the nature of homelessness, complex systems offer a unique tool for evaluating coordinated responses.

Complexity characterizes homelessness and systematic responses. At the household level, transitions between stable and unstable accommodations create oscillations over time that characterize homelessness ( 83 , 89 , 96 ). The patterns challenge accurate predictions and effective responses to homelessness ( 38 , 44 , 95 ). The elaborate ties across persons, agencies, and service systems enable extensive customization to unique and dynamic demands for services ( 1 , 57 , 81 ).

A complex systems perspective offers insights into sustainable solutions to homelessness. Framed as a dynamic problem ( 49 , 100 ), total homelessness is a function of the initial levels plus the ongoing movement of people in and out of homelessness. Mathematically, the dynamic is articulated in the differential equation:

where d represents change, homelessness represents total persons homeless, t represents time, entries represents persons entering homelessness at a given time, and exits represents persons exiting homelessness at a given time. Homelessness trends depend on the population size plus the rate of entries and exits over time. This stock-and-flow dynamic is analogous to water levels in a bathtub and produces counterintuitive results ( 100 , 101 ). For instance, to drain a tub, the volume of water from the tap must be less than the volume of outflow after pulling the stopper. Thus, water levels will continue to rise after opening the drain completely without also closing the tap. Likewise, closing the tap will raise water levels if the drain remains blocked. As anyone who has dealt with an overflowing toilet knows, the complexity can trigger poorly timed and counterproductive reactions.

Community-wide coordinated responses to homelessness attempt to manage stock-and-flow dynamics under conditions of far greater uncertainty. Efficient solutions likely address the net flow of homelessness, as opposed to one part of the system. However, the interacting processes that respond to the need for homeless assistance (see Figure 1 ) produce nonlinearities that obscure optimal choices for system-wide strategies ( 71 , 100 ). A number of common results from intervening in complex systems challenge decision making, such as delayed effects, tipping points, and worse-before-better scenarios ( 100 ). The dynamics make decisions about resource allocation toward housing first adaptations or prevention approaches difficult.

4.2. A System Dynamics Model of Coordinated Responses to Homelessness

A system dynamics model allows investigation into coordinated responses to homelessness. The systems science method uses informal and formal models to represent complex systems from a feedback perspective ( 49 , 64 , 100 ). Computer simulations test assumptions of the system, as well as help identify leverage points that represent places to intervene in the system for maximum benefit ( 70 ).

Figure 5 represents a dynamic hypothesis for solving homelessness. Historical trends present the annual number of persons receiving homeless services in the United States ( 97 ). Hoped and feared trajectories represent theorized responses to homelessness. The trajectories define the dynamic problem as a need for innovative policies that disrupt the status quo ( 49 , 67 , 100 ). Although the example uses annual national data on homeless persons served in the United States, similar hopes and fears likely emerge in many local and national contexts ( 35 ).

Dynamic hypothesis of coordinated responses to homeless in the United States. Historical trends ( black ) present the annual number of persons receiving homeless services. Hoped ( blue ) and feared ( red ) trajectories represent theorized responses to homelessness. Based on trends in the United States, the vertical axis reports the number of persons served by homeless assistance annually, whereas the horizontal axis represents time as 10 years in the past and future. The left half of the graph shows the observed linear decline in homeless, which is interpreted as progress ( 97 ). The right half of the graph articulates the hopes and fears of coordinated responses to homelessness.

Policy shifts toward housing first adaptations as well as prevention-oriented approaches hypothesize a sharp and sustainable downward trajectory of homelessness. However, the mechanisms underlying the dynamic differ on the basis of philosophy. Housing first adaptations assume moving more homeless persons into stable housing more quickly will drive down demand for homeless assistance, whereas prevention-oriented approaches hypothesize that supports provided before homelessness will reduce demand. A third hypothesis from a complex systems perspective suggests that a combination of approaches disrupt homeless trajectories. Articulating the theories of change allow researchers to model the dynamics.

Figure 6 presents an informal model of coordinated responses to homelessness. The structure elaborates on the previous formulation to capture stock-and-flow dynamics, and a formal computational model incorporates additional differential equations to capture dynamics ( 100 ). Using system dynamics conventions, stocks refer to accumulations of people, whereas flows represent transitions in and out of stocks. People exit stocks into stable housing defined as not needing housing assistance. In addition to homelessness, the model tracks individuals experiencing housing insecurity who are seeking assistance versus hidden homeless, which incorporates the different targets of prevention. Dynamics emerge as people transition in and out of stable housing. The model assumes that the average time in homeless assistance is 3.5 years, and housing insecurity represents a transitional state through which most exit within two years, loosely based on definitions of chronic homelessness ( 97 ).

System dynamics model of people receiving homeless assistance and those experiencing housing insecurity and hidden homelessness. Boxes represent accumulations of people, arrows represent transitions in and out of stocks, and clouds represent stable housing.

Computer simulations test a series of policy experiments for solving homelessness. The first experiment tests efforts to improve housing first by decreasing time spent in homeless assistance before exiting to stability. The second experiment expands universal, selective, and indicated prevention by reducing each inflow into homelessness assistance. The third experiment tests combined housing first and prevention strategies. Each experiment improves performance by 50%, and combined interventions do not exceed 50% effects. All analyses were conducted within Stella Architect Version 1.2.1. A web-interface provides access to the model and allows real-time experiments ( https://socialsystemdesignlab.wustl.edu/items/homelessness-and-complex-systems/ ).

4.3. Simulation Results

Initial analyses assessed confidence in the model. Simulations replicate observed trends in persons seeking homeless assistance ( Figure 3 ) and housing insecurity ( Figure 2 ) in the United States between 2007 and 2016. Moreover, exploratory analyses suggest that the model is insensitive to initial values; similar patterns emerge when increasing stocks and reducing transition times ( 100 ). Different indicators of homelessness and insecurity produce similar results, which further suggests that the model captures the population-level dynamics of homelessness.

Figure 7 displays results from policy experiments on trends of homeless assistance and total housing insecurity (seeking assistance plus not seeking assistance). Findings demonstrate support for the complex systems perspective. Optimizing housing first approaches results in incremental reductions in the number of persons in homeless assistance with no impact on the rates of housing insecurity; results suggest that the system is already optimized for reducing homelessness quickly, and it currently strains to keep up with the constant demand for homeless assistance. By reducing the demand for homeless assistance, prevention improvements qualitatively shift the trajectory of housing insecurity, while generating similar incremental improvements in homeless assistance trends as housing first optimization. The same shifts occur when experimenting with smaller improvements in efficiencies; prevention always outperforms housing first adaptations. For instance, a 5% improvement in prevention generates a similar decrease on total need for housing as a 5 0% improvement in housing first adaptations. Thus, prevention represents a leverage point to enhance coordinated responses to homelessness, and tests reveal that universal plus indicated preventions account for the greatest shifts. However, the optimal response to homelessness comes from a multipronged approach that incorporates prevention with housing first, which generates shifts in housing insecurity and homeless assistance. As hypothesized by the complex systems perspective, managing the net flow achieves desired outcomes of moving toward solving homelessness.

Policy experiments showing the impact of housing first and prevention efforts on the number of people in homeless assistance ( a ) and number of hidden homeless ( b ) with services as usual ( dark blue line ); housing first only ( light blue line ); universal, selective, and indicated prevention ( red line ); and housing first plus universal, selective, and indicated prevention ( yellow line ).

Results must be considered in context. Simulations use US national data to build confidence that the model replicates trends; however, the forecasts are not meant as point estimates for planning purposes. Likewise, national data aggregate across communities that may experience different outcomes from coordinated responses. Using local data and different indicators of system performance would improve confidence in the simulation, as well as in the dynamics of homeless assistance. Finally, the simulations fail to provide an oracle; malleability exists in how policy responds and adapts to trends in homelessness that may alter the system dynamics. The models also make no assumptions about the implementation of prevention. Reducing demand by 50% may exceed realistic expectations, and the simulations fail to consider policy resistance generated from current paradigms. Regardless, simulations suggest small improvements in prevention generates qualitative shifts in demand for assistance.

4.4. Implications for Coordinated Responses to Homelessness

Homeless systems across the world are optimizing policies toward solving chronic homelessness. Resource allocation increasingly prioritizes on the basis of vulnerability and moral preference (e.g., households with children, veterans, seniors). However, simulations warn of unintended consequences that arise from constant pressure for stable housing. Systems that focus on the most vulnerable risk ignoring the unseen needs of the many households unable to access timely supports. Effective responses need to manage both the inflows and outflows to produce intended declines in homelessness rates.

A complex systems perspective presents a number of implications for homeless policies and practices. First, prevention represents a necessary component for sustainable reductions in homelessness. Although declines are achievable and have been demonstrated through coordinated efforts ( 67 ), the dynamics of the system challenge population-level reductions in the absence of considerable ongoing investment of resources. Second, the efficiency of prevention questions the fairness of current policies that prioritize on the basis of vulnerability. Not only does accumulating evidence question the reliability of prioritization tools ( 6 , 108 ), but also simulations suggest that withholding prevention potentially harms a large population of individuals who are unable to access useful services. Policies must consider an equitable distribution of both benefits and harms in resource allocation strategies. Third, history warns of resistance to reorienting systems toward prevention ( 17 , 19 , 94 ). A shift requires longer-term investment and introduces delays in observing results, which proves challenging in the presence of human suffering associated with current homelessness, as demonstrated by the well-meaning appeal of prioritization on the basis of vulnerability. Policies, and especially system performance goals, need to create incentives for balancing crisis response with upstream interventions. Fourth, an immediate step toward a prevention framework requires communities to track and actively monitor broader demand for housing assistance beyond entry into homeless services. As communities increasingly move toward a coordinated entry into homeless services, existing policies typically emphasize or require a homelessness determination for access and, thus, fail to connect with the delivery of prevention services. The oversight results in limited information being provided to assess and improve prevention responses; for instance, communities may be unable to track demand for prevention beyond those who receive the limited services available. The lack of success of disorganized resources further undermines investments in prevention. System performance metrics contingent on homelessness reductions must also reward prevention successes. Finally, rights-based housing policies provide the most conducive framework for broad-scale prevention ( 29 , 66 ). Duty to assist legislation enacted in Wales ensures households seeking housing supports receive best effort responses, which include counseling plus short-term housing only if necessary ( 67 , 68 ). Households that still need assistance and those already homeless enter more intensive interventions. Policies structure services to capture demand for and effectiveness of prevention responses in ways that allow for ongoing system improvements.

Homelessness represents a global public health challenge. Coordinated responses leverage flexible networks to deliver a range of services tailored to complex needs. However, current policies that prioritize services on the basis of vulnerability miss opportunities for prevention, thus contributing to overwhelming pressure on the service system. To achieve broad and sustainable reductions in housing insecurity, homelessness prevention must be fully integrated into existing service networks. Prevention-oriented policies that ensure timely responses to housing insecurity extend the housing first philosophy and leverage the considerable capacity of homeless services.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This project was supported by award number 90CA1815 (principal investigator: Fowler) from the Administration for Children and Families–Children’s Bureau. We acknowledge Kenneth Wright and Katie Chew for their research assistance and help with visuals. We are also very grateful for the many consumers and providers of homeless services who greatly informed our thinking.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the Children’s Bureau.

LITERATURE CITED

Why mental health and social services are as crucial as physical shelter to address the homelessness crisis

• Paul Constant is a writer at Civic Ventures and cohost of the " Pitchfork Economics " podcast.
• He spoke with Josephine Ensign, a professor and former policy worker, about the homelessness crisis.
• Ensign says social services are critical to address the mental health needs of unhoused people.

It's difficult to even begin to have a conversation about homelessness in America anymore.

Even in progressive cities like Seattle and San Francisco, coverage of our historically high levels of homelessness has become so hyperpartisanized that it's impossible for people to agree on the causes of the housing crisis, let alone work together to find solutions. Where some people see homelessness as strictly an economic failure, others position each case of homelessness as an individual failure, blaming it on untreated mental illness or a drug addiction problem. 

Let's be clear that simply building large amounts of housing will not solve our housing crisis, as some urbanists claim. But neither is homelessness a personal failing free from systemic economic pressures. A Zillow study from 2017 found that homelessness increases in cities where rents exceed a third of the average income, and each rent increase of $100 is associated with a corresponding jump in homelessness of anywhere from 6% to 32%. Given that median rents in some cities have skyrocketed by up to 91% over the past decade, that's a minimum of tens of thousands of Americans who are being pushed out into the street for the first time every year. 

Related stories

University of Washington Professor Josephine Ensign joined the "Pitchfork Economics" podcast to discuss her 40-year career working with homeless populations around the world as a researcher, nurse, and policy worker. Her latest book, " Skid Road: On the Frontier of Health and Homelessness in an American City ," specifically explores the history of homelessness in Seattle.

How did we get to a point when nearly every American city is dotted with tent encampments? Ensign cites the "steady defunding of [Department of Housing and Urban Development] services, in terms of support for low-income housing redevelopments" that has taken place through the latter half of the 20th century, as well as "the gentrification of inner city areas that have displaced, especially, persons of color and people living intergenerationally in poverty," and the "deinstitutionalization of people with pretty severe mental health issues and developmental issues" that took place in the late '70s and throughout the '80s.

In short, there's no one smoking gun to point to as the root cause of America's homelessness crisis. Instead, a wide array of policy failures, worsened by American leaders' 40-year love affair with trickle-down austerity, have led to this moment. (For proof, consider the fact that European nations with robust social safety nets don't have the same growing number of unhoused people as we do.)

A universal healthcare system alone would resolve many of the issues that push Americans onto the streets, and which exacerbate their problems once they're on the street.

With rents and housing prices rising astronomically, we obviously need much more affordable housing in American cities right now. It's cheaper to house homeless people than it is to put them through the endless piecemeal cycle of homeless shelters and triage services that cost taxpayers somewhere between $30,000 and $80,000 per homeless person per year . But the fact is that physical shelter needs are only part of the problem. 

"It's not just a problem with inadequate low income and supportive housing," Ensign said. "It is also the sense of belonging, the sense of community, the community supports in terms of health and social services, that are needed for people to be safe and healthy and happy in low-income and long-term permanent housing." 

People experience trauma before they're forced into homelessness, and they experience trauma while they're homeless. If we don't have systems in place to address that emotional damage, homeless populations will continue to rise.

So what would Ensign do if she could establish policies to ameliorate homelessness in a major American city? "The biggest thing that I would fund is ongoing supportive services in shelters and day shelters and outreach programs," she said, including high-quality mental health and substance abuse programs for homeless families and individuals, "because if they're not quality, if they're not sustainable, it actually does more harm than good for people trying to become more stable in housing and health."

"With quick interventions and appropriate counseling and treatment for the child and for the family," Ensign said, those traumas "can be overcome and can actually become sources of strength." 

• Main content

Sustainable, inclusive housing growth: A case study on Columbus, Ohio

Over the past two decades, the Columbus region has enjoyed outsize population and economic growth compared with leading peer cities and the US average. 1 In this article, “Columbus” refers to the Columbus metropolitan statistical area unless otherwise specified. See “Ohio Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs),” Ohio Department of Job and Family Services, Office of Workforce Development, accessed June 22, 2023. Yet growth has come at a cost—specifically by outpacing the region’s supply of available housing. Home and rental prices have soared as stock has been depleted, making homeownership—and sometimes even having a roof over one’s head—increasingly out of reach for many people, particularly those from historically marginalized communities.

About the authors

This article is a collaborative effort by Brandon Carrus , Seth Myers , Brian Parro, Duwain Pinder , and Ben Safran, representing views from McKinsey’s Social Sector Practice.

In just this past decade, the increase in housing prices and rents has dramatically outpaced household income. Additionally, the region’s population of people experiencing homelessness (PEH) has grown faster than those of its US peers in recent years. The region’s challenges have a disproportionate impact on historically marginalized populations (such as Black and Hispanic residents), who have a dramatically lower likelihood of being a homeowner and a much higher likelihood of experiencing homelessness. Amid ongoing rapid growth, the need for affordable housing and support services for PEH will only continue to increase unless significant action is taken. 2 HUD defines affordable housing as “housing on which the occupant is paying no more than 30 percent of gross income for housing costs, including utilities.” See “Glossary of terms to affordable housing,” HUD, accessed June 22, 2023.

Columbus is a microcosm of the United States’ housing insecurity plight. While many major cities are receiving national press coverage for this issue, housing insecurity is a humanitarian challenge facing communities of all sizes across the country. The National Association for Home Builders estimates that about 70 percent of US households cannot afford a new home at the national median price. 3 NAHBNow , “Nearly 7 out of 10 households can’t afford a new median-priced home,” blog entry by National Association of Home Builders, February 15, 2022. In 2022, US home vacancy rates were at their lowest levels since 1987, 4 “Home vacancy rate for the United States,” US Census Bureau, retrieved from Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (FRED) June 22, 2023. and the country is estimated to have a shortage of 6.5 million housing units. 5 Anna Bahney, “The US housing market is short 6.5 million homes,” CNN, March 8, 2023. Renters are also facing increased pressure nationally: 23 percent spend at least half of their income on housing costs, 6 Katherine Schaeffer, “Key facts about housing affordability in the U.S.,” Pew Research Center, March 23, 2022. rendering them “severely rent burdened” as defined by the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). 7 “Rental burdens: Rethinking affordability measures,” PD&R Edge, accessed June 22, 2023.

As in many regions in the United States, the primary contributors to the housing shortage in Columbus are embedded within deeply vexing economic and social issues, including stagnating incomes, racial gaps in homeownership, and access to financing and services.

As Columbus charts a growth strategy for the decades ahead, addressing housing and homelessness will be an essential component in realizing the goal of prosperity for all. Today, Columbus is projected to have a shortage of as much as 110,000 housing units by 2032. 8 Vogt Strategic Insights, “Analysis of housing need for the Columbus region,” Building Industry Association of Central Ohio, August 30, 2022. Without an increase in the supply of housing, Columbus may struggle to continue on a growth trajectory. Specifically, we have identified four priority interventions designed to work in concert to increase housing stock, keep rents affordable, and help more people, including historically marginalized populations, access the housing market:

• Tap into existing housing capacity potential. Public–private collaboration on policies can identify land available for housing either as underused property or as part of broader rezoning efforts to increase the supply of homes, which is a requirement for sustained economic growth.
• Reduce the cost of new construction. Promising cost-reduction opportunities include simplifying the permit process and engaging builders with expertise in cost-effective construction methods.
• Support homebuyers and renters. Local government and policy makers can expand resources and consider policies that support public- and private-sector initiatives to improve homeownership rates, assist with rental affordability, and reduce the risk of homelessness.
• Prioritize tackling homelessness. Alleviating homelessness requires increasing awareness of currently available resources for PEH and expanding relief funds to assist residents with affordable housing, healthcare support, training for employment, and other resources critical to reducing homelessness.

Many local leaders are well aware of the challenges that can result from booming growth. The policy-neutral research presented in this article is intended to complement the work already under way by leaders in the city of Columbus and surrounding areas to inform decision making about the housing shortage, affordable housing, and homelessness. 9 For example, see Bonnie Meibers, “Columbus details plan to build, preserve and invest in inclusive affordable housing,” Columbus Business First , June 27, 2022; Bonnie Meibers, “Columbus City Council announces 12-part plan to combat affordable housing shortage,” Columbus Business First , March 16, 2023; Bonnie Meibers, “The Punch List: Columbus lays out new solutions to housing crisis,” Columbus Business First , October 24, 2022; Mark Ferenchik, “Worthington considering asking for $1.1M affordable housing bond issue on November ballot,” Columbus Dispatch , January 16, 2023. In the process, we believe the Columbus region’s approach to housing could both build on and inform the economic development strategies of other regions across the country—with successes offering a potential blueprint for progress.

The fastest-growing region in the Midwest

From 2000 to 2021, the Columbus Region’s population increased by a third, adding more than 500,000 people and becoming the fastest-growing metropolitan statistical area (MSA) in the Midwest. 10 “Resident population in Columbus, OH (MSA) [COLPOP],” US Census Bureau, retrieved from FRED April 7, 2023. Includes MSAs with populations greater than one million. Midwest defined as Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Ohio, Nebraska, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. See “Resident population in Columbus,” retrieved April 7, 2023; Factbook 2020 , City of Columbus, accessed June 22, 2023. In September 2022, Columbus was named the fifth-hottest housing market in the United States, driven by the speed of home sales and demand. 11 “CAGDP1 County and MSA gross domestic product (GDP) summary,” US Bureau of Economic Analysis, accessed May 12, 2023; “Table 1.1.6. Real Gross Domestic Product, Chained Dollars,” US Bureau of Economic Analysis, accessed May 12, 2023.

This growth was precipitated by, and continues to benefit from, the region’s mounting economic strength: from 2008 through 2021, Columbus outpaced national GDP growth by almost ten percentage points. 12 “Total gross domestic product for Columbus, OH (MSA) [NGMP18140],” US Bureau of Economic Analysis, retrieved from FRED June 23, 2023; “Gross domestic product [GDP],” US Bureau of Economic Analysis, retrieved from FRED June 23, 2023. Growth has also been bolstered by more-recent major commercial investments from a range of industries, including semiconductors, financial services, and biopharmaceuticals. 13 “Intel breaks ground in Ohio,” JobsOhio, accessed June 22, 2023; “Project announcements,” One Columbus, accessed June 22, 2023; “Western Alliance Bank expands into the Columbus Region, creating 150 new jobs at new technology hub,” One Columbus, January 9, 2023; “Discover plans to open a customer care center in Whitehall to bring high-quality jobs and enhance equity in the Columbus Region,” One Columbus, November 18, 2022.

Growing pains: Coping with rapid growth

The population influx has measurably strained Columbus’s residential real estate and rental markets, particularly for people of color. Increasing housing supply is a critical enabler for the region’s continued growth trajectory.

Increasing housing supply is a critical enabler for the region’s continued growth trajectory.

Rapidly rising home prices. Although the region remains relatively affordable compared with leading peers, home prices have skyrocketed in relation to incomes. Data from Zillow reveal that roughly a decade ago, the growth of median household incomes in Columbus and the value of the city’s “lower tier” housing stock began to diverge (Exhibit 1). In the ten years since then, lower-tier housing prices within the city’s boundaries increased at 1.9 times the growth of median household income—an unsustainable divergence. 14 Zillow Home Value Index (ZHVI) All Homes - Bottom Tier Time Series, accessed April 19, 2023. A cavalry in the form of new-housing construction may be slow to arrive: from 2004 to 2022, annual construction of new single-family homes in Columbus fell by 34 percent, and it has yet to return to pre-2004 levels. 15 “B19013 Median household income in the past 12 months,” ACS 5-Year Estimates 2016–21, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau. In fact, for every 100 net new jobs in the region, only 65 new housing permits were issued. 16 Analysis of housing need for the Columbus region , Vogt Strategic Insights, August 30, 2022.

Rent increases outpacing wage increases. Renters in Columbus have also seen a price surge.

Rent prices in Columbus increased by about 35 percent between December 2016 and December 2021, exceeding median household income growth in that period by 11 percentage points (Exhibit 2). As a result, by 2021, approximately 40 percent of renters in Columbus were spending more than 30 percent of their income on rent, meeting HUD’s definition of “rent burdened.” 17 “Gross rent as a percentage of household income,” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau. And renters account for a significant percentage of residents: as of 2021, nearly 40 percent of total households in the metro area were rentals, which is comparable to other fast-growing US regions such as Austin (around 41 percent) and Miami (about 40 percent) but much higher than similar sized regions such as Pittsburgh (around 29 percent) and Indianapolis (about 32 percent). 18 “B25008 Total population in occupied housing units by tenure,” 2021: ACS 1-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau.

More people experiencing homelessness.

Columbus outpaced its US peers in the growth of its PEH population from 2008 through 2022 (Exhibit 3), and early reports indicate homelessness was up 22 percent in January 2023 compared with January 2022. 19 “Columbus region leaders introduce new action on homelessness: Funding for programs and services introduced as data shows increase in homeless count,” Community Shelter Board, June 6, 2023. McKinsey research on homelessness in the Bay Area indicates that homelessness is a result of a range of disparate triggers, including economic issues (such as job loss, raised rent, or foreclosure), health factors (such as substance abuse or mental illness), and social factors (for example, incarceration or domestic violence). 20 For more, see “ The ongoing crisis of homelessness in the Bay Area: What’s working, what’s not ,” McKinsey, March 23, 2023. A brief but significant drop in the number of PEH in Columbus in 2021 is likely attributable to additional support during the pandemic (for example, eviction moratoriums and stimulus payments). Still, as of 2022, Columbus had the fastest-growing PEH population among its peers.

Columbus outpaced its US peers in the growth of its PEH population from 2008 through 2022, and early reports indicate homelessness was up 22 percent in January 2023 compared with January 2022.

Disproportionate effect on historically marginalized communities. The racial disparities that plague many leading US regions are also starkly apparent in Columbus. Some historically marginalized groups are less likely to be homeowners: one-third of the region’s Black households own their homes, compared with more than two-thirds of White households (Exhibit 4). Black household incomes in the region are also about 42 percent lower than those of White households. 21 “S1903 Median income in the past 12 months (in 2021 inflation-adjusted dollars),” 2021: ACS 1-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau.

In addition, Black residents account for 16 percent of Columbus’s general population but 60 percent of the homeless population. 22 “DP05 ACS demographic and housing estimates,” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates Data Profiles, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau; “PIT and HIC data since 2007,” HUD Exchange, February 2023. And even when people in these communities have housing, Black households are almost five times more likely to be overcrowded (more than one occupant per room) than White households. 23 “B25014B Occupants per room (Black or African American alone householder),” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau; “B25014A Occupants per room (White alone householder),” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau. These disparate experiences in different communities are reflected in other metrics of financial and housing stability, including income and the ability to pass on generational wealth. 24 “B19013B Median household income in the past 12 months (in 2021 inflation-adjusted dollars) (Black or African American alone householder),” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau; “B19013A Median household income in the past 12 months (in 2021 inflation-adjusted dollars) (White alone householder),” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau; Jung Hyun Choi, Laurie Goodman, and Jun Zhu, Intergenerational homeownership: The impact of parental homeownership and wealth on young adults’ tenure choices , Urban Institute, October 2018.

These disproportionate effects have wide-ranging impact, including on overall economic growth. PolicyLink and the USC Equity Research Institute estimate that the racial gap in Columbus is costing the region’s economy $10 billion annually. 25 Erica Thompson and Mark Williams, “Racial inequities costs Columbus economy $10 billion a year, report finds,” Columbus Dispatch , updated May 12, 2022.

Four interventions to address Columbus’s housing challenges

Housing is a critical enabler for economic growth—and Columbus’s housing challenges are no secret. Local leaders, organizations, and partnerships have long worked to improve housing security directly. Advocates and organizations have all published research on housing and homelessness, including the Mid-Ohio Regional Planning Commission, the Coalition on Housing and Homelessness in Ohio, the Affordable Housing Trust for Columbus & Franklin County, the Center for Social Innovation, and the Community Shelter Board of Columbus. 26 Healthy Beginnings at Home: Final report , CelebrateOne and the Health Policy Institute of Ohio, June 2021; Regional Housing Strategy final report: Central Ohio , Mid-Ohio Regional Planning Commission, September 2020; Annual report 2021: Preserving, creating & facilitating , Affordable Housing Trust for Columbus and Franklin County, 2021; Columbus, Ohio: Initial findings from quantitative and qualitative research , Supporting Partnerships for Anti-Racist Communities (SPARC), Center for Social Innovation, May 2018. Yet the latest estimates show that the region could need as many as 110,000 housing units beyond the current run rate by 2032 to cover expected job growth. This would require more than doubling the construction rate, from around 8,300 units per year to as many as 19,300 per year. 27 Analysis of housing need for the Columbus region , Vogt Strategic Insights, August 30, 2022.

After reviewing the available research, examining the actions taken by other local governments, and drawing on our experience in the real estate and public sectors, we have identified four key interventions that can augment existing efforts to address Columbus’s housing challenge: tap into existing housing capacity potential, reduce the cost of new construction, support homebuyers and renters, and prioritize tackling homelessness.

Tap into existing housing capacity potential

Zoning regulates how land is used, where residential or commercial buildings may be constructed, and the density of new developments, making it a key lever in changing a city’s residential landscape. The city of Columbus spans 220 square miles of central Ohio, and it has 50 more square miles of single-family zoning than multifamily zoning. 28 Nicholas Julian, “Zoning in Columbus: Single-family vs. multifamily,” Ohio Housing Finance Agency, April 2, 2019; “QuickFacts: Columbus city, Ohio,” US Census Bureau, accessed June 22, 2023. Increasing density and creating housing “hot spots” are both potential options for Columbus to address current housing supply challenges.

Increased housing density. Zoning has a direct impact on housing density. In Washington, DC, for example, areas zoned for detached single-family units typically consist of up to 1,200 units per square mile, 29 Yesim Sayin, “Single-family zoning and neighborhood characteristics in the District of Columbia,” D.C. Policy Center, July 17, 2019. compared with up to 40,000 units per square mile in large multifamily buildings. But zoning in most US cities largely restricts higher-density homes. Three-quarters of the land in US cities is barred from development for anything other than detached single-family homes—and where multifamily buildings are allowed, height and lot size requirements hurt the economic calculus for development. 30 Jenny Schuetz, “To improve housing affordability, we need better alignment of zoning, taxes, and subsidies,” Brookings Institution, January 7, 2020. Specific zoning adjustments could contribute directly to closing the housing gap, not just in the city limits but also in the surrounding suburbs. For example, a recent analysis by the Columbus Dispatch found that zoning contributed to the lack of affordable housing options in Upper Arlington, New Albany, and suburbs in Delaware County. 31 Jim Weiker, “Columbus suburbs offer few affordable housing options,” Columbus Dispatch , May 4, 2023. High-density zoning can be a meaningful part of a community’s housing ecosystem to enable future growth.

‘Housing hot spots’ created by reusing and rezoning underused property. To help alleviate the shortage of homes in the near term, municipalities can also identify potentially high-impact housing areas by reviewing the zoning of properties that meet criteria for vacant or underutilized land, homes with room for more units, and more. This approach has been used elsewhere to great effect. An analysis of three counties in California found room for more than five million new units, 32 Jonathan Woetzel, Jan Mischke, Shannon Peloquin, and Daniel Weisfield, “ Closing California’s housing gap ,” McKinsey Global Institute, October 24, 2016. and separate efforts are under way in New York City and Los Angeles to rezone underused commercial zones for residential or mixed use—making more space available for housing construction without needing to expand a city’s footprint. 33 “Mayor Adams unveils recommendations to convert underused offices into homes,” City of New York, January 9, 2023; “Adequate sites for housing,” 2021–2029 Housing Element , Los Angeles City Planning, November 2021.

Reduce the cost of new construction

A priority for the Columbus region will be reducing the cost of new construction to accelerate the pace of development. Programs that accelerate construction, reduce permit fees, or otherwise defray development costs are common levers to help reduce the cost of affordable housing. Several approaches can be prioritized to address the challenges facing Columbus and other US regions.

Innovative, cost-saving construction techniques and builders. As in many areas of the United States, inflation drove up the cost of building materials, labor, and financing in Columbus by as much as 18 percent between 2021 and 2022. 34 “How much does it cost to build a house in Columbus?,” Home Builder Digest , accessed June 23, 2023. Innovative, low-cost approaches such as modular and prefabricated construction can help; in our experience, when applied at large scale, these techniques can reduce the cost of construction materials by up to 20 percent and decrease build time by 20 to 50 percent without sacrificing build quality. 35 Modular construction: From projects to products , McKinsey, June 18, 2019. This is especially true with projects featuring repeatable elements, such as schools and affordable housing.

Columbus, specifically, can establish itself as a center of excellence for modular and prefabricated construction by leveraging the region’s transportation network (such as railroads and highways) to efficiently transport modular units into the region. The region can further attract builders that use these construction techniques by offering tax incentives, investing in land and modular units at scale, reskilling the labor force, and streamlining the approval process to help drive affordable housing growth. These and other approaches could improve the economics for these kinds of construction projects almost immediately once implemented. For example, Portland, Oregon, made changes to its design review process to allow mixed-use and multifamily projects to go directly to the permit process, saving developers time and money by decreasing their financing costs. Local governments in the Columbus region can further improve the economics of housing development by producing and holding off-the-shelf design schematics that can easily be used by prospective housing-unit developers.

Reduced development costs. Identifying parcels of public land for housing development could defray the overall cost of new projects in addition to rezoning efforts. Some cities, including Copenhagen, London, New York City, and Stockholm, have established professional management of their publicly owned land, allowing them to identify suitable city-owned sites for affordable developments. 36 “ Affordable housing in Los Angeles: Delivering more—and doing it faster ”, McKinsey Global Institute, November 21, 2019.

Accelerating the construction permit process could help reduce lengthy permit timelines that both create delays and increase developers’ costs. Under Columbus’s permit approval system, new-construction permits can take six to nine months. In fast-growing metro areas elsewhere in the United States, permits can take as little as a few weeks—a disparity that the City of Columbus is reviewing as part of its longer-term affordable-housing initiatives. 37 Allen Henry, “Columbus to overhaul zoning code for first time in 70 years,” NBC4 WCMH-TV, October 20, 2021. The Affordable Housing Trust in Columbus has launched the Emerging Developers Accelerator Program to provide education and funding for minority developers. 38 Jim Weiker, “New program seeks to build ranks of minority and female developers,” Columbus Dispatch , updated May 18, 2022. Yet the holding costs due to the lengthy time horizon between initial plans and selling the first house keep many potential developers out of the business.

Reduced development finance costs and fees. Financing costs and government taxes tend to be a heavy burden on housing developers. Legal agreements and public financing tools, such as joint powers authorities (JPAs) and tax increment financing (TIF) programs, provide incentives for public and private partners to collaborate in the development of affordable housing. In instances where traditional incentives and subsidies are unable to produce the desired outcomes, JPAs enable the city, partnered with a developer, to issue bonds and use its property tax exemption to purchase a property or finance the creation of a new development process. As part of the acquisition process, the JPA agrees to restrict the rent of a set number of units in line with affordable-housing standards. This approach is unlike traditional affordable-housing projects in that long-term ownership rests with the city, with an option to purchase the property back from the JPA after a set period.

JPAs are eligible for significant tax exemptions on their properties, with the added benefit that these savings are passed on to renters. Bond financing can also be tax-exempt given that governmental bodies have the authority to issue tax-exempt bonds for facilities that provide a public benefit. 39 “Portantino bill creating regional affordable housing trust passes assembly local government committee,” Senator Anthony J. Portantino, California State Senate, June 9, 2022; Brennon Dixson et al., The ABCs of JPAs , SPUR and the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, June 2022. In California, the Burbank-Glendale-Pasadena Regional Housing Trust is leveraging these benefits to address barriers to building nearly 3,000 affordable-housing units in the region. 40 “Newsom signs Portantino bill creating Pasadena-Glendale-Burbank affordable housing trust,” Pasadena Star-News , August 24, 2022. The JPA will be allowed to request and receive private and state funding allocations, as well as authorize and issue bonds, to help finance affordable-housing projects.

As another option, TIF districts enable cities to freeze property tax revenue at current levels and use incremental tax revenue generated from a development to reimburse the developer’s costs over time. In 2018, for example, the City of Chicago approved TIF measures for The 78, a $7 billion mixed-use project to transform a former railroad property into 13 million square feet of residential, commercial, and institutional construction with a 20 percent commitment for affordable-housing units. According to plans, this TIF district will reimburse around $551 million in future increments for the construction of new infrastructure related to this project, including a new subway station, street improvements and extensions, and riverfront renovations. 41 “The 78,” Department of Planning and Development, City of Chicago, accessed June 23, 2023.

Support homebuyers and renters

In conjunction with initiatives that improve the supply of affordable housing, Columbus can explore approaches that improve an individual’s ability to pay for housing. The region can take these approaches in tandem to reduce the risk that demand will outpace supply and drive up prices on housing, making it even more unaffordable.

Homebuyer assistance from the public sector. Increasing investment in housing programs could help broaden the range of homes applicants can consider purchasing. For example, the City of Columbus’s Housing Division currently offers homebuyer assistance under its American Dream Downpayment Initiative (ADDI), which provides eligible first-time homebuyers with a loan of up to 6 percent of the purchase price (or up to $7,500) to put toward their down payment. 42 “American Dream Downpayment Initiative (ADDI) Program,” City of Columbus, accessed June 23, 2023. This loan is forgiven after five years if the resident meets certain requirements, including maintaining residency and not selling the property.

In Cleveland, Cuyahoga County’s Down Payment Assistance Program covers up to 10 percent of a home’s purchase price (or up to $16,600). 43 “Cuyahoga County Down Payment Assistance Program,” CHN Housing Capital, accessed June 23, 2023. This higher amount is especially significant given that the median sale price for a home in Columbus was $250,000 in December 2022, compared with $175,000 in Cuyahoga County and $115,000 in Cleveland itself. 44 “Columbus housing market,” Redfin, accessed June 23, 2023. The down payment program available in Cleveland provides greater assistance in real dollars in an area where those dollars can go further than in Columbus. Beyond affordable housing, assistance in the form of microloans and flexible funding programs have been shown to enable this transition. 45 Interval House, “How flexible funding can create stability and prevent homelessness,” Long Beach Community Foundation, accessed June 23, 2023.

Increasing the amount of assistance available could help broaden the options available to prospective homebuyers who could benefit from programs such as these, especially for historically marginalized communities that tend to have much lower rates of homeownership.

Rental assistance from the public sector. Some 54,000 households in the Columbus region are spending more than half their monthly incomes on rent, making rental assistance a cornerstone of the effort to improve housing affordability in the region. 46 Homeport website, US Department of Homeland Security and the United States Coast Guard, accessed June 23, 2023. Today, the State of Ohio and Franklin County have a number of rental assistance programs, including specific funds to help families, seniors, and veterans. 47 “Rent assistance providers,” Rentful, accessed June 23, 2023. Alternative programs, including flexible funding that allows for short-term, flexible financial assistance, could help stabilize individuals’ housing needs. 48 “How flexible funding can create stability,” accessed June 23, 2023.

Additionally, HUD subsidizes rent for low-income families. 49 A family’s income may not exceed 50 percent of the median income for the county or metropolitan area in which the family chooses to live, and 75 percent of vouchers must be provided to applicants whose income does not exceed 30 percent of the area median income. For more, see “Housing choice vouchers fact sheet,” HUD, accessed June 23, 2023. For fiscal year 2023, Columbus is allocated to receive approximately $12.7 million dollars in HUD funding for housing programs—approximately 16 percent more than Austin and 35 percent more than Denver 50 “Community Development Block Grant Program,” HUD, updated December 22, 2022; “HOME Investment Partnerships Program,” HUD, updated December 22, 2022; “Community planning and development formula program allocations for FY 2023,” HUD, updated May 3, 2023. —but the need for housing support exceeds the availability of funding. Columbus and Franklin County have also received more than $120 million combined due to the reallocation of unused federal COVID-19 relief funds to fight evictions, a majority of which is expected to go toward rent and utility assistance for low-income residents. 51 Bill Bush, “Columbus, Franklin County get over $120 million windfall in federal rental assistance,” Columbus Dispatch , May 8, 2023.

In addition, the Columbus City Council has made it illegal to deny a lease based on the source of a potential tenant’s rental payment—an effort to prevent landlords from denying leases to tenants using Section 8 subsidies. 52 Yilun Cheng, “Some landlords reject Section 8 renters despite Columbus law against discrimination,” Columbus Dispatch , February 8, 2022. The Columbus Metropolitan Housing Department has even offered cash incentives to landlords, and nonprofits have offered home upgrades in attempts to persuade more landlords to accept vouchers. 53 Jamilah Muhammad, “Central Ohio mother struggles to find homes accepting HUD vouchers,” Spectrum News 1, December 1, 2021. However, while these vouchers can effectively keep people housed, wait times to obtain them can be as long as 12 months. And about 30 percent of vouchers have expired over the past three years because participants could not find landlords in time. 54 “Some landlords reject Section 8 renters,” February 8, 2022. Streamlining the process from application to placement in subsidized housing could increase the impact of housing choice vouchers.

Potential interventions from the private sector

The private sector can take an active role in ensuring housing stability for both their employees and the communities where they operate by investing in and implementing sustainable-housing initiatives.

Three actions offer the potential for significant impact:

• Offer housing assistance to employees. To build effective assistance plans, businesses can assess the specific needs of their employees and design targeted assistance, including employee housing, emergency housing assistance, down-payment assistance, and mortgage rate subsidies. Sugar Bowl Resort in California offers an array of affordable employee housing options near the resort. 1 “Employee housing,” Sugar Bowl Resort, accessed June 23, 2023. In Ohio, MetroHealth launched an employer-assisted housing program (EAHP), providing eligible employees $20,000 toward the purchase of a home near the hospital’s campus. 2 “MetroHealth System employees to receive up to $20,000 to buy a home near West 25th Street main campus,” MetroHealth System, June 24, 2019. Similarly, Habitat for Humanity in Dallas, Texas, started an EAHP with up to $13,000 in a forgivable loan for down payment assistance. 3 Lin Grensing-Pophal, “Employers begin offering home-buying support benefits,” SHRM, November 8, 2022.
• Invest in increasing the supply of affordable housing. Businesses can invest in building new affordable-housing units in their communities. UnitedHealthcare has invested nearly $800 million to create approximately 19,000 housing units across the United States. 4 “Building health equity with $100 million in housing,” United HealthCare Services, July 6, 2022. In Columbus, Nationwide Children’s Hospital invests in the Healthy Neighborhoods Healthy Families initiative, which aims to increase access to and supply of affordable housing. And as businesses navigate a new hybrid phase of work and reassess their footprint needs, affordable housing is a powerful way to invest in and repurpose excess space. In Columbus, the owners of Continental Centre and PNC Tower have started converting office space to residential, creating hundreds of new rental units. 5 Dean Narciso, “Nationwide Children’s Hospital builds homes in South Linden with $4.2 million fund,” Columbus Dispatch , June 24, 2021.
• Focus on affordable housing in site selection. Businesses can select sites for new locations based on availability of affordable housing, as well as give preference in requests for proposal (RFPs) to commercial real estate owners who invest in expanding affordable housing. 6 Bonnie Meibers, “Chase Tower in downtown Columbus could be converted from office to residential,” Columbus Business First , updated May 23, 2023.

Housing assistance from the private sector. Private-sector employers in Columbus and across the United States play a crucial role in helping employees maintain stable housing by providing appropriate compensation. However, simply paying employees a living wage may not be enough to ensure stable housing in the face of unexpected expenses or other financial difficulties. A recent Harvard Business Review article suggests that any investment in housing assistance can both attract new workers (a growing challenge for companies across the United States, with ten million unfilled jobs 55 “Total unfilled job vacancies for the United States,” Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, retrieved from FRED July 7, 2023. ) and increase the productivity of existing workers (for example, by creating a shorter commute or reducing stresses related to housing affordability). 56 Edward L. Glaeser and Atta Tarki, “What employers can do to address high housing costs,” Harvard Business Review , March 14, 2023. Other housing-security interventions—such as housing search and placement services, access to shower facilities, or even temporary hotel rooms—can support employees more quickly than local social services and also reduce employee turnover. Some corporate programs can provide immediate relief to recipients, while others can provide long-term benefits to at-risk individuals over the course of several years (see sidebar, “Potential interventions from the private sector”).

Any investment in housing assistance can both attract new workers and increase the productivity of existing workers.

Employers also can collaborate to provide a broader set of resources to employees. In Cleveland, for example, the Greater Living Circle offers financial assistance for home purchase, rent, and renovation projects for employees of nonprofit institutions in the Greater University Circle area, including in low-income neighborhoods. Such collaboration is also the goal of the Columbus Regional Housing Coalition, a task force focused on convening leaders across the region to address the region’s housing and homelessness challenges.

Prioritize tackling homelessness

Homelessness across the region served by the Columbus and Franklin County, Ohio Continuum of Care has increased by 33 percent in the past decade 57 The Columbus and Franklin County, Ohio Continuum of Care is the organization that oversees programs funded by HUD in the region. ; in January 2023, more than 2,300 people in the region were experiencing homelessness. 58 “Columbus region leaders introduce new action on homelessness,” June 6, 2023.

Improving awareness of available resources and expanding access to essential resources—such as healthcare, transitional housing, and training programs—can help alleviate challenges for PEH and reduce the homelessness rate across the region.

Improve awareness of existing resources. A recurring problem in approaches to homelessness is a lack of public awareness of resources available to PEH. This is especially a concern among people who have recently lost their source of housing, including young people (aged 18–24). Partnering with other organizations to increase awareness of and augment available resources can equip individuals with the means to self-resolve or seek help earlier. Even initiatives that partner with existing organizations can provide immediate relief. For example, in December 2022, the City of Columbus partnered with Columbus Coalition for the Homeless to launch an interactive map showing the locations of warming centers and homeless shelters to help individuals find places to keep warm in the winter months.

Expand essential resources to alleviate homelessness. Expanding access to essential resources will be necessary to combat the increase in homelessness. Health resources make it much more likely that PEH will remain housed after securing a more permanent living situation. For PEH who have health issues such as substance abuse or severe mental health disorders, long-term health-focused housing should be considered. Efforts that expand housing with easily available healthcare resources could provide both immediate and gradually increasing support in reducing chronic homelessness. These resources can be combined with existing techniques for ensuring PEH have the resources they need to secure permanent housing. Other innovative solutions such as alternatives to traditional security deposits and credit scores can support PEH who may not have enough savings for a security deposit or the credit history to be approved for a loan.

One emerging strategy is providing training to PEH by placing them in some form of transitional housing and helping them find employment so that they can remain housed. Portland, Oregon, and other cities have also amended zoning to allow for more homeless shelters and more flexible group living, while increasing access to resources PEH may need. 59 “Warming stations,” City of Columbus, accessed June 23, 2023; Lindsey Mills, “Columbus leaders, community partners launch interactive map for warming centers, homeless shelters,” WBNS-TV, December 19, 2022. In Columbus, the Community Shelter Board (CSB) serves thousands of people through programs to prevent and respond to homelessness, including partnering with landlords to create additional housing capacity for PEH and with the Homelessness Prevention Network to coordinate social services in the community for PEH. 60 “Major updates to the City’s housing-related zoning rules coming August 1,” City of Portland, Oregon, July 16, 2021.

As Columbus’s population continues to grow, stressors that come from growth need to be understood and mitigated head-on through innovative approaches. Through a focus on housing development, the region’s public, private, and civic leaders are seeking to improve housing security while supporting economic development. By setting clear goals to increase the overall housing supply, reduce the cost of new construction, provide support to improve housing affordability, and assist those who are currently experiencing homelessness, 61 Community Shelter Board website, accessed June 23, 2023. Columbus could make significant strides toward sustainable and inclusive growth, set an example for other regions, and ensure that all who wish to reside here can find a place of their own to call home.

Brandon Carrus is a senior partner in, and managing partner of, McKinsey’s Ohio office, where Seth Myers is a partner and Brian Parro is an associate partner; Duwain Pinder is a partner in the Ohio office and is a leader of the McKinsey Institute for Black Economic Mobility; Ben Safran is a partner in the Washington, DC, office.

The authors wish to thank Kyoka Allen, Charlie Baca, Laura Hempton, and Sarthak Soni for their contributions to this article.

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Homelessness in Los Angeles: A unique crisis demanding new solutions

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How Los Angeles Is Approaching Homelessness

A conversation with the Times reporter who wrote about Mayor Karen Bass’s flagship program to solve homelessness.

By Soumya Karlamangla

About 171,000 people living in California are homeless, a total that has grown significantly over the past decade. If you live here, this has surely not gone without notice, as encampments have popped up on sidewalks and in public parks across the state in recent years.

Though California accounts for 12 percent of the nation’s population, the state is home to 30 percent of all homeless people in the United States.

My colleague Jill Cowan recently wrote about a new program spearheaded by Mayor Karen Bass of Los Angeles that’s aimed at eliminating the most visible encampments in the city. Bass took office in late 2022, and the program, Inside Safe, is at the core of her efforts to solve homelessness.

The program provides motel rooms for homeless residents who agree to leave encampments, a shift from sweeps in which officials clear encampments and force people to leave. But while Inside Safe has moved more than 2,100 people into shelters, only 400 of them have since moved into permanent housing. That’s drawn criticism that the program is only a short-term fix and perhaps more for optics than helping Angelenos most in need.

You can read Jill’s full article here.

I spoke to Jill about her article and her reporting, which spanned more than a year. Here’s our conversation, lightly edited:

Why did you decide to focus on Inside Safe?

Because it was the mayor’s focus — it was the program she touted the most and it was meant to address some of the people who need it most.

You reported that through Inside Safe and other programs, L.A. moved 21,000 people off the street and into temporary housing in 2023, about 4,000 more than it did in the prior year. How are Bass’s efforts seemingly more effective than her predecessors’?

There were a few things that Bass has done differently and not all of them are related to Inside Safe, but it’s a useful place to start. The level of coordination and focus on a specific encampment were new for Inside Safe: It was important to follow through on promises of shelter, and for that shelter to be individual rooms, as opposed to big congregate shelters, which make a lot of homeless people feel unsafe or like they don’t have privacy. Bass has also emphasized her relationships across government agencies, like with members of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors and with leaders in the federal government, to help get everybody rowing in the same direction, which experts say is a bigger change than you might think.

You live in L.A. When you drive or walk around the city, does it feel as if the reduction in encampments is noticeable?

I think so. It certainly isn’t true to say that there are no encampments anywhere. But there are also a lot of public spaces where there were wall-to-wall tent encampments covering sidewalks or in parks, and many of those are no longer there. Venice is an example that many of the mayor’s allies point to, and the difference there is really striking. I live near Echo Park Lake, and during the pandemic there were a lot of encampments around that area, but I have seen very few tents in the last year or so.

What’s the pushback to the program been?

A longtime criticism of Los Angeles’s — and many cities’ — approach to homelessness is that it prioritizes the experience of housed residents at the expense of stably getting people experiencing homelessness into homes. To be clear, a lot of progressives and homeless advocates say they prefer Bass’s general approach to sweeps, where people are forced to leave encampments.

But they say that Inside Safe still essentially closes off large parts of public space to people who may not have homes but still have a right to be in public. Because once an encampment is gone, the city or other agencies often put up barriers or, in some cases, enforce the city’s anti-camping ordinance to ensure people don’t come back to that area.

What has Bass said in response to this criticism?

She has been open about the fact that making visible progress for the benefit of voters is a top priority and she says that Inside Safe, for all its imperfections, is getting people in need off the street quickly. Leaving them there while they’re on a waiting list for temporary or permanent housing is not an option, in her view. She sees her work now as almost like triaging the situation in the time it takes to get more housing built.

Wait, she’s been open about the fact that Inside Safe is somewhat for image? Or is she casting it in some other less cynical way?

She has been open about the fact that it’s designed in part to satisfy voters.

Fascinating. OK, anything else about the story you want to share?

Just that this is an ongoing issue. Experts on housing and homelessness told me they were optimistic about Bass’s work and approach, but she needs time.

The rest of the news

A Los Angeles Times analysis of data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that California has the lowest job growth in the United States , particularly in rural counties.

Researchers with U.C. Santa Barbara and the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory report that water consumption in California could be cut by about 93 percent if California farmers planted less thirsty crops, CalMatters reports.

Southern California

A bill introduced in the California Legislature will seek reparations for the families of people who were displaced from their homes in Los Angeles in the 1950s on land that became the site of Dodger Stadium.

The Murrieta Police Department, which has been using Lego heads and emojis to cover suspects’ faces in social posts, has been asked by the Lego company to stop , The Associated Press reports.

Nancy Valverde, an L.G.B.T.Q. activist, died on Monday at her home in Hollywood, ABC News reports. She was 92 .

Northern California

Berkeley will stop enforcing a ban on natural gas piping in new homes and buildings in response to opposition in court by the California Restaurant Association, NBC Bay Area reports.

San Francisco’s 4/20 festivities in Golden Gate Park, a celebration of cannabis and cannabis culture, will not take place this year, The San Francisco Chronicle reports.

Amid all the upheaval of the pandemic, there have been moments of hope and positive change. What have been your pandemic silver linings? Tell us at [email protected] .

And before you go, some good news

Stacey Terterian grew up in Fresno, but during a recent visit to Armenia she discovered a deep connection to the country she says feels like home.

Terterian, whose family has roots in Armenia, decided to join a service program called the Armenian Volunteer Corp in August 2023 after a challenging period in her personal life. The trip brought her to Armenia for the second time in her life.

Terterian’s volunteering involved assisting Armenians who were affected by the ongoing conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, an ethnic enclave of Armenians in Azerbaijan. Then, in September 2023, Azerbaijan attacked Nagorno-Karabakh, taking control of the region and causing more than 100,000 Armenians to flee. Suddenly, Terterian found herself on the front lines of the crisis, providing aid to the refugees and, through that experience, locating a deep connection to Armenia and its people.

Terterian describes the course-changing visit in a recent essay in The Fresno Bee . “A picturesque land, rich in both beauty and history. Armenians know despair; they know resilience as well. My journey embodies that spirit,” she wrote.

Thanks for reading. I’ll be back tomorrow. — Soumya

A previous version of this article stated that a new report had found that water consumption in the U.S. could be cut by 93 percent if California farmers planted less thirsty crops. In fact, water consumption would be cut by 93 percent only in California.

P.S. Here’s today’s Mini Crossword .

Maia Coleman and Briana Scalia contributed to California Today. You can reach the team at [email protected] .

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Soumya Karlamangla reports on California news and culture and is based in San Francisco. She writes the California Today newsletter. More about Soumya Karlamangla

As homeless crisis grows, states and cities are turning to voters for affordable housing

As the country's homeless crisis worsens , cities and states are trying to build more affordable housing to prevent their residents from ending up on the streets or in shelters.

But more money is needed to turn construction plans into a reality − and in many cases residents must approve tax revenue increases to foot the bill.

This month, voters in Chicago and California were given the choice: Raise taxes to fund housing and homeless services? Or keep things status quo?

Results were mixed. California's Proposition 1 , which would provide more mental health services for people experiencing homelessness passed by razor-thin margins after weeks of ballot counting. In Chicago, ballot question 1, dubbed Bring Chicago Home, which would have raised taxes on the sales of million-dollar real estate, failed with 52% voting against it.

State lawmakers in Iowa and New Hampshire also are debating legislation that would allow more real estate transfer tax revenues to fund affordable housing. Last year, Delaware passed a law to put more transfer taxes toward affordable housing funds in three counties, and New York did the same for part of Long Island in 2021. Similar efforts in recent years failed in Colorado, Illinois and Maine, according to data compiled by the National Conference of State Legislatures.

Prep for the polls: See who is running for president and compare where they stand on key issues in our Voter Guide

More elected officials throughout the country are running on promises to reduce homelessness. But the problem is growing even as leaders try to solve it. Last year, the U.S. homeless population reached a high of more than 650,000 , according to the Department of Housing and Urban Development Annual Homelessness Assessment Report, and housing experts warn rent increases and evictions will push more people into homelessness until cities build cheaper housing. When funding for affordable housing fails to get approved, the time frame for reducing homelessness gets pushed further, advocates warn.

But cities face an uphill battle passing new funding measures to support brand-new housing initiatives, especially when voters are invested in keeping real estate taxes flat.

In Chicago, one of the main groups opposing the Bring Chicago Home campaign said raising taxes could also raise housing costs, hurting homeowners and renters alike.

"Tax increases hurt affordability, they are actually drivers of housing instability," said Jeff Baker, CEO of Illinois Realtors.

Bring Chicago Home fails to pass after years of organizing

After first launching in 2018, the Bring Chicago Home measure failed to pass last week, leaving longtime grassroots homeless advocates disappointed and frustrated with the results.

"The number of people experiencing homelessness grows every year, it is a matter of life and death," said Hannah Gelder, the organizing director for ONE Northside in Chicago, a social justice group on the referendum's steering committee.

Gelder said advocates for the homeless in years past fought at the state level to increase taxes to fund affordable housing, but state lawmakers said they didn't want to consider legislation on the issue. That meant Chicago, where homeless people number more than 60,000, had to go directly to voters in this year's election.

Bring Chicago Home would have increased the real estate transfer tax to 2% for properties sold for $1 million or more, while lowering them for more than 92% of buyers purchasing property worth less than $1 million, according to the proposed policy . The plan would have raised about $900 million for new construction over 10 years, the campaign said. Proponents first started organizing around the cause back when Rahm Emanuel was mayor.

"It was an uphill battle to persuade voters to vote on a tax referendum," Gelder said.

Illinois Realtors, a real estate lobbying group, said it had $1 million to spend on its opposition campaign, which argued the new sales tax would hurt Chicago's residential, commercial and rental real estate markets.

"This proposal was actually going to hurt the ability of the city to address homelessness," Baker said.

But, the Bring Chicago Home campaign said their proposed tax would not hurt renters, citing recent studies from Northwestern University and the University of Chicago that found landlords wanting to maintain their return on investment for multifamily buildings worth more than $1 million could do so by raising monthly rents by less than $5.

While grassroots homeless advocates were on the ground talking to their neighbors about Bring Chicago Home and trying to "win hearts and minds," Gelder said, ads led some voters to believe the new tax would be like writing the city government a "blank check."

"It played to voters' distrust of government," Gelder said.

Baker told USA TODAY he agreed cities across the U.S. need to increase their supply of below market rental units. But, he said zoning restrictions and costly development requirements make "building these homes way too expensive" for real estate owners.

To make the case for the funding, some experts point to growing evidence showing paying for affordable housing saves money long-term because having a large homeless population is costly for cities, said Sarah Gillespie, a housing researcher at the Urban Institute focusing on city budgets.

"It is a choice. You may choose to pay for housing, and if you don't, then you're choosing to pay for arrests, jail stays and emergency department visits," she said.

FLORIDA: State bans homeless people from camping in public spaces

California Prop 1 barely passes

California is home to nearly a third of the country's unhoused population, and data released last year shows the vast majority of unhoused people there said they had a period in their lifetime when they experienced a serious mental health condition. About 27% of California's more than 170,000 homeless residents have been hospitalized for a mental health condition before, according to the report from Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative at the University of California, San Francisco.

California's Proposition 1 scraped by with barely more than 50% of the vote in a heavily Democratic state.

Gov. Gavin Newsom pushed hard for the measure, which will fund thousands more mental health and substance use treatment slots and housing units.

"Now it's time to get to work − repairing the damage caused by decades of broken promises and neglect to those suffering from severe mental illness," Newsom wrote on X, formerly Twitter, celebrating the election results.

Proposition 1 authorizes the state to  shift $6.38 million in bonds  against county mental health budgets, redirecting most of the money toward new affordable housing.

The money would be borrowed against income taxes already imposed on people who earn over $1 million annually.

Individual cities in California, and elsewhere in the West , have voted by wider margins to raise taxes to fund homeless services, like last year, when Seattle renewed its housing levy for another seven years.

Seattle voters support property taxes for affordable housing

In the Seattle region, another area on the West Coast struggling with a large homeless population, a majority of voters have for years approved a levy on property taxes to fund affordable housing.

In an off-year election, 69% of Seattle voters in 2023 approved a housing tax that will fund the creation of more than 3,100 affordable rentals and homes for purchase, and rental assistance to prevent evictions for an estimated 9,000 low-income families, according to the city .

Homeless advocates in Seattle see more support from voters because the housing tax has been in place for decades, and residents have seen positive results, said Sharon Lee, executive director of the Low Income Housing Institute in Seattle. Affordable housing complexes are spread evenly throughout the city, and "you can't tell that it's low-income," she said.

"They look market rate, they're well maintained and there isn't a stigma," Lee said.

It could be harder to rally voters to approve increased funding for similar projects in America's older cities, where the phrase "affordable housing" calls to mind "buildings that are falling apart or vacant," she said.

Atlanta mayor, City Council approve millions of dollars for affordable housing

Instead of turning to voters, last year the Atlanta City Council was able to approve hundreds of millions of dollars for affordable housing, through a bond spread out over the better part of a decade.

The city, which grew by 66,000 residents from April 2022 to April 2023, also is benefitting from more property tax revenue without having to raise or pass new measures, the mayor's office said.

Philanthropic groups also worked with the city to allocate millions as part of the plan.

There's still broad public support for it less than a year later, said Joshua Humphries, policy advisor to Atlanta's mayor. Atlanta residents saw firsthand that the bond was working in a matter of months, he said. In 2023, 14 stalled affordable housing projects − representing 1,238 affordable units − got off the ground because of the money .

In 2023, Atlanta had an unhoused population of 2,679 , according to that year's annual count.

The funds will continue to be used for more new construction, as well as preserving existing housing and developing underutilized public land, Humphries said.

"Affordable housing is the most pressing public policy issue in the country right now, and every city is going to have to grapple with the question of how do they want to be part of making sure that their city has adequate housing stock," he said. "You need to have the political will and financial investment."

Contributing: Terry Collins, USA TODAY; Kathryn Palmer, Desert Sun

Opinion: Why is California behind Texas and other states in curbing homelessness?

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Rent is surging nationwide. Homelessness rates rose an astonishing 15% on average in major cities last year. It seems like the rest of the United States is waking up to what California has been living for decades.

But underneath these headlines emerges a more hopeful story as some metropolitan areas make significant progress to render homelessness rare and brief. Raleigh, N.C., led major U.S. cities in reducing homelessness by 40% between 2022 and 2023. Texas cities also stand out: Last year, the Houston metropolitan area achieved the lowest rate of homelessness of any major U.S. city, with just 52 people per 100,000 residents experiencing homelessness (compared to 734 people per 100,000 in Los Angeles). Even Austin, which has a higher homelessness rate than other cities in the state, reduced homelessness by 25% in one year.

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Meanwhile, five of the top 10 major cities with the highest rates of homelessness nationally are in California: San Francisco, Long Beach, Los Angeles, Oakland and Sacramento, in that order. In 2022, the homelessness rate in San Francisco was nearly 20 times higher than in Houston, and Los Angeles’ was almost 14 times higher. Over the longer term, homelessness in Los Angeles rose 56% between 2015 and 2022, while it declined in Houston by 32%.

So what is making the difference in Texas and elsewhere? Can progress reach big cities in California, the state that is home to 28% of the entire country’s homeless population ?

First and foremost, other places are building more housing of all types. The Houston, Dallas-Fort Worth and Austin metro areas are all in the top 10 for housing production, while San Francisco, Los Angeles and San Jose are all in the back half of the pack. These metro areas are also working together on a regional approach to homelessness that differs from California’s largely fragmented response. For example, in Houston, one planning body — called a continuum of care — coordinates federal dollars and homelessness response across the metropolitan area. In California, every county and also some municipalities have separate continua of care.

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The Golden State has treated the housing shortage with urgency and adopted reforms to the Regional Housing Needs Allocation planning process to increase housing supply, including affordable housing for qualifying households, dramatically by 2030. Such a plan is necessary. But it will of course take years to complete.

In the meantime, our leaders have a moral, political and economic mandate to reduce the harm that homelessness inflicts on individuals, families and communities. And there are more solutions California cities can adopt today to address homelessness. While some may dismiss temporary interventions such as safe camping, parking and shelter as mere window dressing compared to long-term solutions, the reality is that people experiencing homelessness struggle every day to find somewhere to rest.

First, localities should recognize that an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. Just 3.6% of Los Angeles County’s 2022-2023 homelessness spending was devoted to prevention such as emergency rental assistance, eviction defense and direct payments. But the recent availability of once-in-a-generation federal aid during the pandemic created a natural experiment that showed the potential of spending more on preventing people from becoming homeless in the first place.

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Just to the north in Santa Clara County, for instance, homelessness grew by 31% between 2017 and 2019. Then, during the pandemic, the county reached an estimated 16,000 vulnerable households with prevention assistance, and homelessness grew by only 3% between 2019 and 2022.

California’s biggest metro areas can also improve their approach to the overlap between mental health and homelessness. Texas cities including Houston and Dallas have had success with the Housing First model that focuses on getting people into housing before tackling other issues they face, such as addiction . Bad-faith attacks against this strategy, in California and elsewhere, aren’t backed by real evidence .

We also need better ways to respond to people with behavioral health and substance abuse emergencies that do not automatically expose them to police while also respecting everyone’s right to be safe. Models from Denver and other cities provide a roadmap to do so. One study found that Denver’s use of emergency mental health professionals reduced crime and cost less than a traditional police response.

Los Angeles has already begun implementing an alternative crisis response model, but staffing challenges have hampered its effectiveness, indicating a need for workforce development. Those efforts can complement the county’s Office of Diversion and Reentry Housing program, which has had success disrupting the cycle of incarceration and homelessness (about a quarter of the county jail population is homeless ).

In addition, although business improvement districts are sometimes seen as inherently antagonistic toward homeless people, they can be innovative and effective partners . In Philadelphia , D.C. , New York and elsewhere, such groups have implemented practices such as community ambassadors who help people experiencing homelessness connect with housing, services and treatment; free access to drinking water and bathrooms; and placemaking activities such as games that promote safety and belonging in public space.

The homelessness numbers may paint a bleak picture. But the availability of these strategies makes clear that California is much closer to hope than it seems.

Tracy Hadden Loh and Hanna Love are fellows at the Brookings Institution.

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Issue of Homelessness in America Essay

Introduction, literature review, research methodology, recommendations.

Homelessness is the condition in which individuals or families lack permanent shelter. In other words, the individuals or the families lack a place to call home. Homeliness is not only a condition associated with the minorities but also people with regular income. However, the income cannot afford a decent housing. In most cases, homeless is caused by lack of adequate income to cater for a decent housing.

However, extreme poverty and lack of affordable housing has been attributed to increased cases of homelessness. Actually, minorities constitute the largest percentage of the homeless people. In most cases, the homeless families are composed of single mothers having children of less than six years. Low education levels, poor job skills and limited job opportunities that could pay for a livable wage characterize the single homeless mothers. In fact, such families experience increased rate of domestic violence, mental health problems and high costs of medical care. Even though not all homeless people have similar experience, studies indicate that majority are found within the descriptive bracket.

Generally, most of the homeless families and individuals go through a traumatic experience. In fact, the circumstances in which the individuals and families have no shelter coupled with the disconnections from support services are stressful. The problem is exacerbated in single motherhood where mothers have multifaceted roles ranging from being the breadwinner to parenting. Based on the longitudinal studies that have been conducted, single parents with no homes have increased vulnerability to sexual and other abuses as well as exposure to other form of violence particularly within the family or in relationships.

Currently, the government and various agencies are collaboratively focusing their efforts towards preventing and ending the problem of homelessness among the population. The efforts are backed by a policy framework that provide clear guidelines and responsibilities to the governments at all levels as well as various agencies on how to manage the preventive measures and stop the problem of homelessness. Moreover, the current policy framework focuses on all groups of homelessness particularly the families.

Problem Statement

Currently the numbers of homeless families have significantly increased compared with the number in 1980s and earlier. The number of homeless in 1980 accounted for less than one percent. However, the numbers of homeless individuals and families have considerably augmented by over thirty percent in the last ten years. Given the number of homeless families, the increasing rate of homelessness is alarming calling for appropriate interventions from the governments at all levels. However, studies on homeless families indicate that other problems the families face obfuscate the pressing need of having a decent place called home. Moreover, interventions methods have not been focused on addressing the related problems rather on real issues concerned with homelessness.

The Purpose of the Study

The main aim of this study is to establish the manner in which US government is aiding various local government agencies in the prevention and ending the problem of homelessness in their various jurisdictions. The study will be critical in the understanding of the manner in which the federal government helps their local counterparts in alleviating the problem of homelessness among the various city populations.

Research Question

Upon completion of the study, the following question will be answered.

• Is the federal government helping local governments reduce homelessness within their cities?

Hypothesis Testing

The study tends to test the assertion that the US government is helping the local governments reduce homelessness in their various cities. As such, the hypothesis of this study include

• H0: US government is helping local government reduce homelessness
• H1: US government is not helping local government reduce homelessness

Definition of Terms

Homelessness refers to the situation in which an individual or families lack permanent shelter or descent housing.

Affordable housing refers to less expensive rental houses provided by the government or any agency to the public. In most cases, affordable houses are normally targeted for the low-income earners.

Homeless families are families that have no pace to call home. In fact, most of the homeless families normally lack adequate income even to rent affordable houses.

Studies indicate that factors such as the mental illness, the childbirths, hospitalization of parents are not the causes of homelessness. Essentially, these factors are associated with individual susceptibility of being homeless (Bassuk, 2010). In addition, these factors simply indicate individuals that are likely to be affected by structural issues related to homelessness. In fact, this review is chosen due to its focus on the stated topic and its ability to answer directly the stated study question. In other words, the review tends to provide a broader view of the topic while directly answer the research question.

Causes of Homelessness

Various factors have been cited to cause homeless in America. Studies indicate that acute shortage of basic needs and deficiency in reasonably priced housing are the major causes of homeless (Bassuk, 2010; Guarino & Bassuk, 2011). Statistics indicate that the number of affordable rental housing units have reduced drastically by approximately 23%. The percentage represents an estimated number of 1.2 million housing units.

Besides, over six million Americans both individuals and families are at the level of increased risk of being homeless (Guarino & Bassuk, 2011). Such kinds of families are characterized by huge amount of their income being allocated to housing. Even though the families spend over fifty percent of their income on housing, they still dwell in substandard private residences. Besides, such families have little or no resources for other important necessities including food and clothing (Guarino & Bassuk, 2011).

To make it worse such individuals have no housing vouchers. In the circumstances that the vouchers are available, they still face difficulties in turning the vouchers into decent housing. The vulnerable economic conditions and increased levels of housing for disclosures worsen the housing situations of these families. Studies indicate that during the 2008 economic recession, the number of homelessness increased by over nine percent (Herman, Conover, Felix, Nakagawa & Mills, 2007).

In fact, families that find themselves homeless normally experience residential instability as well as community disconnections. Further, studies indicate that families headed by women have increased vulnerability of becoming homeless (Guarino & Bassuk, 2011; Geller & Bassuk, 2006). The reason is that single woman parents have insufficient access to programs geared towards eradicating poverty as well as childcare support. Moreover, single mother have increased multiple roles to play ranging from being the breadwinners to homemakers. The reasons explain why over single families headed by women account for over 84% of the homelessness.

Strategies Applied by the Government to Address Homelessness

Given the current situation of homelessness, policy makers often find it difficult to formulate a comprehensive policy framework that would completely address the current needs of the homeless individuals. Before, the federal policy on homelessness focused its efforts towards ending acute homeless among individuals of advanced age or the elderly (Geller & Bassuk, 2006). In most cases, the federal government through the policy supported the states or local governments plans geared towards ending acute homelessness among the elderly individuals.

The support was being provided through Housing First Approaches (HFP) that rapidly provided housing to the needy individuals. Through the program, chronically needy people have been provided with decent shelters regardless of whether they have met certain conditions (Geller & Bassuk, 2006; Herman et al., 2007).

The Corporation for Supportive Housing (TCSH) argues that approximately over eighty percent of supportive housing leaseholders tend to preserve their housing for a minimum of one year and engage in meaningful and productive services (Herman et al., 2007).

The agency further noted that the use of more expensive services such as criminal justice system and emergency healthcare decreases. The Federal Collaborative Initiative to end Chronic Homelessness (FCICH) indicated that the provision of descent housing contributes to the family stability and reduced usage of public utilities as well as reduced healthcare costs (Geller & Bassuk, 2006). Even though the federal policies were aimed at accomplishing the stated benefits, fewer quantities of funds were allocated to only one group of homeless people. The policy framework assumed the statuses of the homeless families.

In 2010, the Interagency Council on Homeless (ICH) issued all-inclusive strategic plan aimed at preventing and ending homelessness. In fact, the strategic plan majorly focused on homeless families particularly with minors. The strategic plan called upon the government agencies at all levels to put their resources collectively towards providing descent housing to the homeless families (Guarino & Bassuk, 2011). The policy framework was supported by various legislations allowing government agencies at all levels to adopt collaborative approach in order to prevent and stop homeless within the population. Within the last five years, the policy has made remarkable achievements regarding the provision of descent housing particularly to the acute needy families.

In fact, the policy framework has increased the collaborative efforts between the private and public sectors geared towards reducing chronic homelessness. Besides, the pubic-private sector partnership have contributed hugely to the reduction of chronically-ill sub-group of homeless individuals as well as persons that have experienced homelessness for longer periods (Guarino & Bassuk, 2011). The strategic plan has also provided a roadmap through which tragic housing problems can be addressed among the sub-groups of homeless people. In fact, the policy ensures interagency collaboration at all levels of government, help in strengthening the collaborative efforts of the private-public sectors partnerships both at the state and local government levels and align mainstream resources towards stopping and preventing homeless.

Local Government Intervention Programs

At the local government level, the policy provides a framework on how various projects and programs should work to attain the desired outcome. In fact, all programs focusing on homeless families should emphasize on activities that address the need of individual families. At minimum, the programs at the local government level should focus on rapidly re-housing the families (Geller & Bassuk, 2006). Local governments are supposed to participate on funding the programs efforts geared towards rapidly re-housing the families. In addition, local governments should support programs that rapidly respond to the immediate requirements of the families.

Moreover, the local governments have the responsibility of linking housing projects with government services and support (Geller & Bassuk, 2006). Collaboratively, the local governments and various programs operating within the jurisdiction are supposed to assess families and come up with individualized housing and support services plans that take into consideration the needs of individual homeless families.

The section of the study provides the methods of gathering the required information to answer the research questions and hypothesis. The methodology used in any study should be judged by the manner in which it informs the research purposes. Essentially, the aim of the research methodology is to provide data that responds to the research issues, present logical background assumptions and to ensure that techniques used account for the credibility of the study results.

The Study Design

As indicated, the study will utilized a survey as the method of data collection. The survey method of data collection is chosen due to its effectiveness in reaching out to the respondents and the quality of the obtained data. The desired data for this novel study will be obtained through administering self-designed survey questionnaires..Moreover, the data will be gathered from respondents selected through random sampling procedures.

In other words, the empirical data will be collected within the specified number of participants. In addition, the number of participants will be limited to a few numbers of respondents and will be chosen through simple random sampling procedures. Besides, in terms of data analysis, integrated statistical analysis tools including Microsoft office applications and statistical software have been applied. The analyzed data will be presented through the application of Line graphs, tables as well as statistical bar charts. Further, the methods of data collection are chosen due to the reliability and validity of the obtained results.

Population and Research Sample

The study focused on whether the federal government is supporting local governments to reduce homelessness. Moreover, the study is focused on actions taken by various local government agencies to reduce the homelessness. Therefore, all the representatives of various agencies focusing their efforts towards reducing homelessness were deemed viable for the study. However, only a small number of participants were selected through random sampling procedures and depending on the frequency with which they were involved in the actions geared towards reducing the homelessness. In addition, other attributes including type of the organization particularly the government sponsored were also taken into consideration. From the total number of representatives that could have been sampled, just 10 participants from various agencies particularly from homeless outreach Miami Beach were selected via a technique dubbed as convenience simple random sampling strategy. The self-administered survey was conducted, which helped in addressing the formulated research questions.

The study procedures are divided into various activities that are allocated certain duration in which they are supposed to be completed. Besides, the study is divided into four main parts including preparation, data collection and analysis as well as writing the research paper. In preparation, sequential activities begin with the consultation of the supervisor to provide guidelines on selecting the research topic, designing the study, creating the study questionnaire as well as acquiring the study literature.

Data Collection Procedures

As one of the most important studies, the required information were collected through administering properly well-designed survey questionnaires to unbiased selected participants. The soundly designed survey questionnaires were administered to 20 participants. Each part of the questionnaires constituted of key items that suitably attend to the research questions. For instance, part one constituted the possible causes of homeless in Miami while other parts will generate insights on the government intervention methods and aids towards reducing homelessness. Some items in the questionnaire threw light on efforts of various agencies towards doing away with the problem of homelessness.

Data Analysis

To obtain the best correlation approximation values, the study quantitative data analysis were carried out by utilizing the integrated Statistical Analysis Tool (WISAT). In addition, the data were also analyzed through the application of various techniques including statistical analytical software such as the SPSS to come with measures such as percentages, frequency distribution and deviations to help in the understanding of the type of correlation between the variables. The techniques were used to determine the research respondents’ proportions that chose various responses. The methods were also applied for each group of items available in the questionnaire that ideally corresponded to the formulated research question and objectives. Line graphs, tables as well as statistical bar charts were used to make sure that quantitative data analysis is simply comprehensible.

Assumptions

The major assumption in this study is that all the procedures would be successful. However, various problems have to be encountered and sorted out. In addition, it was assumed that the methods applied would provide the desired data. Further, the study assumed that there would be one hundred percent response from the survey questionnaires. In other words, the study assumed that all the respondents would return the questionnaires with all the questions answered.

Limitations

Given the kind of research study that were carried out, the stipulated timeframe might hindered the full investigation and covering of all the required aspects as well as the parameters. Moreover, most of the factors were not easily measured since such variables are non-quantifiable. The limitations were anticipated to pose considerable threats when the gathered research data were to be evaluated and consequently analysed.

The findings indicate that the federal government is hugely supporting the local governments in their efforts towards reducing homelessness in their various cities. In fact, the federal government is supporting the local governments through various interventions particularly providing a policy framework and guidelines, which the local government agencies base their operations. In addition, the federal government support the local government programs through the provision of funds and technical capabilities critical in attaining their set objectives. However, the findings indicate that the federal government still focus on the chronic cases of homelessness.

Various government agencies are currently focusing their efforts towards reduction and prevention of homelessness in US. In particular, the federal government through policy intervention and promotion of private-public sector partnerships have managed to support the local governments on their efforts aimed at reducing the cases of homelessness among all groups. Therefore, the hypothesis that the US government is supporting the local governments to reduce homelessness in several cities of jurisdiction is supported by the findings of this study.

The study is very limited in terms of scope design and resources. In fact, the anticipation of this study is that it should inform further research. Therefore, further studies should increase the scope of the study to make the results have reliable and valid conclusions. In addition, the study is limited to only one organization dealing with homelessness. In other words, many government and non-government agencies need to be studied in order to come up with valid and reliable conclusion.

Bassuk, E. L. (2010). Ending child homelessness in America. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 80 (4), 496–504. Web.

Geller, S. & Bassuk, E. L. (2006). The role of housing and services in ending family homelessness. Housing Policy Debate, 17 (4), 781–806. Web.

Guarino, K., & Bassuk, E. (2011). Working with families experiencing homelessness. Journal of Zero To Three: National Center for Infants, Toddlers, and Families, 30 (3), 11–20. Web.

Herman, D., Conover, S., Felix, A., Nakagawa, A. & Mills, D. (2007). Critical time intervention: An empirically supported model for preventing homelessness in high risk groups. Journal of Primary Prevention, 28 , 295-312. Web.

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Lawrence tries new approach to homeless solutions

TOPEKA, Kan. (WIBW) - Homelessness is on the rise in the US and cities everywhere are looking for solutions, like right here in northeast Kansas, where Topeka and nearby Lawrence are taking two different approaches.

Lawrence will close its only city-sanctioned homeless camp on April 15. A process similar to Topeka’s homeless camp abatements is underway.

“What we’re doing is working with each individual encampment, the individuals within that encampment and trying to come up with a solution to leave the encampment,” explains Misty Bosch-Hastings, director of Lawrence’s homeless solutions division.

“I’m trying to help people get the heck out of here before they do plow everything,” says Tim Olson, resident of the city-sanctioned camp.

But, as in Topeka, this begs questions about where they’re supposed to go once the camps are cleared.

“The problem is growing every day, and to try to still use the same methods of solving this, it’s just not working,” Bosch-Hastings says.

Topeka officials are directing unsheltered people to an online map resource to find the handful of city-owned properties they can camp legally. In Lawrence, a case manager walks them through various choices, like the community shelter, a different camp or the pallet village.

“That is for individuals that are chronically homeless but also have one of those identifying factors of veteran, elderly, disabled, or someone fleeing domestic violence,” says Bosch-Hastings.

Funded through a contract between the city and community shelter, each 64 sq ft unit has a bed, heat, and A/C. Bathrooms, showers and laundry are available on-site.

“A lot of cities they just refuse to take that lead and I’m proud to work for the city of Lawrence because they’re willing to take that lead, and they were willing to make the investments needed to start the process of ending chronic homelessness,” Bosch-Hastings says.

Bosch-Hastings’ previous work at the Topeka Rescue Mission gives her unique insight into both cities’ approaches to homelessness. She says its time for decision makers to step up.

“Instead of, you know, getting upset and being tired of seeing these camps and certain areas of Topeka, you know, it’s time to think what can we do as a city to create solutions instead of just penalizing people and that does nothing,” she says.

Olson will move into the pallet village soon.

“It’s been real rough and it’s real hard right now with the way everything is now all our friends are ripped out of here,” he says.

He has some reservations but says it could still be an effective solution.

“Just long as people are willing to do what they want us to do,” he says referring to the standards and rules for living in the pallet village. “I think actually, it’s probably not a bad thing. There’s a lot of people who need a little initiative to get their kick in the butt.”

Once someone has moved into the pallet village, a case manager works with them to find and secure permanent housing.

13 News has yet to independently confirm how much it cost to develop and open the pallet village but Bosch-Hastings points to published reports that ballpark the number around $2.2 Million.

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National City rejects camping ban but will start enforcing existing laws in parks, public streets

The city may study other ways to address homelessness, including establishing a safe-sleeping zone, building tiny homes or offering low-barrier mental health services

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National City will not adopt a homeless camping ban — at least for now. But it will start enforcing existing laws that prohibit lodging in parks and public streets if the public’s health and safety are at risk.

At a Tuesday City Council meeting, officials also agreed on the need to conduct a feasibility study of other alternatives for addressing the city’s growing unsheltered population, such as creating a safe sleeping zone, building tiny homes or offering mental health services with minimal entry requirements.

Council members were considering a proposed ordinance modeled after San Diego’s ban that prohibited encampments on public property as long as shelter beds were available. These ordinances have been written to be in accordance with the Martin v. Boise federal ruling that makes it unlawful to prosecute people for sleeping on streets if they have nowhere else to stay.

The National City proposal would also have made it illegal, regardless of shelter availability, to camp anywhere within two blocks of a school, at any transit hub or along trolley tracks, and in any waterway or natural area abutting a waterway. The city would also have to enforce the ban, even without shelter space, whenever an encampment threatened the public’s health and safety.

Such an ordinance would equip National City with another tool to address a rise in homelessness as more cities, such as neighboring Chula Vista, consider adopting bans, Mayor Ron Morrison said. He worries that the small South County city has too few resources to help an influx of unsheltered people who may relocate from other jurisdictions.

“We have always said we want to take care of our homeless but we can’t take care of everybody’s homeless,” he said. “There’s no resources here to do that.”

In addition to pursuing a feasibility study, officials directed city staff to start enforcing existing municipal codes prohibiting overnight camping on public rights-of-way and at parks when encampments pose a danger to the public’s health and safety.

The Council was cautious about adopting an anti-camping law without first exploring other options and knowing whether a forthcoming faith-based shelter — the first shelter of any kind in National City — would require religious participation from homeless people.

The San Diego Rescue Mission, a faith-based nonprofit with shelters in San Diego and Oceanside, plans to open the shelter sometime in the summer. It converted a former church at 2400 Euclid Ave. into a 30-day homeless shelter and navigation center. The organization will offer 162 beds to anyone in San Diego County but prioritize an unspecified number of beds for National City homeless people, said Paul Armstrong, vice president of programs with the Rescue Mission.

Councilmember Marcus Bush questioned how the city could successfully enforce a camping ban if people refuse to move their encampments because they may not want to go to a religious shelter.

Martin v. Boise ruled that a city “cannot, via the threat of prosecution, coerce an individual to attend religion-based treatment programs consistently with the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment.”

City Attorney Barry Schultz said the point of the ordinance is to address encampments that pose a danger to the public “and we’re gonna want them to move their encampments. Now, whether they move to a religious facility or anywhere else, not really our concern.”

Armstrong said the Rescue Mission does not have a religious requirement and that it operates ”just as any other low-barrier shelter in the county.”

When it comes to current fieldwork, National City has only a code enforcement officer and a homelessness service coordinator, known as the Homeless Outreach and Mobile Engagement (HOME) Team, who connect unsheltered people with county services and other resources.

Since their start nearly a year ago, those two city employees have connected 89 people to services and placed 25 into housing. About 90 others have rejected services, said Coordinator Qiana Williamson.

The annual homeless point-in-time counts, which are typically conducted on a single early morning in January and often result in undercounts, have shown a steady rise in homelessness in National City. There were 125 unsheltered people in 2020, 149 in 2022 and 159 in 2023.

The city only has anecdotal information from the HOME Team that it is seeing an “influx of unsheltered individuals” from San Diego since that city’s camping ban went into effect.

Williamson said most who are relocating to National City are settling under or near freeways, areas where the city has historically seen its largest concentrations of homeless people.

The proposed camping ban would not be enforceable in those locations, because they fall under Caltran’s jurisdiction.

Councilmember Luz Molina said the anti-camping law would push more homeless people toward freeway on- and off-ramps and underpasses, making those areas “worse than they already are.”

She suggested a feasibility study could help the city find more effective ways to address homelessness. Officials could designate funding from new district budgets to hire a consultant to carry out the study, she added.

Councilmember Jose Rodriguez said he would like the city to work more on preventative measures, such as limiting the construction of luxury apartments and implementing a mobile home rent-control law. A temporary ordinance expires in June.

The City Council could vote on executing a feasibility study and other measures and vet data on how many people from San Diego have relocated to National City by June.

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